cosmopolitanism

Links to my bibliography from A to Z:

A (this page)   B     C     D     E     F     G     H        I     J     K     L     

M     N     O     P       Q       R     S     T     U     V     W/X/Y/Z

If there is no abstract or notes, it means I took up the reference from some other documents. I usually quote the primary source however. You will find here the transcription of my endnotes files.

Last update: Dec 1st, 2012

1982. Judge Rejects suits for Translation. New York Times, 24 oct., 49.

1986. The Question of an Official Language: Language Rights and the English Language Amendment. International Journal of the Sociology of Language (60).

A l’origine du No. 60 de l’IJSL sur la question de la langue officielle et des droits linguistiques en 1986. In Oct. 1982, Edward R. Neaher, Federal Judge in Brooklyn, NY, rejected a law suit pleading that social security forms are discriminatory because they are not printed in Spanish:”The National Language of the USA is English”

(AACLME), Australian Advisory Council on Languages and Multicultural Education. 1991. Language is good business, at Melbourne. (AALC), reference from François Grin.
(1999). MULTICULTURALISM, a symposium on democracy in culturally diverse societies, Delhi.

Australian Language and Literacy Council. 1994. Speaking of business. The needs of business and industry for language skills. Canberra: National Board of Employment, Education and Training. Reference from François Grin

Abanto, A. (2011). Informe defensorial No. 152 Aportes para una policia nacional EIB a favor de los pueblos indigenas del Peru. World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People (WIPCE 2011). Cusco, Peru.

First met in Lima thanks to Miryam Yataco.

She’s delighted to meet so many authors and finds it a great opportunity to find ideas for Peru and beyond. As in many ombudsman cases, the Defensoria considers the indigenous questions as a priority. Their goal is that the State improves its attention to the education of the Indigenous Peoples. She explains her investigation.on competencies. Defending the Rights and checking that the public institutions respect the regulations. In Peru, young Indigenous people do not receive a quality education. Alicia and her colleagues wondered how the institutions were managing the issue and justified such a situation. ‘We are not only lawyers but also supervisors’. They thus decided to supervise the implementation of the public policy regarding Bilingual Education in Peru.  She then went on explaining how this implies working with various entities and making sure that the number of teachers is adequate.This meant working with 5 directions depending from the Ministry of Eduction and all the regional governments, i.e. 16 Directions on regional education, 50 local education management units and 54 education institutions (Andean and Amazonian schools of all kinds ). The result of the survey clearly indicate a lack of bilingual educators and even those who exist are not adequately trained considering the diversity of the Amazonian languages especially. She gives an intermediary number of 57 indigenous languages in Peru. The Teachers Training schools for indigenous language are extremely few (about 5 on a total of 30 such schools) and moreover, there is no correspondence between the presence of indigenous languages and the nearby schools and universities or teachers’ training schools. She also notes a dramatic lack of enrollment in teaching carreers for indigenous languages. Since 2007, a terrible decision from the government forbids school entry for those who didn’t get a mark of 14. This was very detrimental for indigenous languages, particularly in the Amazone region. She deplores a lack of political commitment and a lack of vision regarding this regulation that shouldn’t apply to indigenous peoples. She even goes further in considering the fact that teachers of indigenous languages who in fact do not qualify can be assimilated to blatant corruption in getting a position they do not deserve. She clearly points at the regional governement Whereas they are obvious efforts in the Andean languages education, it is clear that Amazonian languages are clearly discrimated since only 15 of the existing 55 amazonian languages are studied and taught. Another problem is that self-appointed indigenous language specialists are clearly unqualified. Throughout the whole country there is a decrease in bilingual intercultural education (BIE). Information is insufficient regarding the demand in BIE and the technical definitions of BIE services are not clearly determined. There is as well a lack of coordinatin between the various services. Recommendations for a new BIE plan:

• Creation of a national committee on BIE

• Adequate training of teachers in all the indigenous languages

• Ensuring the availability of educative material

• Cleaning up the mess

• Creating a linguistic and ethnic map based on an offical census of indigenous populations.

This presentation went well over the time limit and all participants received a copy of her book as well as a CD from UNESCO entitled “I have the right to be taught in my language”
Ravie de rencontrer autant d’auteurs. Une chance pour trouver des idées au Pérou et dans le Monde . Comme beaucoup d’ombudsman, la Defensoria considère les questions autochtones comme prioritaires.  Travaille pour que l’Etat améliore son attention à l’éducation des Peuples Autochtones. Explique son travail de recherche sur la compétence. Défendre les Droits et vérifier que les institutions publiques se conforment aux législations en vigueur. Au Pérou, les jeunes autochtones ne reçoivent pas une éducation de qualité. Nous nous sommes posé la question de la gestion des institutions qui expliquent ce problème. Non seulement nous sommes les avocats mais également les superviseurs.

Se sont proposés de superviser l’implémentation de la politique publique de l’Education Interculturelle bilingue au Pérou.

Spécifiquement: évaluer la gestion des entités du secteur de l’Education en matière d’Education Interculturelle bilingue (EIB), Vérifier si l’offre des enseignants est suffisante.

Travaillent avenc 5 directions dépendant du minisètre de l’Education (DIGEIBIR, DIGEBR, DIGESUTP, PLANMED, UPER) et les gouvernements régionaux à savoir 16 directions régionales de l’education (DRE)  50 UNITéS DE GESTION éDUCATIVE LOCALES ugel, ET 54 institutions éducatives (écoles de tous ordres andins ou amazoniens)

Résultat de l’Enquête:  nombre insuffisant d’éducateurs bilingues et ceux qui le sont sont insuffisamment formés à la diversité des langues amazoniennes. Au Pérou, première conclusion, pas assez d’enseignants par rapport aux élèves autochtones et ceux-ci ont une formation insuffisante ou inappropriée. 57 langues autochtones environ au Pérou au moins. Les écoles de formation des Maitres qui enseignent les langues autochtones sont nettement insufisantes (5 instituts dans tout le pays sur un total d’une trentaine). Là où il y a des peuples autochtones, il n’existe pas, dans les universités locales, une offre de formation en langue autochtones. Par ailleurs, de moins en moins de candidats se présentent pour une carrière dans l’enseignement des langues autochtones. Depuis 2007, une décision nocive du Gouvernement interdit l’entrée à l’école des élèves qui n’avait pas obtenu une note suffisante. Dans les zones amazoniennes, le total d’instituts de formation et d’universités et de candidats est très faible. Manque de volonté politique et manque de vision que la règle générale ne devrait pas s’appliquer aux peuples autochtones. On peut même parler de corruption dans ce domaine car l’argent est détourné. Les gouvernements régionaux ont une grande responsabilité dans cette situation. Il existe des programmes pour les langues andines mais pas pour les langues amazoniennes. Il est nécessaire de diversifier les orientations dans le domaine des langues afin d’équilibrer cet état de fait. Seules 15 des 55  langues amazoniennes sont étudiées. Un autre problème est que les spécialistes n’en sont pas vraiment!!!!

On observe une baisse dans tout le pays du service d’éducation interculturelle bilingue. Il n’existe pas une information suffisante sur la demande éducative en EIB et de normes techniques pour définir les services d’ÊIB. Pas assez de coordination entre les différents services.

Recommandations: un nouveau plan d’EIB:

• Un comité national sur l’EIB
• Formation appropriée des enseignants dans toutes les langues
• Garantir la disponibilité de matiériel éducatif
• renforcer la direction d’EIB qui devrait développer des programmes.
• Mettre de l’ordre!
• Créer une carte linguistique et ethnique et faire un recensement officiel sur les populations autochtones. 

Nous offre son bouquin. 

 other links: post with Alicia Abanto’s 2010 article

Abbi, A., Ed. (1996). Languages of tribal and indigenous peoples of India: the ethnic space. Delhi, Motilal Banarsidas. Edited by ANVITA ABBI. MLBD Series in Linguistics, vol. 10. Delhi: MOTILAL BANARSIDASS, 1997. Pp. xiv + 494, introduction, appendix, index. Rs 595.

Given the fact that the 1981 Census of India calculates the population of Scheduled Tribes at 51.63 million, comprising nearly eight percent of the total population of the country, it is a pity that not more attention is being focused on this neglected sector of Indian society. Part of the reason, of course, is political. Gaining access to the communities in question is often difficult, if not impossible. Thus, at a time when the study of adivasi languages is in decline in Europe and North America, this volume is a welcome addition to the sociological and linguistic literature on the tribal peoples of India. Moreover, it demonstrates the strength of sociolinguistic research in India, for many of the contributions in the volume are written by scholars working in Indian institutions. Not only does the volume cover a broad range of topics, but it also includes a number of useful charts, maps, and tables to assist the non-initiated reader in visualizing the demography and areal spread of India’s indigenous languages.

In addition to the introduction written by the editor, the volume consists of twenty-six essays arranged in seven sections, beginning with two thematic sets – quest for identity (Abbi, Annamalai, Emeneau, K. S. Singh, Kubchandani, Hasnain) and contact/convergence (Mohanty, Israel, Abbi) – then followed by the linguistic designations Indo-Aryan (Zoller), Dravidian (Andronov, Pilot-Raichoor, Mahapatra), Austro-Asiatic (Bhat, A. Zide, Starosta, N. Zide, Ishtiaq, Nagaraja, Philip), Tibeto-Burman (Sharma, Yashwanta Singh, Subbarao and Lalitha, Abbi and Victor, Aggarawal), and Andamanese (Manoharan).

Although the introduction by Abbi begins in a romantic tone, noting that the “peace-loving, self-contented” tribal groups “fell back on Nature [sic], the forest for shelter and sustenance” (p. 5) in the face of modernization and industrialization, it soon moves on to important issues relating to ethnolinguistic identity. Abbi reaffirms that allegiance to a specific tongue is a basic marker of tribal identity, and she also underscores the need to move away from the false notion that tribal languages should somehow be equated with the “primitive” or the “underdeveloped.” Without a doubt, India’s indigenous languages are as complex, if not more so, than the modern IA vernaculars.

Abelin, P. (2012). Daniel Cohn-Bendit in Basel: “Israeli und Palästinenser müssen ihre Traüme begrenzen! Tachles. Zürich.

Fast auf den Tag genau 115 Jahre nach dem ersten Zionistenkongress stand das Stadtcasino Basel erneut im Zeichen des Nahen Ostens.(…) Das Keranliengen des NIF (New Israel Fund) sei das Existenzrecht Israels, aber auch die “kompromisslose Einhaltung der Demokratie” auf der Basis der jüdishen Werte und der Unabhängigkeitserkrärung.(…)Es gebe keinen Konflikt, den man nicht lösen könne -man müsse es nur wollen.As Erster habe (Dani) sich schon 1973 für ene Zweitstaatenlösung ausgesprochen und dabein in Israel zunächst aggressive Kritik geernted. Und auch heute noch vertrete er diese Position. “Wir leben weder in der Thora norch im Koran, sondern in der Uno”, rief der begnadete Rhetoriker in den bis auf den letzen Platz gefüllten Saal: “Palästinenser und Israeli müsen ihre Träume begrenzen”. Mit einem Israel in den Grenzen von 1967 und einem Verzicht der Palästineser auf das Rückkehrrecht liesse sich auch dieses Problem lösen. Dabei sei die Sicherong der Demarkationslinien in einer Übergangszeit von einer internationalen Schutztruppe zu gewährleisen. Und Europa komme die Rolle einger “Hebamme”(ndrm: midwife) für die zwei Staaten zu. Die einzige Alternative zu dieser Lösung besteht gemäss Cohn-Bendit in einem gemeinsamen Staat: “dort hätten die Juden aber nicht mehr die Mehrheit”

Abella, Irving, and Harold Troper. 1991. None is Too Many. Toronto: Lester. Cité par Neil Bisoondath, Bissoondath, N. (1995). Le Marché aux Illusions: la méprise du multiculturalisme. Montréal, Boréal. p. 49:

Irving Abella et Harold Troper écrivent: pp. xxii-xxiii”Si, contrairement aux Etats-Unis, le Canada n’a jamais fixé de quotas à des groups particuliers, le gouvernement appliquait néanmoins une politique d’immigration restrictive avec des préférences ouvertement raciales et ethniques. Soutenu par le public, il savait quels groupes ethniques ou raciaux il voulait et comment s’y prendre pour fermer la porte à ceux dont il ne voulaient pas (…). Les groupes qui ne cadraient pas dans cette conception nationale – en particulier les Juifs, les Asiatiques et les Noirs- étaient le plus souvent relégués au bas des listes”

 

Abid-Houcine, S. (2006). Plurilinguisme en Algérie, Sidi Bel Abbès.

—————– (2007). Enseignement et éducation en langues étrangères en Algérie: la compétition entre le français et l’anglais. L’anglais et les cultures: carrefour ou frontière? . D. Romy-Masliah and L. Aronin. Paris, Revue Droit et Cultures, L’Harmattan. 54.

Abou, Sélim. 1981. L’identité Culturelle: Relations interethniques et problèmes d’acculturation. Edited by P. Vallaud, Collection Pluriel. Paris: Anthropos.

Abu-Laban, Yasmeen and Stasiulus, Daiva (1992), ‘Ethnic pluralism under siege: popular and partisan opposition to multiculturalism’, Canadian Public Policy, 4 (18), 365-86.

Achard, P. 1993. La Sociologie du Langage, Que-Sais-Je? Paris: PUF.

Ackerman, Bruce (1980), Social justice in the liberal state (New Haven: Yale University Press).

Adachi, Ken. 1976. The Enemy that Never Was. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.

Adams, Phillip. 1994. A cultural revolution. In Australian Cinema, edited by S. Murray. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin.

Adelaar, S. 1995. Borneo as a crossroads for comparative Austronesian linguistics. In The Austronesians: historical and comparative perspectives, 75-94, edited by P. Bellwood, J. Fox and D. Tryon. Canberra: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies (ANU), Department of Anthropology. ref. trouvée sur le web

Adelman, H., A. Borowski, M. Burstein, and L. Foster, eds. 1994. Immigration and Refugee Policy: Australia and Canada Compared. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press.

146-147: The potential imnpact on multiculturalism of a hardeing of opinion against immigration was raised for debate in Australia during the deliberation of the Committee to Advise on Austraia’s Immigration Policies (CAAP 1988). tHE REPORT OF THIS  Committee argued that “community suspicion of multiculturalism is considerable” (p.11). The main reason for this was the perception that multiculturalism is a policy for sectional “ethnic interests”, rather than Australians as a whole. Nonetheless the committee reasserted the argument that immigration policy is not driven by multiculturalism. While this judgement is an accurate one, the existence of perceptions that policy is driven by sectional “multicultural lobbies” may have added to a hardening of attitudes to immigration iself.
The problem is rather one of conceptual ambiguity between multiculturalism as a form of separaatist cultural pluralism, and the current policy rationale for multiculturalism as a component of a liberal-democratic framework of social citizenship rights.
First, there is evidence in Australia, as in Canada, of a recent hardening of attitudes among the general public to prevailing levels of immigration, and more specifically, to refugees. Economic immigrants with relevant skills are the preferred category of immigrant.
148: Multiculturalism in Canada has been seriously contrained by funding limits, and increasingly limited to the “creative” and performing arts.
In Australia, push to “mainstream” access to and equity in particiation for non-Englis-speaking immigrants over the full range of governement programs and services. What remains unclear in Australia is how far public opinion accepts multiculturalism as one component of a universalistic social justice program, and how far it is perceived a s a particularistic and divisive “pro-ethnic” policy incompatible with social cohesion,
174: The politics of language is inherently more complex in Canada both because of the bilingual nature of the country and the earlier emergence of ethnicity as a salient socio-political factor in Canadian society. An official language politcy can be said to have been put in place with the British North America Act of 1867; the nation’s “official” bilingualism became more firmly entrenched after the  Bilingualism and Biculturalism Commission of 1967 when the Trudeau pronouncements of 1971 linked bilingualism to multiculturalism.

Until 1987, Australia did not have an explicit official language policy. Prior to that time, English wa sde facto the official language and langauge policy was retricted to legislation which spelt out the responsibility of the federal goverment for the Adult Migrant Education Program (AMEP)  and the Child Migrant Education Program (CMEP) ; in both of which the teaching of English as a second language (TESL) was the central component. Australia, with a highly diversified population due largely to multi-ethnic immigration, approaches the twenty-first centruy with the domination of the English language basically unchallenged.
195: A significant aspect of Australia’s immigratio intatke, though outside its offical immigration  program, is the unrestricted entry into Australi of New Zealand citizens as part of the reciprocal arrangement between Australia and New Zealand which underpins the Closer Economic Relationship (CER). New Zealand entrants can be understood as an unregulated demand-driven category of “immigrants” outside the immigration program.
207: Mainstream langauge ability is important because it appears to be a key to successful settlmenet, both economic and social.
When the numbers were expanded in 1986, Hong Kong immigration skyrocketed (due to the politcial situation and new computerized processing facilities. A significant proportion of these entrants spoke neither English nor French. After 1988, this movment was partially squeezed out by family migration and “replaced” by “independent” migration destined for Quebec. This in turn increased the number of French-speaking or bilingual immigrants and accounted for the increase in the ratio beginning in 1989.
324: The volume of Mexican migration to the United States has been large and growing absulutedly from the 1960s to the 1980s, though the percentage have been relativeley constant, from 13,3 % in the decade of 1960 to about 12% in the 1980s (about 14.8% in 1988). A similar pattern applies for total Hispanic immigration from all souces to the United States.The major transformation in American migration patterns has been the drop in European migration and the increase in Asian migration.
In Canada, we note that the percetnage of Hispanic migrants rose form 0.2% for the years 1946-55 to about 8-9% for the years 1985-87 (Mata 1988, p. 16)
325: Asian migrants, including refugees, are most mobile. During the 1980s they have comprised 30-40% of the total immigrant proportion to Australia. But these percentages are similar to those for the US, and lower than those for Canada, where Asian immigrants comprised 440-50% of the intake throughout the 1980s and into the early 1990s. On the other hand, black Africans move least and if anywhere to Europe, though increasing numbers of Somalis are arriving in Canada. r
Refugees from Argentina, Chile, Haiti or Cuba move to the US (and Canada).
327: Countries like Canada, the United States, Australia, and to a lesser extent Western Europe are doubly fortunate. While they are the countries with the greatest economic ability (and land mass) to absorb refugees and additional population, they are also farthest remvoed from the source countries.
331-332: The advantaged position of Canada and Australia bears repeating. Each country has a very low density, three per square kilometer. Many of the currently non-habitable or un-inhabited areas may be still judged to be preferable alternative sites for refugees, particularly when adequately financed and perhaps developed. Of cournse, th ere would be enormous expense associated with making parts of Canaea and Australia habitable for large populations, and encouraging settlers to remain in the presently uninhabited areas.
270: it has become a truism that australia is a “lucky country” which has run out of luck. but when Donald Horne invented this term, he was not referring to the luck of its resources, whether minerals or beaches, but rather to “the idea of Australia as a derived society” and particularly the lcuck lived on by the second-rate provicial-minded leites which were reared in an era of self-congratulation on “national achievements that came mainly from foreign innovation .

Adnan, A. H. M. (2010). ““***k! It’s just the way we talk-lah!” Language, culture and identity in a Malaysian underground music community.”
Let me thank Airil for having sent me details about this research which actually contradicts some of my own conclusions on English…but which I welcome all the more!

ABSTRACT: The use of expletives and curse words is usually frowned upon in society and in all forms of communication. However, this is perhaps an essentialist statement given the fact that some social groups or sub-communities (of practice), deliberately choose to use expletives as a marker of common and shared identity. This qualitative study takes up the challenge of studying such a community made up of young Malaysians who are active in the urban underground music scene, based on their narratives of identity. Data was collected using semi-structured interviews and samples of written narratives from online discussions together with texts in weblogs maintained by members of the community and their fans. This research effort sought to find out firstly, the linguistic choices made by members of this community particularly in using English expletives from naming their underground bands to in-group communicative exchanges. The second focus was to understand the reasons behind the use of English and its expletives by members of this community vis-à-vis their mother tongues. The results of this study suggest that the linguistic choices made by members of this community are influenced by a complex interplay of discourse, groupthink, music genre, and a case of rebelling against the accepted social norms of a conservative South East Asian society. All of these led to the manifestation and expression of a new identity – the young Malaysian (English language user) underground music scene trendsetter – that transcends constrictive and prescriptive social categories like ethnic background, ethnic culture and Eastern morality.

(2010). Losing language, losing identity, losing out – the case of Malaysian Orang Asli (native) children.
ABSTRACT:
This study confronts critical issues in intercultural communication and the teaching of majority/minority languages to the wider population in developing nations. Using Malaysia and the English language as cases in point, this paper reports on the ‘stories’ of Malaysian Orang Asli (native or original peoples) who are being taught English as a third or even fourth language at primary and secondary levels. Through the voices of English language teachers and Orang Asli community leaders from two rural settings in Malaysia, this research suggests that the teaching and learning of English within these rural communities are fraught with intercultural misunderstandings and pedagogical complications, leading to the overall underperformance of young Orang Asli learners. Using a narrative approach to collect data, this research brings forward the intimate views of stakeholders in the teaching profession and the actual minority communities with reference to language, culture and identity – views that are normally lost within the national education system of developing nations. To conclude, I suggest that finding a way forward for Orang Asli children to acquire the national language Bahasa Malaysia, English and their own unique mother tongues will take more than just top-down planning and blanket policies. A language like English for example, is not only alien to most members of this minority group but the teaching of this language, in a way, could also be seen as systematically disempowering the Orang Asli within the Malaysian education system.

Adelman, H., A. Borowski, et al., Eds. (1994). Immigration and Refugee Policy: Australia and Canada Compared. Melbourne, Melbourne University Press.

146-147:  The potential imnpact on multiculturalism of a hardeing of opinion against immigration was raised for debate in Australia during the deliberation of the Committee to Advise on Austraia’s Immigration Policies (CAAP 1988). tHE REPORT OF THIS  Committee argued that “community suspicion of multiculturalism is considerable”  (p.11). The main reason for this was the perception that multiculturalism is a policy for sectional “ethnic interests”, rather than Australians as a whole. Nonetheless the committee reasserted the argument that immigration policy is not driven by multiculturalism. While this judgement is an accurate one, the existence of perceptions that policy is driven by sectional “multicultural lobbies” may have added to a hardening of attitudes to immigration iself.

The problem is rather one of conceptual ambiguity between multiculturalism as a form of separaatist cultural pluralism, and the current policy rationale for multiculturalism as a component of a liberal-democratic framework of social citizenship rights.

First, there is evidence in Australia, as in Canada, of a recent hardening of attitudes among the general public to prevailing levels of immigration, and more specifically, to refugees. Economic immigrants with relevant skills are the preferred category of immigrant.

148: Multiculturalism in Canada has been seriously contrained by funding limits, and increasingly limited to the “creative” and performing arts.

In Australia, push to “mainstream” access to and equity in particiation for non-Englis-speaking immigrants over the full range of governement programs and services. What remains unclear in Australia is how far public opinion accepts multiculturalism as one component of a universalistic social justice program, and how far it is perceived a s a particularistic and divisive “pro-ethnic” policy incompatible with social cohesion,

174: The politics of language is inherently more complex in Canada both because of the bilingual nature of the country and the earlier emergence of ethnicity as a salient socio-political factor in Canadian society. An official language politcy can be said to have been put in place with the British North America Act of 1867; the nation’s “official” bilingualism became more firmly entrenched after the  Bilingualism and Biculturalism Commission of 1967 when the Trudeau pronouncements of 1971 linked bilingualism to multiculturalism.

Until 1987, Australia did not have an explicit official language policy. Prior to that time, English wa sde facto the official language and langauge policy was retricted to legislation which spelt out the responsibility of the federal goverment for the Adult Migrant Education Program (AMEP)  and the Child Migrant Education Program (CMEP) ; in both of which the teaching of English as a second language (TESL) was the central component. Australia, with a highly diversified population due largely to multi-ethnic immigration, approaches the twenty-first centruy with the domination of the English language basically unchallenged.

195: A significant aspect of Australia’s immigratio intatke, though outside its offical immigration  program, is the unrestricted entry into Australi of New Zealand citizens as part of the reciprocal arrangement between Australia and New Zealand which underpins the Closer Economic Relationship (CER). New Zealand entrants can be understood as an unregulated demand-driven category of “immigrants” outside the immigration program.
207: Mainstream langauge ability is important because it appears to be a key to successful settlmenet, both economic and social.
When the numbers were expanded in 1986, Hong Kong immigration skyrocketed (due to the politcial situation and new computerized processing facilities. A significant proportion of these entrants spoke neither English nor French. After 1988, this movment was partially squeezed out by family migration and “replaced” by “independent” migration destined for Quebec. This in turn increased the number of French-speaking or bilingual immigrants and accounted for the increase in the ratio beginning in 1989.
324: The volume of Mexican migration to the United States has been large and growing absulutedly from the 1960s to the 1980s, though the percentage have been relativeley constant, from 13,3 % in the decade of 1960 to about 12% in the 1980s (about 14.8% in 1988). A similar pattern applies for total Hispanic immigration from all souces to the United States.The major transformation in American migration patterns has been the drop in European migration and the increase in Asian migration.
In Canada, we note that the percetnage of Hispanic migrants rose form 0.2% for the years 1946-55 to about 8-9% for the years 1985-87 (Mata 1988, p. 16)
325: Asian migrants, including refugees, are most mobile. During the 1980s they have comprised 30-40% of the total immigrant proportion to Australia. But these percentages are similar to those for the US, and lower than those for Canada, where Asian immigrants comprised 440-50% of the intake throughout the 1980s and into the early 1990s. On the other hand, black Africans move least and if anywhere to Europe, though increasing numbers of Somalis are arriving in Canada.
refugees from Argentina, Chile, Haiti or Cuba move to the US (and Canada).
327: Countries like Canada, the United States, Australia, and to a lesser extent Western Europe are doubly fortunate. While they are the countries with the greatest economic ability (and land mass) to absorb refugees and additional population, they are also farthest remvoed from the source countries.
331-332: The advantaged position of Canada and Australia bears repeating. Each country has a very low density, three per square kilometer. Many of the currently non-habitable or un-inhabited areas may be still judged to be preferable alternative sites for refugees, particularly when adequately financed and perhaps developed. Of cournse, th ere would be enormous expense associated with making parts of Canaea and Australia habitable for large populations, and encouraging settlers to remain in the presently uninhabited areas.
270: it has become a truism that australia is a “lucky country” which has run out of luck. but when Donald Horne invented this term, he was not referring to the luck of its resources, whether minerals or beaches, but rather to “the idea of Australia as a derived society” and particularly the lcuck lived on by the second-rate provicial-minded leites which were reared in an era of self-congratulation on “national achievements that came mainly from foreign innovation .

Adorno, T. W. and H. M. . (2002). Dialectic of Enlightenment. Stanford, Stanford UP. 

AFP-Jiji. 1999. Crocodile Dundee’s Death Puzzles the Police. The Japan Times, Aug.6, 5. Darwin, Australia.

Australian police Thursday sought the girlfriend of Rodney who was gunned down after killing a police officer.

Cherie Hewson, 28, was seen with Ansell Monday night when he shot at houses in bush land south of Darwin 12 hours before killing Sgt Glen Huitson at a roadblock on a dusty isolated track.
The barefut Ansell, a crack shot, fired from thick roadside scrub, hitting a motorist in the back and piercing a gap in Huitson’s bulletproof vest. His colleagues returned fire, killing Ansell,w ho was carrying no identity docuemnts. Assistant Commissioner John Daulby said police needed to speak with Hewson to find out what Ansell’s motive was, and why he did not flee
“If this person wanted to secret himself he could have easily done that. He was a bushman
Hewson had been with Ansell when he shot at a house around 2 hours before firing at another home where a man, woman and 10-year-old girl were sleeping.
It was a sorry end for the 44-year-old, who was the 1988 Territorian of the Year and the inspriation for the hugely sucessful “Crocodile Dundee” movies, which launched the endless Astralian outback into the movie theaters of urban US.
Paul Hogan based the Dundee character on Ansell after he survived starvation, isolation and  wild animals when lost in rugged Australian wilderness for 2 months in 1977.
He stayed alive by shooting shartks and buffaol and dinking their blood after a giant crocodile attacked his boat on the Fitzmaurice River. He was found by two Aborigines and a local white man who happened to be passing the remote area.
“I was sure no one would come looking for me, so I thought I’d wait until the wet season and then try to paddle out, but luckily there was an aboriginal station about 200 miles (320km) away and the tribe decided to visit their tribal land (the island) for the first time in 30 years” Ansell later said.
His story was picked up by the local paper , and Ansell became a hero.
Legend has it that when brought to Sydney to stay in a five-star hotel, he insisted on sleeping in his “swag”, a bushman’s canvas sleeping bag. But the blond, blue-eyed Ansell, who resembled Hogan, was reportedly bitter that he had never profited from the 2 multimillion -dollar blckbuster he inspired.
Many of the more memorable incidents in the first film came from Ansell’s own experience of being a fish out water when he traveled to sophisticated Sydney to publicise two books of his adventures.
Luke McCall, the white man who found Ansell in 1977 said he was unassuming and a “nice bloke”

Agarwal, S. (1995), Minorities in India: a study in communal process and minority rights (Jaipur: Arihant Publishing House).

Akcan, Sumru. 2004. Teaching Methodology in a French-Immersion Class. Bilingual Research Journal 28 (2):267-277.

Alatis, J.E., and J.J. Staczek, eds. 1970. Perpectives on Bilingualism and Bilingual Education. Georgetown: Georgetown University Press.

Al-Azmeh, Aziz. 2004. Une Question Post-Moderne. In L’identité. Paris: Editions La Decouverte.

Pour l’opinion publique, de toutes les régions du monde où la question est mise en avant comme le signe distinctif et totalisant du présent, le monde arabe apparaît , sans nul doute, comme la première(… ) le monde arabe semble marqué de façon indélébile, presque obsessionnelle: il y a les musulmans et les chrétiens du Liban et, à un moindre degré d’Egypte, les Arabes et les Berbères du Maghreb, les Arabes et les Kurdes, les sunnites et les chiites, les Assyriens et les Turkmen d’Irak, les Arabes et les Juifs de Palestines, les nationalistes et les islamistes partout.
12: A mesure que l’histoire et la société s’effacent devant la culture et que le politique est surdéterminé par l’identité, les affirmations qui en relèvent, qu’elles soient de l’ordre du discours ou du symbole, en viennent à englober le monde. Et à cet égard, le monde arabe actuel apparaît comme le site de l’exceptionnalité elle-même

Al-Azmeh, Aziz, Wang Bin, David A. Holliger, N Jarayam, Mahmoood Mamdani, and Emmanuel Renault. 2004. L’identité. Edited by N. Tazi. French ed, Les Mots du Monde. Paris: Editions La Decouverte.

Al-Azmeh, A. (2004). Une Question Post-Moderne. L’identité. Paris, Editions La Decouverte: 11-24.

Pour l’opinion publique, de toutes les régions du monde où la question est mise en avant comme le signe distinctif et totalisant du présent, le monde arabe apparaît , sans nul doute, comme la première(… ) le monde arabe semble marqué de façon indélébile, presque obsessionnelle: il y a les musulmans et les chrétiens du Liban et, à un moindre degré d’Egypte, les Arabes et les Berbères du Maghreb, les Arabes et les Kurdes, les sunnites et les chiites, les Assyriens et les Turkmen d’Irak, les Arabes et les Juifs de Palestines, les nationalistes et les islamistes partout.
12: A mesure que l’histoire et la société s’effacent devant la culture et que le politique est surdéterminé par l’identité, les affirmations qui en relèvent, qu’elles soient de l’ordre du discours ou du symbole, en viennent à englober le monde. Et à cet égard, le monde arabe actuel apparaît comme le site de l’exceptionnalité elle-même

Ali, M.O. 2003. Enseignement du Tamazight à Sidi Bel Abbès. Le quotidien d’Oran, samedi 10 mai 2003, 13.

L’enseignement de la langue tamazight a vu près de 2000 élèves par le  biais de leurs parents, formuler de voeu de voir s’inscrire officiellement cette langue dans le cursus scolaire de leurs enfants. Les recensements menés par les services concernés de l’organisation pédagogique en collaboration avec leurs chefs d’établissements et inspecteurs font ressortir le nombre de 1360 élèves dans le cycle primaire et répartis comme suit: 85 élèves en première année, 230 en deuxième année, 232 en troisième année, 254 en quatrième année, 305 en cinquième année et 254 en sixième année. En ce qui concerne le cycle moyen, il a été relevé 175 élèves de septième année, 139 en huitième année et 138 en neuvième année. Des voeux ont également été formulés dans l’enseignement secondaire de l’apprentissage de la langue tamazight. Par ailleurs, une bonne partie de la réforme du système éducatif rentrera dans sa phase opérationnelle dès la prochaine rentrée après les décision relatives aux aménagements apportés au cycle moyen et la réductin d’une année dans le primaire.

Alimi, E. Y. and D. S. Meyer (2012). “Seasons of Change: Arab Spring and Political Opportunities.” Swiss Political Science Review : 17(4): 475-479.

475: The events that began in Tunisia with Mohamed Bouazizi’s dramatic suicide in December of 2010 and continue to develop throughout the Middle East challenge our politics and our

political imaginations. The challenges to social science theories of movements, revolutions and social change are likely less pressing than those to contemporary politics, but they are

the ones that we are better prepared to engage. (…) (…) A better understanding of the utility and limitations of natural science can help provide more realistic expectations for how the social sciences can help make sense of the world around us. To start with the metaphor of Arab Spring, we know that climate scientists can identify with precision the date on which Spring will begin.

They can’t, however, tell us very much about what the weather on that day will be like very far in advance. They can explain with analytical precision how wind and water interact with

the Earth’s gravity and rotation, but can’t tell you whether you’ll need to carry an umbrella next March on the 20th.

People make history, to be sure, as Marx wrote long ago, but not as they choose, nor in the circumstances they choose. We do not know of any psychologist who could have predicted the particular set of provocations that would lead Bouazizi to try to take his own life publicly, nor even to predict why an inspector would try to confiscate the vendor’s fruit on a particular day. We would

hope, however, that a psychologist could offer some explanatory leverage in making sense of how people focus anger and frustration in making sense of their lives. As political scientists

and sociologists, we are less concerned with this particular event, an individual tragedy, than in the collective responses to it. In this way, we are most concerned with the constellation

of grievances, organizational resources, provocations, and institutions of social control, the kindling, containment, and climate, surrounding that individual choice.

476: We are analytically invested in a political process, or political opportunities framework (Meyer 2004), which places great importance on the contexts that surround contentious

collective action.

(…) We also believe that Bouazizi’s self-immolation was not necessarily the single spark that would provoke an Arab Spring, but that the conditions across the Middle East and North Africa had made it possible for such sparks to create contagion at this time.

(…)

The political opportunity framework promises to offer explanatory leverage on the emergence,development, and outcomes of contention by paying attention to the world outside a

social movement. It posits that most people—though certainly not all—are most likely to engage in protest when they believe it is both necessary and potentially successful. (…)  Fighting against injustice may not have a good chance of success, for example, but in a situation that is highly repressive or seems hopeless (see Alimi 2009; Boudreau 2004; Einwohner and Maher 2011), it may be the best that activists can do. When some people take to the streets, it can make repression appear more difficult and less likely, and collective action a little safer and its prospects for influence a little stronger (Granovetter 1978; Oliver and Marwell, 1988). Many elements are in play with opportunities, including organizations, emotions, and identities; the question is how much analytical leverage focus on any of those elements provides.

(…)Tunisians took to the streets against the regime of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, whose government had raised expectations by expanding higher education, but had failed to deliver economic performance.

The fall of the Ben Ali government—and family—suggested possibilities to publics across the Arab world. People who could find in the Tunisian episode similarities between themselves

and the governments they challenged emulated the protesters (see McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 2001; Furuyama and Meyer 2011; Tarrow 2005), copying tactics and rhetoric.

Although the visible and dramatic protests in the streets, some peaceful, took most Western observers by surprise, people familiar with the Arab world knew that there were long standing dissident communities in all of these countries, including reformers committed to democratic reform and others committed to the primacy of religious law.

477: The unity of the ruling elite is a critical variable in virtually all political process analyses of social movements and revolutions.

(…) And of course, each event affects the constellation of possibilities in the future: as the numbers and diversity in the streets grew, repression would be more difficult and costly; as the visibility of regime defectors increased, more diverse elements in society saw their interests served by throwing in with the protesters.

(…)For analysts concerned with understanding the emergence, development, and outcomes of unrest, it makes sense to start by paying attention to the states that are challenged. This

means taking care to assess the unity of the ruling coalition and the opportunities for defection or exit available to those within it. Although episodes of unrest appeared in more than

a dozen countries, sustained, visible and disruptive activism that threatened the government emerged in only about half of them. Where the state could depend upon repression (Iran),

dissidents could be stifled. Where activists could find other ways to make claims (Algeria), protests fizzled and institutionalized.

We would add that the stability of those ruling alignments is nested in a larger international structure of political alliances, based on interests, values, norms, or prejudices (Rothmanand Oliver 1999; Meyer 2003). A generation ago, insurgents in the Middle East would have tried to look for outside assistance from one superpower or the other, and the regimewould have depended upon a superpower to protect it for reasons that had little to do with democracy or justice. Since the end of the Cold War, this is no longer the case. Dissidentsroutinely look beyond their governments and make judgments about the likelihood of support from outside their state.

478: (…)the chances of dissidents in authoritarian regimes to attract international support and intervention for their cause by marketing their rebellion internationally (Bob 2005) is, to varying degree, a function of their state’s political opportunity structures. The first structurally-laden dimension is exclusivity, by which we mean the degree to which a state is dependent on a particular nesting institution (think about the high degree of exclusivity of claim exerted by NATO on Mubarak-led Egypt as a major non-NATO member ally). The second agency-laden dimension is autonomy, by which we mean the degree to which the larger institution needs the service of the nested state and the resulting maneuvering space the latter enjoys (think about, for example, the high degree of autonomy Assad-led Syria has given its geopolitical strategic value for western powers, Iran, and Russia). It follows then that the tighter the integration of a given state into a larger nesting institution the less autonomy it will have in responding to dissidents’ challenge, and vice versa.
(…)
To conclude, while there are certainly many factors and mechanisms affecting the emergence, development, and outcomes of the recent revolutionary wave of contention throughout

MENA, we believe that focusing on the multilevel nature of political opportunity structures increases our analytical leverage. Examined through the interrelated dimensions of exclusivity and autonomy, this kind of analysis promises to enhance understanding of why under specific political circumstances domestic dissident groups may have greater leverage in promoting their claims. Given the great risks and costs of insurgency, it’s important to recognize how the world outside the rebels’ camp influences their prospects for success.

 Alimi, E. Y. (2009). Mobilizing Under the Gun: Theorizing Political Opportunity Structure in Highly Repressive Setting. Mobilization, 14(2): 219–237.

Allievi, S. ( 2003). Multiculturalism in Europe. Muslims in Europe Post 9/11: Understanding and Responding to the Islamic World, St Antony’s College, Oxford. http://www.sant.ox.ac.uk/ext/princeton/papers.shtml

Al-Mulhim, A., S. O. 2012, et al. (2012). Forget Israel. Arabs are their own worst enemy. Arab News ©. Jeddah.(click on link for full paper…or ask me in a few years as this is ©)

Thirty-nine years ago, on Oct. 6, 1973, the third major war between the Arabs and Israel broke out. (…)From the period of 1948 and to this day many confrontations have taken place.

On the anniversary of the 1973 War between the Arab and the Israelis, many people in the Arab world are beginning to ask many questions about the past, present and the future with regard to the Arab-Israeli conflict.
The questions now are: What was the real cost of these wars to the Arab world and its people. And the harder question that no Arab national wants to ask is: What was the real cost for not recognizing Israel in 1948 and why didn’t the Arab states spend their assets on education, health care and the infrastructures instead of wars? But, the hardest question that no Arab national wants to hear is whether Israel is the real enemy of the Arab world and the Arab people.
I decided to write this article after I saw photos and reports about  (…) the destruction and the atrocities (…) not done by an outside enemy. The starvation, the killings and the destruction in these Arab countries are done by the same hands that are supposed to protect and build the unity of these countries and safeguard the people of these countries. So, the question now is that who is the real enemy of the Arab world?
(…) The Arab world has many enemies and Israel should have been at the bottom of the list. The real enemies of the Arab world are corruption, lack of good education, lack of good health care, lack of freedom, lack of respect for the human lives and finally, the Arab world had many dictators who used the Arab-Israeli conflict to suppress their own people.
And what made the Arab states start sinking into chaos?
On May 14, 1948 the state of Israel was declared. And just one day after that, on May 15, 1948 the Arabs declared war on Israel to get back Palestine. (…) The Arabs lost the war and called this war Nakbah (catastrophic war). The Arabs gained nothing and thousands of Palestinians became refugees.And on 1967, the Arabs led by Egypt under the rule of Gamal Abdul Nasser, went in war with Israel and lost more Palestinian land and made more Palestinian refugees who are now on the mercy of the countries that host them. The Arabs called this war Naksah (upset). The Arabs never admitted defeat in both wars and the Palestinian cause got more complicated. And now, with the never ending Arab Spring, the Arab world has no time for the Palestinians refugees or Palestinian cause, because many Arabs are refugees themselves and under constant attacks from their own forces. Syrians are leaving their own country, not because of the Israeli planes dropping bombs on them. It is the Syrian Air Force which is dropping the bombs. (…) Finally (…) what happened to the Arabs’ sworn enemy (Israel)? Israel now has the most advanced research facilities, top universities and advanced infrastructure. Many Arabs don’t know that the life expectancy of the Palestinians living in Israel is far longer than many Arab states and they enjoy far better political and social freedom than many of their Arab brothers. Even the Palestinians living under Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip enjoy more political and social rights than some places in the Arab World. Wasn’t one of the judges who sent a former Israeli president to jail is an Israeli-Palestinian? The Arab Spring showed the world that the Palestinians are happier and in better situation than their Arab brothers who fought to liberate them from the Israelis. Now, it is time to stop the hatred and wars and start to create better living conditions for the future Arab generations.

Alvarez, Lizette. 1997. It’s the Talk of Nueva York: The Hybrid called Spanglish”. New York Times, 25 March.

“The journalist Lizette Alvarez, after describing and illustrating the mixed English-Spanish conversation of two Hispanic American Women (an actress and a media executive) on a late-night TV talk show,  made the following comment in March 1997: Never mind that the talk show “later” appears on NBC and is geared to an English-speaking audience. Ms. Galan, born in Cuba and reared in New Jersey, and Ms. Torres, Puerto Rican and raised in Hell’s Kitchen in Manhattan, were speaking the hybrid lingo known as Spanglish -the langauge of choice for a growing number of Hispanic-Americans who vew the hyphen in their heritage as a metaphor for two coexsting worlds.  ”I thing Spanglish is the future” said Ms. Galan, 32, ….”It’s a phenomenon of being from two cultures. It’s perfectly wonderful. I speak English perfectly. i speak Spanish perfection, and I choose to speak both simultaneously. How cool is that?”….As millions of Hispanic-Americans, first, second, and third generation, take on more prominient roles in business, media and the arts, Spanglish is traveling right along with them.

Amador-Moreno, Carolina P and McCafferty, Kevin (2012), ‘Linguistic identity and the study of Emigrant Letters: Irish English in the making ‘, Lengua y migración / Language and Migration, 4 (2).

Communicated by Maria Sancho, SLonFB member, in November 2012. Other papers in this issue:

1.  Caravedo, Rocío  and Klee, Carol A. (2012), ‘Migración y contacto en Lima: el pretérito perfecto en las cláusulas narrativas’, Lengua y migración / Language and Migration, 4 (2).

3. “Reducción de /-s/ final de sílaba entre transmigrantes salvadoreños en el sur de Texas” – José Esteban Hernández y Rubén Armando Maldonado

4. “La migración sefardí en la Amazonia brasileña: lengua hakitía e identidad” – Carlos Cernadas Carrera

5. Reseña: Francisco Lorenzo, Fernando Trujillo y José Manuel Vez, Educación bilingüe. Integración de contenidos y segundas lenguas – Olga Cruz Moya

Amar, Akhil Reed. 1998. The Bill of Rights. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.

Amar, Akhil Reed. 2000. Allow the Electoral College to Do Its Usual Job, and Then Abolish It. New York Times and International Herald Tribune, November 10, 2000, 8.

ARTICLE ENTIEREMENT REPRODUIT ET PARU DANS LA SECTION EDITORIAL/OPINION DU HERALD TRIBUNE.
If George W. Bush, having apparently lost the popular vote, does indeed win at least 270 electoral votes when the Electoral College meets, he is the lawful victor, who played by the constitution’s rules and won.
After which Americans will need to realize that the Electoral College is a hopelessly outdated system and they should abolish it. Direct election should resonate far better with the American value of one person, one vote.
The college was designed at the founding of the country to help one group, white Southern males, and this year it has apparently done just that.
In 1787, as the constitution was being drafted in Philadelphia, James Wilson of Pennsyslvania proposed direct election of the president. But James Madison of Virginia worried that such a system would hurt the South, which would have been outnumberd by the North in a direct lection system.
The creation of the Electoral College got around that. It was part of the deal that Southern states, in computing their share of electoral votes, could count slaves (albeit with a two-fifths discount), who of course were given none of the privileges of citizenship.
Virginia emerged as the big winner, with more than a quarter of the electors needed to elect a president. A free state like Pennsylvania got fewer lectoral votes even though it had approximately the same free population.
The constitutions’s Sounthern bias quickly became obvoious. For 32 of the Constitution ‘s first 36 years, a white salveholding Virginian occupied the prsidency. Thomas Jefferson, for example, won the election of 1800 against John Adams from Massachusetts in a race in which the slavery skew of the Electoral College was the decisive margin of victory.
The system’s sex bias was also obvious. In a direct presidential election, any state which chose to enfranchise its women would have automatically doubled its clout. Under the Electoral College, however, a state had no special incentive to expand suffrage -each got a fixed number of lectoral votes, regardless of how many citizens were allowed to vote.
Now fast forward to Election Night 2000. Al Gore apears to have received the most popular votes nationwide but may well lose the contest for electoral votes. Once again, the system has tilted toward white Southern males. Exit polls indicate that Mr. Bush won big amont this group and that Mr. Gore won decisively among blacks and women.
The Electoral College began as an unfar system and it remains so. Why keep it?
Advocates of the system sloganeer about “federalism”, meaning that presidential candidates are forced to take into account individual state interest and regional variations in their national campaigns.
But in the current system, candidate don’t appeal so much to state interest (what are those, anyway?) as to demographic groups (elderly voters, soccer moms) within states. And direct popular electons would still encourage candidates to take into account regional differences, like those between voters in the Midwest and the East. After all, one cannot win a national majority without getting lots of votes in lots of places.
Direct election could give state governments some incentives to increase voter turnout, because the more votes a state turned out, the bigger its role in national elections and the bigger in overall sare in the national tally. Presidential candidates would begin to pay more attention to the needs of individual states that had higher turnouts.
The founders sought to harness governmental competition in health ways, using checks and balances within the federal governemnt and preserving roles for state governments. Direct presidential elections would be true to their best concept- democracy and healthy competition- rather than to their worst compromises.

Amisimov, Myriam. 1999. radio interview. Paris: France Inter.

“Quand j’entends parler Yiddish, ma compréhension n’est pas la même qu’avec le français”.

Amon, Ulrich, and Marlis Hellinger, eds. 1992. Status Change of Languages. 1 vols. Vol. 1, Change of Language Structure and Language Status. Berlin/London: Walter de Gruyter.

This book is issued from the proceedings of a  workshop which took place in Göttingen, Germany, in 1989, under the title: “Change of Language Structure and Language Status”. Additional contributors were invited to participate to the book afterwards.

Amselle, Jean-Loup. 2001. Vers un multiculturalisme français. Paris: Flammarion.

Anaya, S. James. 1995. The Capacity of International Law to Advance Ethnic or Nationality Rights Claims. In The Rights of Minority Cultures, edited by W. Kymlicka. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Anderson, B. 1983. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso.

Anderson, Digby. 2000. When words change meaning -and do violence to the truth: Social affairs Unit has celebrated its 20th anniversary with a dictionary that analyses the linguistic abuses of political correctness. The Daily Telegraph, Nov.23d, 28.

Exerpts from :  SAU.   The dictionary of Dangerous Words.  London: Social Affairs Unit, 2000.

community: Formerly refered to the people as a whole and its connotations were friendliness, co-operatoin and warm-heartedness. Now it has been hijacked by every special interest group going. So we hear of “the  black community”, “the irish community” and “the homosexual community”. The Independent once referred to “London’s sadomasochistic community”. The new usage is far from benign. It is self-defeating, for it does not produce the old usage’s homely sese of unity, but actually creates a ghetto metality. It exactly reverses the the word’s original meaning. In the mouths of hundred special interst groups, community now means “sect” (Peter Mullen).
diversity: the prerty of differing in any respect (especially race, sexe or sexuality). Usually used in reference to a group. However by extensionk, it may refer to an individual characteristic as in the case of the Harvard undergraduate who, when students were asked to list what they considered their virtues, worte: “I am diverse”. As a virtue, diversity bears the peculiar advantages of needing to be neigher acquired nor practised, but merely possessed, and of being immediately available to anyone (at least anyone who does not live an assuming or traidtional life) . (Marc Shiffman).
violence: A word of abuse applied by ideologues to anything they don’t like. Thus the perverted expressions: the violence o0f poverty, the violence of capitalism, the violence of silence, the violence of language, the violence of inequality and the violence of global warming. (Graeme Newman).

Anderson, Elijah. 1999. The social situation of the black and white identities in the corporate world. In The Cultural Territories of Race: Black and White Boundaries, edited by M. Lamont. University of Chicago Press.

4: Historical Basis of Affirmative Action
Over the past half century, America society has changed profoundly in the are of race relations. (…)Largely as a consequence of affirmative-action programs, black Americans, long segregated in ghettos and treated as second-class citizens, have only recently begun to participate in the wider society in ways previously restricted to privileged members of the white majority groups.
Major policy responses included the civil right legislation of 1964, 1965, and 1968. Perhaps most important (…) was the executive order issued and signed by President John F. Kennedy and then revised by President Lydon Johnson in 1964 prescribing “affirmative action” as an important remedy for racial discrimination, social injustice and the resulting inequality.
6: (…) such efforts to include blacks worked to create a growing backlash and resentment amoung a number o fthose whites with whom individual black beneficiaries would share work settings. Indeed, many whites, and some blacks, have gone so far as to mount legal and ideological challenges to affirmative action programs, arguing “reverse discrimination” (see Regents of the State of California v. Bakke., Bearak, B. (1997). Between Black and White. New York Times. New York: sec.1, p.1., Glazer, N. (1975  (1987)). Affirmative Discrimination. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, Skrentny (1996). The Ironies of Affirmative Action. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.)
All this has culimated in a greowing nationwide movement to legally dismantle affirmative action programs through state initiatves. Proposition 209 has outlawed affirmative action in California, forwhadowing what could happen throught the United States.
8: With respect to the “tribal” stigma of race, such an analysis is weakened by the fact that, since the beginning of the civil rights and black (cultural) nationalist movements that have culminated in today’s Afrocentrism, many back people, but not all, appear increasingly black and pround and would cringe at the thought of giving up their blackness for promises of racial inclusion or assimilation. Such  positions have their parallels among feminists, gays and various ethnic groups. In fact, in present day American there seems to be an emerging concern with valuing one’s differences, playing up one’s particularity.
13: According to one male black senior vice president with whom I discussed my analysis:
“in terms o ftheir lifestyses, some do the opera thing and the art museum thing. Btu all black executives will also do the jazz. THe also do the house party. They wouldnt do it with the core group, but it would be a high-class house party. You’d have some where you’d do some socializing and you’d bring a few whites into it. But the ones that were really serious parties were kind of isolated. You’d have two different sets of agendas: one where you’d want to create some some cohesion with some of the withtes so they could see how nice you could socialize, but where ypou’d really want to let yoursef go and get down and talk about issues, then it would be blacks only.

Andreas, Huyssen. 1988. After the Great Divide: Modernism, Mass Culture and Postmodernism. London: Macmillan.

Andreoni, G. 1967. Australitalian. University Studies in Australian (5):114-119.

Appel, René, and Pieter Muysken. 1987. Language Contact and Bilingualism. London: Edward Arnold.

Archer, Margaret. 2005. Comments. Paper read at 37th International Institute of Sociology Conference: Sociology and Cultural Sciences, at Folket Hus, Kongresshallen A.other Presenters: [Peter Wagner, 2005 #10] [Hannerz, 2005 #9] funnily introduced as Margaret Thatcher…by George Bush.

Comments cn her books: problem is analytical and explanatory. Poor relation structure in culture: holistic take on culture
relation between whole and structure
what place to give culture in struggles for a supreme organ. swing due to heavy anthropological heritage that saw culture as a whole.cf Meir Shapiro, Mary Douglas, Gellner (on berbers): impasse distinction between culture as:

a  corpus of ideas, logical
b social relationship and intersection

cultural system: proposition and practices in S1/TQ
Compatibility in difference or clashes.

Arendt, Hannah (1979 , 1951), The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt Brace.).

Arieli, Shaul (2012), ‘Abu Mazen wants a state, not the right of return: Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas sees the UN bid as his last, best chance to negotiate with Israel.’ Haaretz, 18.11.12.

“On November 29, the Palestinian Authority will ask the United Nations General Assembly to recognize Palestine as a non-member state. That is on the assumption that pressure on the PA to delay until after the election in Israel does not bear fruit. Many of those close to PA Chairman Mahmoud Abbas consider this step to be the last bullet in his revolver and the final chance of renewing the negotiations with Israel Apparently that explains the moderate text it is expected to contain.

 

The PA leadership has learned a lesson from last year’s petition to the UN Security Council. It is hoping to reveal how absurd the American and European opposition is and to provide Israel with the most convenient parameters for renewing the negotiations for a final-status agreement.

 

The results of the presidential election in the United States do not augur well for the Palestinians, as Nabil Shaath so succinctly phrased it last week: “Obama is better than Romney, compared with Richard the Lionheart, but he is not Salah ad-Din.” The Palestinians are aiming first and foremost for the support of the Europeans.

 

The legal basis for the Palestinians’ bid to implement their right to self-determination can be found in 15 UN resolutions that have been passed on the issue – from Resolution 181 on the partition plan for Palestine in 1947, to Resolution 146/66 in December 2011. The wording of the current petition is intentionally similar to that of Catherine Ashton, the European Union’s foreign policy chief, in order to obtain the united support of EU member states. The Palestinians will emphasize the status of the territories as occupied areas, the lack of international recognition of Israel’s annexation of East Jerusalem, the Palestinians’ readiness to bear the burden of an independent state, and the broad support of 132 countries for Palestinian statehood.

 

Above all, the Palestinians will stress that the 1967 borders (with exchanges of territory ) should be the borders of their state alongside Israel, which they recognized in the exchange of letters between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1993. They will refrain from mentioning the right of return for Arab refugees, and the proposed solution to this issue is to base it on the Arab League proposal for “a just and agreed-on solution.”

 

Senior officials of the PA and the PLO are not upset about the Israeli threats of punishment, such as a refusal to transfer tax funds, reducing commerce and decreasing the number of permits to work in Israel, which would lead to the collapse of the PA. In addition, there are Palestinians who share the opinion of Abbas Zaki of the Fatah central committee – who has been mentioned as a possible successor to Abu Mazen – that if the bid to the UN fails, this will be “a sign of the end of the stage of the Oslo accords, in anticipation of the next stage which is expected to be a violent conflict.”

 

If that is the case, the PLO will fall into line with Hamas, which believes there is no point to the bid because “a state will not be achieved at the UN but by force.” The current escalation in the Gaza Strip is also meant to demonstrate, among other things, the concept that armed opposition is preferable to a pointless diplomatic move.

 

Abbas, however, is determined to go ahead with his bid to the UN. The way he sees it, this is the last best chance to negotiate with Israel, backed by a sweeping international decision on the borders of the Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital. It is clear to him that, when they have their own state, the Palestinians will not be able to demand the return of refugees to Israel. This order of priorities has accompanied the Palestinian position since 1988. The territorial issue is the most substantive, while the refugee issue is the main bargaining chip.”

Armitage, A. 1995. Comparing the Policy of Aboriginal Assimilation: Australia, Canada and New Zealand. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.

Asante, Mlefi Kete. 1990. Kemet, Afrocentricity, and Knowledge. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press.quoted by Binder, A. (1999).

Friend and Foe: boundary work and collective identity in the afrocentric and multicultural curriculum movement in american public education. The Cultural Territories of Race: Black and White Boundaries. M. Lamont. University of Chicago Press: 221-248.

ASCD. 1987. Building an Indivisible Nation: Bilingual Education in Context. Alexandria, Virginia: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development.

Ashworth, M. 1988. Blessed with Bilingual Brains: Education of Immigrant Children with English as a Second Language. Vancouver: Pacific Educational Press.

Associated Press. L’anglais est la langue de l’avenir pour les Suisses, selon deux sondages. AP Wire, dimanche 24 septembre 2000, 15h16.dimanche 24 septembre 2000, 15h16

ZURICH/LAUSANNE (AP) — Les Suisses estiment que l’anglais est la langue de l’avenir, selon deux  sondages parus dimanche dans la presse helvétique.
Cet avis est partagé dans les principales régions linguistiques du pays. En revanche, les Alémaniques acceptent que l’anglais soit enseigné comme deuxième langue à l’école, contrairement aux Romands.
L’institut Isopublic, mandaté par la ”SonntagsZeitung”, a demandé à 1.000 personnes quelle langue de communication devrait être utilisée à l’avenir dans l’ensemble du pays. L’anglais arrive en première position, aussi bien en Suisse alémanique avec 27%, qu’en Suisse romande avec 28%. L’allemand -par opposition au dialecte alémanique- n’arrive qu’en deuxième position avec 22% en Suisse allemande, devant le français avec 17%.
Par contre, l’allemand ne récolte que 18% d’avis favorables en Suisse romande, derrière le français avec 23%. Les personnes interrogées qui pensent que plusieurs langues doivent être utilisées comme langues de communication représentent une part de  21% en Suisse romande, contre 15% en Suisse alémanique. Le dialecte alémanique ne compte que 10% de partisans au nord de la frontière linguistique et 1% dans la partie francophone du pays.
Les deux sondages font suite à la décision du canton de Zurich d’introduire l’enseignement de l’anglais avant celui du français à  l’école primaire.
Ainsi, 62% des Romands pensent que l’anglais doit être enseigné en priorité dès l’école primaire, en pensant à l’avenir de leurs enfants, selon l’enquête effectuée auprès de 1.200 personnes par l’institut IHA-Gfm à la demande du journal ”Le Matin” et de  ”SSR-Idée suisse”. Cette proportion passe à 73% en Suisse alémanique.
Ces résultats sont corroborés par les chiffres publiés dans la ”SonntagsZeitung”: 65% des Alémaniques donnent la priorité à  l’enseignement de l’anglais, au détriment des langues nationales. Cette proportion tombe cependant à 45% en Suisse romande, 48% donnant la priorité à l’allemand. Compte tenu de la marge d’erreur de plus ou moins 3,2%, il ne se dégage donc pas de majorité en Suisse romande.
Dernier point, une majorité de citoyens romands (80 et alémaniques (83 considère que privilégier l’enseignement de l’anglais à l’école ne représente pas un danger pour l’unité du pays, en réponse à une question du ”Matin”.

Atkinson, Michael M., ed. 1993. Governing Canada: Institutions and Public Policy. Toronto: Harcourt Brace.

Attabi, S. (2012). Algérie : paysage sociolinguistique et alternance codique. El Watan.com. Alger: 1.

Le paysage sociolinguistique de l’Algérie, produit de son histoire et de sa géographie, est caractérisé par la coexistence de plusieurs variétés linguistiques. La situation en Algérie est assez diversifiée et complexe.

En effet, comme bon nombre de pays dans le monde, l’Algérie offre un panorama assez riche en matière de multi ou de plurilinguisme. Cette situation ne manque pas de susciter des interrogations quant au devenir des langues et du français dans ce pays. Il est à signaler que les langues en présence sont le berbère et ses diverses variétés (le mozabite, le kabyle, le chaoui, etc.), l’arabe dialectal algérien, l’arabe classique ou littéraire et le français.

La langue arabe

Après l’indépendance de l’Algérie, l’arabe standard est devenu la langue officielle et nationale pour des raisons politiques et idéologiques plus que linguistiques. Pourtant, cette langue   n’est pas utilisée couramment par la population dans la vie quotidienne.  C’est une langue essentiellement écrite et absolument incompréhensible à l’oral pour un public arabophone illettré. Il faut ajouter qu’actuellement, des administrations telles que celles du secteur industriel et financier continuent à travailler en langue française(1) et que la presse écrite est en grande partie francophone.

L’Algérie a mis en place l’arabisation  par le biais du système éducatif. Cela a donné une place importante à cette langue qui est utilisée dans la littérature moderne et les mass media. La Constitution de 1989, dans son article 3, stipule que «l’arabe est la langue nationale officielle» ; c’est ainsi que cet idiome tend à s’imposer dans des secteurs tels que l’administration, l’enseignement, la presse et les médias (de plus en plus utilisé par la catégorie cultivée du monde journalistique, surtout lors des interviews et des débats politiques ou littéraires).

Cependant, en raison d’un fort taux d’illettrisme, cette forme de langue n’est comprise que par le public scolarisé. Nous pouvons, approximativement, évaluer que la quasi-totalité des Algériens ne communiquent qu’en arabe algérien ou en berbère. L’arabe standard reste donc en dehors de la pratique linguistique quotidienne,  cette situation est résumée par GrandGuillaume lorsqu’il explique que «sans référence culturelle propre, cette langue est aussi sans communauté. Elle n’est langue parlée de personne dans la réalité de la vie quotidienne (…) »(2)

L’arabe algérien

L’arabe algérien est dénommé péjorativement dialecte et considéré inapte à véhiculer les sciences et à être enseigné à l’école. Les textes officiels n’en font pas, ou rarement, mention. Cependant, l’arabe dialectal algérien demeure la langue largement majoritaire, il est la langue maternelle d’une grande majorité d’Algériens (première langue véhiculaire en Algérie). C’est la langue orale (nourrie de nombreux emprunts étrangers). L’intégration de ces emprunts, notamment français, est marquée par des flexions phonologiques résultant de l’influence du substrat local. Par ailleurs, des accents typiques caractérisent les parlers régionaux. En outre, on constate des variations linguistiques(3) propres à chaque région ; on distingue ainsi le parler oranais, algérois, de l’Est algérien… Avec ces variantes régionales, leurs fluctuations et leurs nuances, elles ne constituent cependant aucun obstacle à l’intercompréhension.

Selon l’origine socioculturelle des locuteurs, nous sommes en mesure de distinguer, en Algérie, les parlers ruraux des parlers citadins – en particulier ceux d’Alger, Constantine, Jijel, Nedroma et Tlemcen – et de voir se dessiner quatre grandes régions dialectales : l’Est  autour de Constantine ; l’Algérois et son arrière-pays ; l’Oranais, puis le Sud, de l’Atlas saharien aux confins du Hoggar. Ainsi, l’arabe dialectal constitue la langue de communication de tous les jours, l’outil d’expression spontané. En effet, cette langue est le véhicule d’une culture populaire riche et variée. C’est la langue du monde affectif des locuteurs, de la production culturelle, de l’imaginaire. Nombreux sont les pièces théâtrales, les chansons, les films produits dans cette langue. Par ailleurs, cette langue témoigne d’une formidable résistance face à la stigmatisation que véhiculent à son égard les normes culturelles dominantes.

La langue berbère

Etymologiquement, le mot berbère remonte à une période lointaine : «Le terme berbère est dérivé de barbare, cette dénomination est étrangère aux communautés qui utilisent cette langue, il est le produit de l’ethnocentrisme gréco-romain qui qualifiait de barbare tout peuple, toute culture et toute civilisation marquée du sceau de la différence.»(4) Le statut de cette langue a connu de grands changements à travers les siècles (conquêtes arabes du Xe siècle, colonisation, arabisation à l’indépendance, revendications linguistiques, culturelles et identitaires des populations berbérophones).

La langue berbère est la langue maternelle d’une communauté importante de la population algérienne. Elle est principalement utilisée en Kabylie, dans sa variante la plus répandue d’ailleurs, le kabyle, dans les Aurès, le chaoui, et dans le M’zab, le m’zab, mais aussi dans d’autres régions du Sahara, du Maghreb et de l’Afrique subsaharienne. C’est une langue essentiellement orale qui ne peut être fusionnée avec d’autres langues comme l’arabe classique ou l’arabe dialectal, mis à part certaines analogies au niveau de la structure (langue de la famille chamito-sémitique).

Grâce à une prise de conscience des  berbérophones quant à leur acculturation par une arabisation généralisée, d’une part, et la volonté politique du pouvoir de désamorcer un risque de déséquilibre national, d’autre part, le berbère est devenu une langue nationale depuis avril 2002. Cette langue sera intégrée par la suite au système éducatif (certaines régions assurent un enseignement en langue berbère au primaire et au collège) et même introduite à la télévision avec un journal télévisé diffusé en chacune de ses variétés. Par ailleurs, c’est aussi une branche à l’université (licence en tamazight).

La langue française

Le français, langue imposée aux Algériens, a constitué un des outils fondamentaux utilisés par le pouvoir colonial pour parachever et accélérer l’entreprise de francisation qui a abouti à une «déberbérisation» des Algériens. Ce processus n’a pas pris fin après l’indépendance, mais s’est au contraire élargi à cause de la généralisation de l’enseignement du français. En une vingtaine d’années, le taux de scolarisation est passé de 5 à 70%.

De nos jours, le français est enseigné en tant que langue étrangère. Cependant, cette langue bénéficie d’un statut particulier parmi les autres langues étrangères. En effet, c’est encore la langue d’enseignement des matières scientifiques et techniques à l’université. Actuellement, après la réforme du système éducatif, l’enseignement du français est obligatoire à partir de la troisième  année en tant que première langue étrangère. C’est dire que le français jouit encore d’une place privilégiée par rapport aux autres langues étrangères et que le plurilinguisme restera un fait national. De plus, le français est largement utilisé dans les médias (radio, télévision…), presse écrite, surtout avec le développement des paraboles et d’Internet. A. Queffec  souligne qu’«on peut évaluer à 8 millions environ le nombre de locuteurs maîtrisant correctement le français».5)

Outre des phénomènes sociolinguistiques liés aux pratiques langagières des locuteurs algériens et des parlers régionaux du pays, nous enregistrons la présence de langues étrangères résultant de raisons historiques, politiques, socioculturelles, économiques ou autres. Le domaine des langues étrangères est très largement dominé par le français, l’anglais et l’espagnol occupant un statut inférieur circonscrit essentiellement dans les programmes scolaires et dans certaines sphères limitées du secteur tertiaire.

La situation de plurilinguisme en Algérie demeure complexe, en raison de la présence et de l’imbrication de plusieurs variétés. Cette diversité linguistique favorise l’apparition du phénomène de l’alternance codique assurant l’intercompréhension au sein de la société algérienne. Nous pouvons concevoir cette situation comme un élément positif qui met l’accent sur la capacité des locuteurs algériens à se mouvoir dans leur espace linguistique.

En effet, d’un point de vue sociolinguistique, la pratique de l’alternance codique est un acte volontaire et individuel et les déclencheurs de cette pratique discursive chez les Algériens sont aussi nombreux que variés et notamment complexes : (déficit lexical  touchant les échanges verbaux des  locuteurs, recours aux sujets interdits,  poids de d’habitude, l’ensemble des contraintes sociologiques et situationnelles contribuant à l’émergence de cette pratique langagière).

Ainsi, le recours au code switching est parfois obligatoire, notamment dans certaines situations de communication où les locuteurs font appel à des sujets tabous ou interdits. Dans de telles situations, le français va intervenir, d’une part, pour éviter un éventuel   blocage communicatif, d’autre part, il s’agit, d’une stratégie expressive d’évitement. Le recours à la langue française dans certains cas peut produire un effet un peu particulier chez le locuteur et peut créer une autre attitude chez l’interlocuteur.

Encore, la question du poids de d’habitude se pose comme une raison de l’alternance codique. Il convient de noter que ce phénomène qui relève du domaine du bilinguisme devient  une stratégie langagière omniprésente dans toutes les couches sociales et au cours de la plupart des échanges verbaux. A titre illustratif, l’emploi fréquent du français dans le milieu universitaire par exemple obéit à une stratégie d’apprentissage. Les deux systèmes linguistiques en présence (français/arabe algérien notamment) sont fortement privilégiés au cours des conversations. L’utilisation alternée des langues chez les étudiants les mettent à l’aise et en confiance dans les situations de communication. Elle favorise l’échange et l’expression sans problème de compréhension.

Nous pouvons déduire à travers les échanges verbaux des Algériens que le code switching peut devenir une pratique courante chez le sujet bilingue, ce dernier se l’approprie et la manipule en tant que langue à part entière. Le discours métissé permet aux sujets parlants d’être dans le bain et de l’utiliser comme véritable instrument de communication et dans des contextes différents. Ils peuvent développer aussi leur compétence linguistique et socioculturelle.

Notes :

1 – Ajoutons que leur personnel ayant été formé en français.

2 – G. Grandguillaume, (1983), Arabisation et politique linguistique au Maghreb, Paris.

3 – Nous nous référons à l’accent

et à la géographie linguistique.

4 – A. Boukous, (1995), Société, langues et culture au Maroc : Enjeux symboliques.

5 – A. Queffec, Derradji. Y, Debov.

V, Smaali D, Cherrad. Y, Le français en Algérie : Lexique et dynamique des langues, Edition Duclot.
A. U. F, 2002.

Auer, P. (2012). Standardization and diversification: the urban sociolinguistics of German. Languages in the City. Berlin, 2012.

Berlin is the perfect venue for the Conference topic. Berlin vernacular., Kidsdeusch vernacular,. Pluricentric language area, regions and territories predating the German State, since the Middle-Ages. Not one city dominating the others. We have to take into account large and medium size cities. Urban sociolinguistics didn’t date from the 60s, but their methodology did. Field includes:

phonological variables that have changed their social meaning over time

cf. Michael Silverstein 2003 Indexical order and the dialectics of sociolinguistic life. Language and Communication 23, 3-4, 193-229 (theory of the indexical order)

and

Penny Eckert’s theory of social style and the indexical field.

Bern, Berlin, Studtgart, Hamburg examples.

two scenarios of urban sociolinguistic change in the Germanspeaking language area:

scenario A: SINCE APProx. 1500 urban centers have functioned as catalysts for the spread of the standard language.

SCENARIO B: URBAN CENTERS ARE THE PLACE IN WHICH NEW VARIETIES EMERGE

B1- NEW VERNACULARS EMERGE IN THE LOWER CLASSES OF THE CITIES DUE TO FREQUEENT FACE-TO-FACE CONTAC BETWEEN IMMIGRANTS WITH DIFFERENT LINGUSTIC BACKGROUNDS

B-2: This new urban vernacular disseminates into the rural surrounding through frequent face-to-face contact.

BERN: the vocalization of the coda /l/ in the city dialect of berne:

miuch (mix) instead of milch

löffu instead of löffel

fauwe (fallen)

awwäg (immerI

vocalized is totally adopted nowadays. If you don’t you are considered snobbish.

this is clearly a change from below finally accepted by upper classes adopting it.

cf. Baumgartner, 1940 study.

“in times such as the ones we live in, an artifically driven affection for the dialect favors the spread of linguistic features of the lower class” H. Baumgartner, 1940, Stardtmundart/stat….

so from lower marker, it became an authenticity marker.

In H. Christen, 1988, Sprachliche Variation in der deutschespragigen Sschweiz, Dargestellt am Beispeil der L.-Vokaliesierung in der Germeinschaft Knutwil und in der Stadt Luzern, Stuttgart:: Steiner.

Hamburg

onset /sp/ and (st/ clusters in the Hamburg city vernacular (the SPITZER STEIN-variable)

written variety of low german lost only in the second half of the 20th century.

They started shifting around 1526.

(low s/ high ch ) Uber einen Spitzen Stein stumbeln syndrom;-)

cf. P. Auer 1998, Hamburgr Phonologie, ZGL65, 2, 179-197 (Welt Online: “Loki Schmidt…” from speaking good german, it became urban hanseatic identiby, posh and now old-fashioned.

Berlin

the Berlin ik-  and gloob-variables.

IK: /ç/ is replaced by ik and ö becoming o

cf. P. Schlobinsi, Stadtsprache Berlin, Berlin 1998, p. 65

Low german dialect area. in 1500 everyone spoke low german. 1605, the shift started.

Part of the features are linked to Upper Saxonian influence, others are from the low german substrate.

This might be attributed to the fact that Berlin upper class was educated in Hanseatic area.

the family names such as Ryke, Schum and Berlin were switched to Reiche, Schaum and Berlein.

the language they spoke was a copy of the Leipzig language. Prestige of upper saxonian declined later and by 1800 it was montré du doigt.

ik variable: vernacular scenario belonged to the shift from below (scenario 2). 19century, when Berlin exploded, interference from lower german. ik became the low class index.

In 1980s, shortly before the Wende, cf. P. Schobinski.

The reason for GLOOB-Variable can be tattibuted to the conflation with group variables: in West Berlin, uneducated, rough, in East Berlin: anti-Upper saxonian

Stuttgart

the coronalization of /ç/ in Stuttgart

large scale immigration explain this advent of the palatal fricative.

poligenesis theory.

Feature linked to young speakers with ethnic background

“Wo bist du, mein Sonnenlischt?

Isch suche disch und vermisse disch.

Isch respktier nur disch

damit du’s weisst….”

primary index is urban working class, became a feature of regional identity, then polyethici lower class to become an urgan young street class (kanaksprak.

conclusions:

look into changing social meanings, not only changing forms!

analyse social meanings as indexes in an indexical field!

deal with soiolinguistic change in long durée!

Aufheide, Patricia, ed. 1992. Beyond PC: Toward a Politics of Understanding. Cincinati: Graywolf Press.
Australia. 1982. Towards a National Policy. Canberra: Department of Education.

August-Zarebska, A. (2010). Judeo-Spanish proverbs as an example of the hybridity of Judezmo language and Sephardic culture  Languages in Contact 2010: A Book of Abstracts Wroclaw, Philological School in Higher Education, Wrolaw (Poland).

language and Sephardic culture  Languages in Contact 2010: A Book of Abstracts Wroclaw, Philological School in Higher Education, Wrolaw (Poland).

The aim of my paper is to present some selected features of JudeoSpanish as a result of the hybrid condition of the  culture of the Sephardim. The Jews who were expelled from Christian Spain in 1492, or who decided to leave it later, used to speak Castilian or other Romance dialects. Their use of Hebrew and Aramaic was limited to prayers, liturgy and official contacts between rabbis. Outside their motherland, their Spanish evolved in its own way and started to differ from that used in Spain. The new language which developed in this way, called Ladino, Judezmo or Judeo-Spanish, combined Hispanic, Hebrew-Aramaic and Arabian elements with the influences of the languages of the peoples which the Jews co-existed with in new countries. It reflects the history of the Sephardim and the hybrid character of their culture. In the so-called western Diaspora the descendants of the Spanish Jews, after one or two centuries, adopted local languages (e.g., French, Dutch, German,  etc.). In the former Ottoman Empire as well as in North Africa they continued to speak Judezmo until WW II. Nowadays there are still people in the world who can speak it and treat it as their heritage. In my presentation, different components of Judeo-Spanish will be described with the help of Sephardic proverbs – treated as samples both of the popular culture and speech of the Jews in Diaspora. Languages in Contact 2010  13

Australia (1982). Towards a National Policy. Canberra, Department of Education.

Australia. 1992. A Matter of Survival: Language and Culture. Canberra: House of Representatives Enquiry into the Maintenance of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Languages.

Australia. 1994. Asian Languages and Australia’s Economic Future: Council of Australian Governments.