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Last Update: Dec. 1st, 2012. Apparently I never completed this one, so it’s only a partial update. Use the comments section to combat my procrastination;-))

Reminder:italics and red means my notes or favourite quotes.

MacBride, S. 1980. Many Voices, One World. Paris: International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems, UNESCO.

McCann, C. (1998). This Side of Brightness. London-Berlin-New York, Phoenix.

3: They arrive at dawn in their geography of hats. A dark field of figures, stalks in motion, bending towards the docklands. Scattered at first in the streets of Brooklyn -they have come by trolly and ferry and elevated train- they begin to gather together in a wave. Hard men, diligent in the smoking of cigarettes, they stamp yesterday’s mud from their boots as they walk.(…) Some of the men have big moustaches that move like prairie grasses above their lips. Others are young and raw from razors. All of them have faces hollowed by the gravity of their work -they smoke furiously with the knowledge of those who might be dead in just a few hours. Hunching down into their overcoats, they can perhaps still smell last night on their bodies – they might have been drunk or they might have been making love or they might have been both at once. 5: After a few minutes, Power crouches down and takes a deck of cards from his dungarees. The men search in their pockets for coins and play hog poker while the air compresses their bodies to thirty-two pounds per square inch. Walker wins the first round and Power slaps the young black man on the shoulder. ‘Look at you, hey, the king of spades!’ But Walker takes no offence. He knows there is a democracy beneath the river. In the darkness everyman’s blood runs the same colour -a dago the same as a nigger the same as a polack the same as a mick- so Walker just laughs, puts the winning in his pocket, and deals the second hand. 8: Nathan Walker will later sit shivering in the hospital lock and say to his friends:’if only them other guys knew how to talk American, nothing bad woulda happened, nothing at all, not a damn thing.

McCann, C. (2009). Let the Great World Spin. London-Berlin-New York, Bloomsbury.

Machan, T.W. , and Scott Ch.T. 1992. English in its Social Contexts: Essays in Historical Sociolinguistics,. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

MacIntyre, Alasdair. 1993. Quelle Justice? Quelle Rationalité? Translated by M. Vignaux d’Hollande. Paris: P.U.F.
Whose Justice? Which Rationality? 1988, London, Duckworkth

Cité par Puppo, Alberto. 2002. Les langues entre traditions et droit: de la traduction radicale au verbalisme interculturel. Droit et Cultures 344:21-31.

Elabore une distinction entre langue-en-usage (langue enracinée dans le tissu des croyances communautaires) et langue internationalisée “développée de façon à devenir accessible à tout le monde et à n’importe qui,  indépendamment de toute appartenance communautaire”.

Mackey, W.F. 1976. Bilinguisme et Contact des Langues. Paris: Klingsieck.

Makinson, David. 1988. A Logician’s Point of View. In The Rights of Peoples, edited by J. Crawford. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

90: Les trois pays (US, Canada et Australie) ont établi des agences gouvernementales d’aide au développement (USAID, CIDA et ADAB respectivement). Les trois entités se trouvent également au premier rang des natios visées par l’article de la Chgarte des Droits de Peuples concernant le droit à des compensations pour les préjudices subtits par les collectivités tenues en esclavage, opprimées ou spoliées de leurs terres: “c’est le sujet même du débat aux Etats Unis, au Canada et en australie, en relation avec les droits au territoire revendiqués par les peuples indigènes”

Makkai, Toni , and Ian McAllister. 1988. Immigrants in Australian Society: Backgrounds, Attainment and Politics. In A Sociology of Australian Society: Introductory Readings, edited by J. M. Najman and W. J. S. Melbourne: Macmillan Education Australia Pty.

NOTE: THE FOLLOWING ABSTRACTS WERE SCANNED YEARS AGO AND THEY STILL CONTAIN TYPOS DATING BACK TO THE EARLY SCANNING YEARS, ABOUT 15 YEARS AGO…. 178:Australia is a nation built on immigration. In 1991, almost one in four of the population had been born overseas, with the majority coming from nonEngllshspeaking countries In total, around one in every three Australians is either an ummigranr or the child of an immigrant The level of immigration to Ausnalia is marched in the Western world only by Canada and the United States, which both maintained large-scale immigration programs in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries In the post-war years, the only country to sustain a level of immigration comparable to Australia is Israel, which is also a country that has been created by large-scale, recent population movement. In contrast to the United States or Canada, where immigrants have been highly visible members of the society for more than a century, it is only m the last two decades that the migrant presence in Australia has had any significant impact on the country’s culture, socio-economic structure or politics. In pan, this change has been brought about by the different ethnic composition of the migrant intake, the rise of ethnic lobhy groups and by the government’s policy response to this change. But in part, ,, the higher profile of immigrants has followed a worldwide trend in which ethnicity has become an increasmgly salient characteristic for group loyalty and political mobilisation.

179: former Soviet Union, the ex-Communist states of Eastern Europe, or in the liberal democracies of Western Europe, are all indicative of this trend. Rather than disappearing, then, as traditional sociological theories once predicted, ethnicity has become more important in many societies, regardless of their stage of socio-economic development. The resurgence of ethnicity represents the failure of three major theories about change in indusmal societies: functionalism developmental or modemisauon theory, and Marxism. All of these theories viewed ethnicity as a ‘premodern phenomenon, a residue of particularism and ascription incompatible with the vend toward achievement, universalism and nationality supposedly exhibited by indusvlal societies’ (van den Berghe 1981: 17). As society developed, these theories predicted that ethnic differences would simply cease to be important. But contradicting these predictions, ethnicity has re-emerged as an important factor in many societies in the late twentieth century.

Multiracial and ethnically plural societies are generally a consequence of one of two types of immigration or, very occasionally, a combination of the two. The first type of immigration occurred when some societies experienced populauon movements many thousands of years ago, at which ume indigenous ethnic minorities were settled. The second type of immigration has taken place in modem times, either by legal or illegal means, producing an ethnically distinct minonty or group of minorities. In Australia, both of these processes have occurred: Aborigines are thought to have arrived on the continent many thousands of years ago, while white settlement began in 1788 and the large-scale migration of non-English-speakers did nor begin until 1947.

This chapter examines the background to immigration in Australia, focusing particularly on the post-1947 period, and the emergence of multiculturalism in the mid-1970s. We also analyse the socio-economic backgrounds and attainments of immigrants, their role in the labour market and the social mobility that they are likely to experience. Finally, the chapter examines immigrant political behaviour in Australia and traces the emergence of the elusive ‘ethnic vote’ The data rely mainly on a survey conducted in 1988-89 on behalf of the Office of Mulriculrural Affairs, derails of which are provided in the Appendix

180-181: An Immigrant Society

Immigration to Australia has progrrssed through four major phases, each drawing migrants fiom a different part of the world, and each relying on a different set of policies and pnonrics. As Table 6.1 indicates, the Anglo-Celtics were the major focus of immigration policies until the 1970s, with gradual supplementation by continental Europeans after 1947. Frier to 1901, immigration was largely uncontrolled. With federation, assimilation became the prevailing policy far the first half of the twentieth century, with a change to integration during the late 1960s. Set against patterns of pre-1972 immigration, the situation in the 1970s and 80s represents a radical departure: not only have the regional origins of migrants changed dramatically from Europe to Asia but government policy has moved through three phases, from assimilation to integration and most recently, to accepting migrants’ languages and culture through multiculturalism.

Pre-1947 Immigration

Since Governor Phillip arrived in Sydney Harbour with eleven British ships in 1788, over 6 million peopic have emigrated to Australia (Armit et al 1988: 1). The history of immigration has been an interaction between demand and supply. The initial immigrants were mainly convicts, for whom Australia provided a secure prison, as well as maintaining the country as a British colony. The first significant numbers of free immigrants did not arnve until the late 1820s, atrracted by the expansion of the wool industry. Many saw little future in remaining in Britain as the population was dispersed from rural to urban areas by the Industnai Revolution During the late 1840s the number of settlers was swelled by Irish immigrants escaping the potato famine.

The largest infiux of migrants per head of population in the history of white settlement occurred during the 1851-61 goldrush period, when the white Australian population of just under half a million was swollen by 700,000 immigrants (Armit et al 1988: 17) The goldrush immigrants included a substanrial minority of Chinese workers, the first non-white immigrants to arrive in Australia. These workers were wewed by white immigrants as dirty, drug-addicted and as a threat to the Australian way of life, particularly because of their willingness to work long hours for little reward in poor and often dangerous conditions. The anti-Chinese feelings that developed an the goldfields culminated in Victoria and New South Wales passing immigration laws to restrict the entry of Chinese into their jurisdictions.

The decline in gold mining coincided wiih the industrial expansion of Sydney and Melboume. The gold miners of the 1850s became the industrial workforce of the 1860s and one of their prime concerns was to protect their jobs and livelihoods from other immigrants (Armit et al. 1988). As a consequence, New South Wales and Victoria opposed further immigration, but Queensland and South Australia connnued to encourage immigrants in order to develop their own economies. There was a continuing problem in recruiting labour for the Queensland canefields which resulted in farmers importing Pacific Islanders (referred to as Kanakas), many of whom were kidnapped or duped into working in Australia.

Federation in 1901 provided the two southern states with the opportunity to further restnct non-white immigration, a view that was endorsed by the trade union movement, since it was feared that ‘Asian’ or ‘coloured’ people would take the jobs of white workers by accepting a lower standard of Iiving and hence lower wages. These two issues — jobs and quality of life — were to simmer quietly in debates about immigration until they were resurrected in the 1980s dunng the economic recession. The trade unions also opposed assisted passages from the United Kingdom, and by the 1880s they had been virtually abandoned, although they were reinrroduced in the early 1900s. Despite the anti-immigration lobby, around 1.3 million people immigrated to the colonies between 1851 and 189L. Nevertheless, Table 6.2 shows that by the rum of the century, more than three in four of the population had been born in Australia, a proportion almost exactly the same as that for the present day.

One of the first acts of the federal Parliament was to implement the Immigration Restriction Act 1901 or the ‘White Australia policy’ (Shenngron 1990; Hawluns 1989) A steady stream of Bntish immigrants continued to arrive until World War I, although there was also some migration from outside me British Isles, mainly from Germany and Scandinavia, who as northern Europeans were regarded as acceptable entrants. After World War I, the prewar immigration program was re-introduced, but consistent with the White Australia policy, two-thirds of the immigrants who arrived during the 1920s had assisted passages and were predominantly Bnrish (Armir et al. 1988: 25).

182-83:1947-72: Assimilation to Integration

After World War II the second major influx of immigrants began. The threat of invasion by the Japanese had brought home to the government the indefensibility of Australia in the absence of a large population OY~estem 1983; Jupp 1988). The government’s response was to adopt a policy of’populate or pensh’ and the mechanism to achieve this was a vigorous immigration program.

Under the direction of Arthur Calwell, the first Minister for Immigration, the government aimed to increase the population through immigration by 1 per cent annually. It was clear that the British Isles could not provide the level of immigration required for this ambitious target, and as a replacement, the government targeted the enormous number of displaced persons generated by World War II, From 1948 to 1952, the assisted passage scheme was extended to a wide range of continental European countries, whose people were seen as being easily assimilated into Australian society.’

Until the 1970s, British migrants were given special status, and privileges denied to other immigrant groups. In the early post-war migration, European refugees with assisted passage were required to perform two years’ labour for the government, while their British counterparts were exempt. In 1958 the Migration Act was revised so that British citizens were eligible for social security but non-British migrants were required to become citizens before becoming eligible. Bntish immigrants were not required to obtain visas for either visitor or permanent residency status and they had the right to vote in Australian elections regardless of their citizenship. These more favourable condiuons offered to Bnush migrants

were gradually removed after 1975.2

During the 1950s and 60s, prohibitive restrictions on the immigration of non-Europeans were gradually removed. In 1958, the controversial dictation test, whereby potential immigrants were required to pass a written examination in any language specified by the Department of Immigration, was abolished. At the same time, the 1901 Immigration Restricion Act was replaced by the immgration Act (Hawkins 1989). It was this particular reform that has often been seen as the fust step in the policy shift away from assimilation (Martin 1978). In 1966, immigration policy towards non-Europeans was reviewed and applications were considered from anyone who was well-qualified and prepared to integrate into Australian society.

Prior to the mid-1960s, the government did little to assist migrants other than to place them in their first job, a policy which was effectively assimilationist: to find work, migrants had to

conform to the norms and values of Australian society (Collins 1988). Nowhere was the goal of social conforrmsm more evident than in the Good Neighbour movement established in the 1950s, which was intended to help migrants adjust to the Australian way of life through widening their contacts with the English-speaking population around 1966: 9). The problem, however, was that it became increasingly obvious that rmgrants were not assimilating into Australian society. First, significant numbers were returning to their country of origin: it was estimated that over 15 per cent of immigrants who arrived between 1959 and 1965 returned home (Westem 1989: 255). Second, many immigrants did not acquire English language slulls, largely because the English requirements were minimal in most unskilled occupations.

The 1960s heralded a subtle change in government policy, away from assimilauon and towards integration. The first indication of this change was the renaming in 1964 of the Assimilation Section within the Department of Immigration as the Integration Section (Collins 1988). In 1968, intensive English training courses for immigrants were started far the first time, and in 1969 the Committee on Overseas Professional Qualifications was established to seek ways of utilising more effectively the qualifications gained by immigrants in non-Englishs speaking countries. In June 1969, the Labor Party modified its immigration policy, stating that race, colour or nationality should nor be considered as critena for immigration to Australia

Post-1972: Multiculturalism

With the election of the Whitlam Labor government in 1972, the White Australia policy was finally laid to rest.  integration acknowledged that immigrants would have early adjustment

difficulties and therefore would need to retain their culture and language, the new policy of multiculruralism accepted that the retention of culture and language should nor only be allowed but actively encouraged. In 1973, AJ. Grassby outlined the goverment’s new policy towards immigrams in a booklet called A Multicultural Society for the Future The adoption of the term ‘multiculturalism’ had much to do with the Canadian experience.

The idea of encouraging cultural pluralism had emerged in Canada in the 193os, becoming associated with the catchword “mosaic” However, it was not until the early 1970s that the term multiculruralism entered eveglday use (Bullivant 1980). Canadian experience and terminology was the model adopted by Australian observers.

When the Liberal Party was elected in 1975 they confirmed their commitment to multiculturalism and provided the resources to establish ethnic councils. These have emerged as powerful pressure groups, exerting considerable influence on govemment policy arround 1991). The GoibnNy Report on the post-arrival programs and services available to migrants, published in 1978, listed 57 policy objectives, to which the govemmenr responded with five major policy initiatives (Collins 1988; Jupp 1991; Betts 1988; Hawluns 1989). These initiatives included reversing the previous government’s policy and increasing the number of immigrants, introducing programs m schools to promote migrant languages and cultures, and establishing the National Ethnic Broadcasung Advisory Council and the Special Broadcasting Smicc(SBS).

One notable change in the migrant intake in the post-1972 penod has been the increasing numbers of refugees. In the immediate postwar period, refugees came mainly from Poland, the Baltic states and other Eastern European countries that had fallen under Communist rule (Collins 1988: 55). In the most recent period, the major source has been Indochina, with refugees fleeing the consequences of the Communist takeover of South Vietnam (Virriani 1984). Throughout the 1980s, Indochinese refugees accounted for more than half of all refugee amvals in Australia under the Special Humanitarian Program established in 1981 As Figure 61 demonstrates, among developed nations, Australia has taken the largest proportion of Indochinese refugees relative to population size.

In terms of parry politics, the period since 1975 has been marked by a bipartisan policy favouring a high level of immigration and support for the concept of multiculturalism. However, there has been considerable questioning of the political and economic advisability of current immigration policies In 1984, a Melbourne University academic, Professor Geoffrey Blainey, delivered a speech criticising the high levels of Asian immigration and the difficulties in assimilation. As Table 6.2 indicates, just over 5 per cent of the population in 1991 had been born in Asia, about half of them in Southeast Asia’ It is estimated that by 2010, the Asian component of the population wrll be no more than 7 per cent. Moreover, a large proportion of Asian immigrants are from Former British colonies. As Jupp (1991: 90) argues, many of these immigrants are better educated than the average Australian, are fluent in English, and ‘are culturally closer to the Australian norm than most of the Europeans who arrived in the 195Os and 1960s’.

The government policy of multiculturalism has removed many of the obligations prcnously placed on unmigrants by the policies of assimilation and integration. This debate resurfaced with the publication of the FigGemid Report in 1988, which reviewed Australia’s immigration policies. It recommended that immigration should be increased, but with a greater emphasis being placed an economic migrants, and those demonstrating a stronger commitment to Australian values and institutions. The report was opposed by the major ethnic groups, who saw it as an attack an the family reunion program, and the government rejected its major recommendations. In 1989, govemmenr policy on multiculturalism was further refined with the publication of a National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia (..) represents a new phase in Australia’s treatment of migrants, heralded same years before, in which barriers towards access and equity for migrants are removed, mainly in the areas of government services and programs (Takubowicn 1987).

Given the high Ievels of immigration, it is perhaps surprising that Australia has not experienced race nets or popular support for neo-facist organisations, as has occurred in countnes like Britain, France, Germany or the United States. Both Collins (1988) and rupp (1991) argue that the diversity of the migrant intake has played an important role by creating a plural society. In addition, despite the recent emphasis on Asian imrmgrarion, two-thirds of the population have either been born in the British Isles or have one or more parents who are descended from British settlers. Three other factors have also been important in maintaining ethnic and racial stability. First, the social structure is relatively open compared with most other countries, permitting social mobility National Population Council 1991). Second, there has been relative prospenty during periods of high immigration, reducing potential native-serrler connict. Finally, Australia has traditionally granted full social and poliucal rights to all immigrants, thereby ensuring their support for the prevailing political system (Collins 1988; Population Issues Committee 1991; Jupp 1991)

Public Opinion on Immigration and Multiculturalism

Since bipartisanship an immigration and multiculturalism became the norm in the early 1970s, immigration or muluculturalism have rarely surfaced as political issues in parry political debate.

The reasons behind the lack of an informed political debate include the parties’ desire to preserve their own positions by restricting electoral competition along a single economic dimension; the fear that a debate over such fundamental social issues could threaten regime stability and the political ‘rules of the game’; and the importance of multiculturalism as a means of extending fundamental citizen rights (McAllister 1992a). In the absence of a public debate between political Clites, public opinion, therefore, does not possess the necessary information with which to reach an informed decision; the net effect has been that such opinion on these issues lacks consistency and coherence over any extended period of time.

Although the debate over unmigrarion has been eschewed by the political parues, periodic conflict over the issue between a variety of interest groups and individuals has served to make public opinion aware of at least some of the arguments. In the 1980s, the debate was concerned mainly ~ulth Asian immigration, but in the early 1990s it focused on whether any immigration at all — regardless of immigrants’ geographical origins — was desirable This view has been supported by environmentalists, with writers such as Birrell and Birrell (1981) arguing that continuing immigration rcsults not only in a decline in Australia’s standard of living, but also in irreparable environmental damage. The government responded to this debate by commissioning the National population Council to exarmne all aspects of immigration and associated population growth (Population Issues Committee 1991).

Although public opinion on immigration is unstable, and the differences in identifying trends are further compounded by changes in question wordings in the opinion polls, Figure 6.2

suggests two patterns Firnr, the post-war years show that while popular opinion has fluctuated considerably, there have been two periods in which immigration has been especially unpopular.

These penods — in the early 1970s and early 1980s, respectively  correspond roughly to peaks in the immigiant intake, suggesting a popular reaction against high levels of immigration.

Second, public opinion on Asian immigration is closely linked with opinion on immigration as a whole, and is not seen as a separate issue. As a result, popular views on Asian immigration tend to reflect shifts in opinion on the question of immigration as a whole.

Identifying trends in public opinion on multiculturalism presents greater difficulties. The major problem is that considerable ambiguity surrounds the use of the term ‘multiculturalism’

Some use it as a simple description of a society that contains a variety of ethnic and racial groups; others see it more positively, as a policy for securing equal ethnic and racial representation in the community. The former definition has few, if any, policy implications; the latter definition has distmct implications for governmenr policies across a wide range of areas. clven the confusion over its meaning even within political elites, it is not surprising that there is even more confusion within public opinion.

At a theoretical level, however, the term has a clearer meaning.

A society can respond to cultural diversity in a variety of ways.

One approach is to ensure that minority cultural groups assimilate into the culture of the maiority, and this was the policy of successive Australian governments towards immigrants until the 1960s. Perhaps the best known version of the assimilationist approach is the ‘straight line’ theory of Gans (1968; see also Gordon 1975), whereby ethnic groups are systematically absorbed into the host society with the passage of time. An alternative approach to cuirural diversity is to see it as an asset and to encourage it, so that minorities retain their own cultures so long as an overall loyalty is maintained to the society as a whole. This has been the approach adopted by Australian governments since the early 1970s.

Given that multiculturalism only became government policy in relatively recent rimes, we would expect some residual popular support far assimilation to remain, and Table 6.9 shows that this is indeed the case. Around one-third of the Australians in the 1988 survey agreed ‘very much’ with the three assirmlationist statements. English-speaking-bom (ESB) and non-English-speaking born (NESB) migrants are actually mure supportive of assimilation, with die exception that NESB immigrants are less likely to support the statement that ‘different cultural groups in Australia causes lots of problems’ There is, however, very considerable support for the three statements reflecting muiticulturalism

A large majority of Australians support all three, and the level of support increases among ESB and NESB immigrants.

It is this strong popular support which provides a bate for the policy of muluculturalism. In this sense, multiculturalism conforms to the notion of a valence issue, which is defined as an opinion which records a vast majority m support of it, and produces utllty rather than division (Stokes 1966: 170-71). For example, posing an undeniable social good — such as asking voters if the government should try and elirmnate poverty or spend more on health constitutes a valence issue. Multiculturalism has become such an issue because there has been a parry political consensus to support it, and considerable steps have been taken to ensure that it has not become politically dnvislve. The divisions within public opinion over the level of immigration have more serious consequences for govemment, for although immigration policy is not driven by public opinion, nor can such strong popular opinions be ignored.
A major assumption underlying multiculruralism, as already noted, is that ethnic groups will develop a loyalty to their new country, while retaining cultural and social links with the country in which they were born. Of the major ethmc groups, however, Table 6.4 shows that all but one have lower levels of identification with Australia than the Australianism, some of them registering significantly lower levels. The exception is Greek immigrants, 72 per cent of whom reported that they regarded me term ‘Australian’ as being very important to them. However, at the other end of the scale, only 34 per cent of Bntish immigrants regarded it as very unpopular. The data also show that some immigrant groups retain high levels of ethnic identification, most notably the Vietnamese (61 per cent) and, again, the Greeks (59 per cent).

These comparatively low levels of identification can be explained by several factors. First, Australia has traditionally harboured lower levels of nationalist feelings than many other

countnes, notably Britain and the United States, and this has been reinforced by the absence of a strong indigenous military tradition and a relatively secure sea frontier. Second, most countries use citizenship as a means of increasing regime support, but in Australia most unmigrams lack any incentive to became citizens a situation which the 1988 Wlz(iernid Report sought to changer Finally, as we argue in the context of political behaviour, the major incentives for immigrants to come to Australia are social (such as family reunion), necessity (refugees) or economic (seelung material success). In this context, developing an affective attachment to the nation they have joined is likely to have a low priority.

Family and Acquired Capital

Immigrants bring to Australia a wide vanety of slulls, qualifications and experiences, and these diWr considerably between the birthplace groups. The major theory that accounts for differences in socioeconomic attainments assumes that indivrduals receive economic rewards that are cummensurare with their skills, qualifications and experience.

The human capital acquired by an individual is reflected not only m his or her own sacio-economic attainments, but in the capital that they inherit from their family, which has a

direct bearing on the attainments that they themsclvrs will achieve later in their life. For example, a wealthy family will have more money to spend on a child’s education than a pear family and this will, in turn, be converted into a higher status occupation and larger income. In the case of migrants, the concept of human capital can be expanded to include English language proficiency and length of residence in the adopted country, both of which are attributes that are valued by potential employers and which attract economic rewards in the marketplace (Bevans and Kelley 1986).

Malet, Albert, and Jules Isaac. 1959. L’Histoire. aout 1994 ed. 4 vols. Vol. 2: Librairie Hachette.

Maley, William , Charles Sampford , and Ramesh Thakur, eds. 2002. From Civil Strife to Civil Society: Civil and Military responsibilities in disrupted states, UN Series on Foundations of Peace. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.
communiqué par Cyril Ritchie

Maltby, Richard. 1995. Hollywood Cinema: An Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell.

Mantel, H. (2009). Wolf Hall. London, Fourth Estate.

P. 27-28:”This is my intention. What I mean to do is to convene a small court here in London. We will approach him in a shcked fasion: King Harry, you appear to have lived all these years in an unlawful manner, with a woman not your wife. He hates -saving His Majesty- to appear in the worng: which is where we must put him, very firmly. Possibly he will forget that the original scruples were his. Possibly he will shout at us, and hasten in a fit of indignation back to the queen. If not, then I must have the dispensation revoked, here or in Rome, and if I succeed in parting him from Katherine I shall marry him, smartly, to a French princess.”

No need to ask if the cardinal (Wolsey) has a particular princess in mind. He has not one but two or three. He never lives in a single reality, but in a shifting shadow-mesh of diplomatic possibilities. While he is doing his best to keep the king married to Queen Katherine and her Spanish-Imperial family, by begging Henry to forget his scruples, he will also plan for an alternative world, in which the king’s scruples must be heeded, and the marriage to Katherine is void.

192: He simpers. “Les dépêches, toujours les dépêches”

“That’s the ambassador’s life”, He (Ambassador Chapuy) looks up and smiles. “Thomas Cromwell”.

“Ah, c’est le juif errant!”

At once the ambassador apologises: whilst smiling around, as if bemused, at the success of his joke.

(…)

“We will speak French, gentlemen” says Bonvisi.

French, as it happens ,is the first language of the ambassador of the Empire and Spain; and like any other diplomat, he will never take the trouble to learn English, for how will hat help him in his next posting?

378: How can he explain to him? The world is not run from where he thinks. Not from his border fortresses, not even from Whitehall. The world is run from Antwerp, from Florence, from places he has never imagined; from Lisbon, from where the ships with sails of silk drift west and are burned up in the sun. Not from casle wallls, but from counting houses, not by the all of the bugle but by the click of the abacus, not by the grate of the pen on the page of the promissory note that pays for the gun and the gunsmith and the powder and the shop.

533:He thinks, we don’t want our king to be the poor man of Europe. Spain and Portugal have treasure flowing in every year from the Americas.

585-586: These last months, the countcil has never been out of harness. A hard summer of negotiating has brought a treaty with the Scots. But Ireland is in revolt. Only Dublin Castel itself and the town of Waterford hold out for the king, while the rebel lords are offering their services and their harbours to the Emperor’s troops. Among these isles it is the most wretched of territories, which does not pay the king what it costs him to garrison it; but he cannot turn his back on it, for fear of who else might come in. Law is barely respected there, for the Irish think you can buy off murder with money, and likethe Welsh they cost out a man’s life in cattle. These people are kept poor by imposts and seizures, by foreitures and plain daylight robbery; the pious English abstain from meant on Wednesday and Fridays, but the joke runs that the Irish are so godly they abstain every other day as well. Their great lords are brutal and imperious men, treacherous and fickle, inveterate feuders, extortionists and hostage takers, and their allegiance to England they hold cheap, for they are loyal to nothing and prefer force of arms to law (…)

No wonder they don’t want to be English. It would interrupt their status as slave-Owner.

Marger, Martin N. 1991. Race and Ethnic Relations: American and Global Perspectives. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company.

Marsh, George. 1860. Lectures on the English Language.

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Marshall, David F. 1986. The Question of an Official Language: language rights and the English Language Amendment. International Journal of the Sociology of Language (60):7.

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Masland, Tom. 1999. Looking for their Roots: On the West Coast of Africa, where millions of slaves saw their homeland for the last time, African-Americans now search for the memories of their ancestors. Newsweek, September 6, 1999, 72.

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___. 1988. Economic Development and Interantional Migrations. Population and Development Review (14.3):383-413.

Matthiasson, John S. 1986. The Maritime Inuit: Life on the Edge. In Native Peoples: the Canadian Experience, edited by B. Morrison and W. R. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.

Maurais, Jacques, ed. 1987. Politique et aménagement linguistique. Québec et Paris: Conseil de la langue française; Le Robert.

Maveyraud, Cécile. 2001. Les Piments de la colère. Télérama, 28 mars 2001, 94-96.

(…) “A force de filmer les pauvres et les faibles, on tombe dans la pornographie sociale, explique Thierry Garrel, directeur de l’unité documentaire d’Arte France. Il était temps de remonter aux sources pour regarder les raisons de cette fracture sociale”. Autrement dit: passer de la description des symptômes à celle des causes. Huit réalisateurs ont accepté de relever le défi dans la nouvelle collection “La bourse et la vie”. Le capitalisme sous toutes ses formes, ne va pas être à la fête sur la chaine franco-allemande.

Le cinéaste haïtien Raoul Peck ouvre le feu avec Le profit et rien d’autre! ou réflexions abusives sur la lutte des classes
Sous cette appellation à double sens, il a réalisé une oeuvre qui dénonce le capitalisme et son fonctionnement. “On veut nous faire croire que c’est un état naturel, qu’il n’y a pas d’autres systèmes possibles. Ce discours dominant ne doit pas être pris pour argent comptant. Il n’y a aucune raison d’accepter le statu quo qu’on veut nous imposer”dit-il calmement.
Son pamphlet politico-poétique (…) est efficace et régénérant.
(…)
Dans Le Profit et rien d’autre!, il a interrogé les petites marchandes de Port-à-Piment, le bourg haïtien d’où sa famille est originaire et où il possède quelques arpents de terre. Il a même demandé à un de ses anciens collègues du gouvernement haïtien, Gérald Mathurin, en charge de l’agriculture, d’expliquer la façon dont le Nord a réussi à imposer son modèle éconoique au Sud.
(…)
Il s’interroge lui-même, à travers son commentaire, sur les combats de sa génération, sur les résultats concrets de ses engagements en tant que cinéaste. Dans son ton jusque-là combatif perce alors le désenchantement: “Nous avons essayé et pourtant le monde a à peine changé”- Tout Peck, ou presque, apparaît en concentré dans ce documentaire: HAîti, les rapports Nord-Sude et, au-delà, les rapports Noirs-Blancs, la politique, l’économie et le plaisir d’écrire.
Si Haïti habite la majorité de ses films et documentaires, il y a en fait peu vécu. Exilé depuis ses 9 ans, devenu nomade, sa route l’a mené tojours plus au nord, du Congo en France, puis en Allemagne, o?u il a sujivi une double formation d’ingénieur et de cinéaste. Ce n’est qu’après la chute de Jean-Claude Duvalier, en 1986, qu’il a pu enfin, à 30 ans passés, retrouver en toute liberté la terre de son enfance. “Les images que j’avais emportées avec moi étaient restées vives dans mon souvenir. Le temps et l’éloignement les avaient même embellies. Et puis chez nous, la diaspora est importante. Quelque soit l’endroit où je passais, il y avait un petit groupe d’Haîtiens. On se voyait le dimanche, pour faire ensemble la cuisine du pays et discuter de Haîti. Les liens ont donc toujours été forts.” Raoul Peck, activiste gauchiste des années 70 à Berlin-ouest, envisagea même un temps de retourner dans son pays sous une fausse identité afin de soulever la révolution. Le projet fut abandonné. “Je ne l’ai pas ressenti comme un échec. De toute façon nous aurions été tués. J’ai toujours essayé d’être utile et efficace, mais je n’ai jamais eu un esprit aveugle de sacrifice. J’ai changé de stratégie de combat: j’ai décidé de faire des films.”
Le premier, Carrefour Haïtien, sort en 1988, deux ans après la chute de Bébé doc. Peck y dénonce la torture des tontons macoutes et s’interroge sur al vengeance et le pardon. Plus tard, L’Homme sur les quais, en compétition à Cannes en 1993, montrera les débuts du duvaliérisme et la mise en place du processus de terreur.
Le Congo, où il débarque enfant en 1962 parce que son père a choisi de s’éloigner du régime de François Duvalier, nourit aussi une partie de son oeuvre, notamment à travers la figure de Patrice Lumumba. (…)
En 1991, Peck consacre au “nègre  à la barbe de chèvre” un remarquable documentaire, où il affirme d’emblée son style particulier .  Lumumba, la mort d’un prophète est protéiforme: le cinéaste se souvient à haute voix de ce que lui avait dit sa mère, interviewe les témoins de l’époque (proches, diplomates et journalistes belges), se raconte, lui, enfant au COngo. Ce film, à la fois hd’auteur et d’enquêteur est construit avec les images 8 mm familiales, des entretiens classiques, des images d’archives et d’autres plus évocatrices qu’informatives. “Je cherche en permanence à illustrer un point de vue ou une situation depuis plusieurs endroits à la fois, selon différents regards, à différents moment. Superposer les couchesd de récits, c’est une  manière d’approcher le plus possible la vérité” explique-t-il. Cette volonté d’envisager ce qui se passe sous différents angles est chez lui naturelle: “Je suis en permanence haïtien, congolais, français, allemand. Ca me permet d’avoir une grille de lecture plus fiable, plus sereine.
(…)
Aujourd’hui, Raoul Peck, qui a poussé le mimétisme jusqu’à arborer la même barbichette que Lumumba, se souvient encore de son arrivée au Congo et de son premier choc d’enfant: “J’arrivais avec des images de Blanc dans la tête. Je sortais d’un contexte “bourgeois”  influencé par les cultures française et américaine. Pour moi, l’9Afrique, c’était Tarzan, et j’étais du côté de Tarzan, pas des sauvages”. Aussi, pour lui, c’est un devoir de véhiculer dans ses films une image positive de l’homme noir. “Les jeunes Noirs sont imprégnés d’images qui ne leur correspondent pas, qui ne sont pas les leurs. De plus, chaque fois qu’il y a un noir dans  une fiction à la télévision je tremble, car souvent ce sont des caricatures ou des personnages pas crédibles. Comment voulez-vous qu’à partir de ça les jeunes se forgent une image positive de leur histoire et d’eux-mêmes?
Je suis sûr qu’en regardant Lumumba, la majorité des jeunes Burkinabés, Dominicains ou Haïtiens ont vu pour la première fois sur un écran des personnages qui leur ressemblaient et étaient aussi valorisants”.
Pour le définir, Pierre Chevalier, le directeur de la fiction d’Arte, dit qu’il est “entre deux”. Avant de préciser: “Entre Blanc et Noir, si j’ose dire”. Réponse de l’intéressé: “C’est une chance de pouvoir voir les choses en dedeans et en dehors. Je ne le vis pas comme une schizophrénie. Par exemple, dans Corps plongés, une fiction sur le thème de la mémoire et de l’exil, réalisée en 1998 pour Arte, je souhaitais traiter des difficultués d’être noir dans une société euro-centriste. En parler frontalement, c’était prendre le risque d’être caricatural. Ma position “entre deux” m’a aidé à aborder le sujet de façon détournée, plus décontractée.”
(…) “A force de filmer les pauvres et les faibles, on tombe dans la prnographie sociale, explique Thierry Garrel, directeur de l’unité documentaire d’Arte France. Il était temps de remonter aux sources pour regarder les raisons de cette fracture sociale”. Autrement dit: passer de la description des symptômes à celle des causes. Huit réalisateurs ont accepté de relever le défi dans la nouvelle collection “La bourse et la vie”. Le capitalisme sous toutes ses formes, ne va pas être à la fête sur la chaine franco-allemande.Le cinéaste haïtien Raoul Peck ouvre le feu avec Le profit et rien d’autre! ou réflexions abusives sur la lutte des classes. Sous cette appellation à double sens, il a réalisé une oeuvre qui dénonce le capitalisme et son fonctionnement. “On veut nous faire croire que c’est un état naturel, qu’il n’y a pas d’autres systèmes possibles. Ce discours dominant ne doit pas être pris pour argent comptant. Il n’y a aucune raison d’accepter le statu quo qu’on veut nous imposer”dit-il calmement.Son pamphlet politico-poétique (…) est efficace et régénérant.(…) Dans Le Profit et rien d’autre!, il a interrogé les petites marchandes de Port-à-Piment, le bourg haïtien d’où sa famille est originaire et où il possède quelques arpents de terre. Il a même demandé à un de ses anciens collègues du gouvernement haïtien, Gérald Mathurin, en charge de l’agriculture, d’expliquer la façon dont le Nord a réussi à imposer son modèle éconoique au Sud. (…)Il s’interroge lui-même, à travers son commentaire, sur les combats de sa génération, sur les résultats concrets de ses engagements en tant que cinéaste. Dans son ton jusque-là combatif perce alors le désenchantement: “Nous avons essayé et pourtant le monde a à peine changé”- Tout Peck, ou presque, apparaît en concentré dans ce documentaire: HAîti, les rapports Nord-Sude et, au-delà, les rapports Noirs-Blancs, la politique, l’économie et le plaisir d’écrire.Si Haïti habite la majorité de ses films et documentaires, il y a en fait peu vécu. Exilé depuis ses 9 ans, devenu nomade, sa route l’a mené tojours plus au nord, du Congo en France, puis en Allemagne, o?u il a sujivi une double formation d’ingénieur et de cinéaste. Ce n’est qu’après la chute de Jean-Claude Duvalier, en 1986, qu’il a pu enfin, à 30 ans passés, retrouver en toute liberté la terre de son enfance. “Les images que j’avais emportées avec moi étaient restées vives dans mon souvenir. Le temps et l’éloignement les avaient même embellies. Et puis chez nous, la diaspora est importante. Quelque soit l’endroit où je passais, il y avait un petit groupe d’Haîtiens. On se voyait le dimanche, pour faire ensemble la cuisine du pays et discuter de Haîti. Les liens ont donc toujours été forts.” Raoul Peck, activiste gauchiste des années 70 à Berlin-ouest, envisagea même un temps de retourner dans son pays sous une fausse identité afin de soulever la révolution. Le projet fut abandonné. “Je ne l’ai pas ressenti comme un échec. De toute façon nous aurions été tués. J’ai toujours essayé d’être utile et efficace, mais je n’ai jamais eu un esprit aveugle de sacrifice. J’ai changé de stratégie de combat: j’ai décidé de faire des films.”Le premier, Carrefour Haïtien, sort en 1988, deux ans après la chute de Bébé doc. Peck y dénonce la torture des tontons macoutes et s’interroge sur al vengeance et le pardon. Plus tard, L’Homme sur les quais, en compétition à Cannes en 1993, montrera les débuts du duvaliérisme et la mise en place du processus de terreur.Le Congo, où il débarque enfant en 1962 parce que son père a choisi de s’éloigner du régime de François Duvalier, nourit aussi une partie de son oeuvre, notamment à travers la figure de Patrice Lumumba. (…)En 1991, Peck consacre au “nègre  à la barbe de chèvre” un remarquable documentaire, où il affirme d’emblée son style particulier .  Lumumba, la mort d’un prophète est protéiforme: le cinéaste se souvient à haute voix de ce que lui avait dit sa mère, interviewe les témoins de l’époque (proches, diplomates et journalistes belges), se raconte, lui, enfant au COngo. Ce film, à la fois hd’auteur et d’enquêteur est construit avec les images 8 mm familiales, des entretiens classiques, des images d’archives et d’autres plus évocatrices qu’informatives. “Je cherche en permanence à illustrer un point de vue ou une situation depuis plusieurs endroits à la fois, selon différents regards, à différents moment. Superposer les couchesd de récits, c’est une  manière d’approcher le plus possible la vérité” explique-t-il. Cette volonté d’envisager ce qui se passe sous différents angles est chez lui naturelle: “Je suis en permanence haïtien, congolais, français, allemand. Ca me permet d’avoir une grille de lecture plus fiable, plus sereine.(…)Aujourd’hui, Raoul Peck, qui a poussé le mimétisme jusqu’à arborer la même barbichette que Lumumba, se souvient encore de son arrivée au Congo et de son premier choc d’enfant: “J’arrivais avec des images de Blanc dans la tête. Je sortais d’un contexte “bourgeois”  influencé par les cultures française et américaine. Pour moi, l’Afrique, c’était Tarzan, et j’étais du côté de Tarzan, pas des sauvages”. Aussi, pour lui, c’est un devoir de véhiculer dans ses films une image positive de l’homme noir. “Les jeunes Noirs sont imprégnés d’images qui ne leur correspondent pas, qui ne sont pas les leurs. De plus, chaque fois qu’il y a un noir dans  une fiction à la télévision je tremble, car souvent ce sont des caricatures ou des personnages pas crédibles. Comment voulez-vous qu’à partir de ça les jeunes se forgent une image positive de leur histoire et d’eux-mêmes?Je suis sûr qu’en regardant Lumumba, la majorité des jeunes Burkinabés, Dominicains ou Haïtiens ont vu pour la première fois sur un écran des personnages qui leur ressemblaient et étaient aussi valorisants”.Pour le définir, Pierre Chevalier, le directeur de la fiction d’Arte, dit qu’il est “entre deux”. Avant de préciser: “Entre Blanc et Noir, si j’ose dire”. Réponse de l’intéressé: “C’est une chance de pouvoir voir les choses en dedeans et en dehors. Je ne le vis pas comme une schizophrénie. Par exemple, dans Corps plongés, une fiction sur le thème de la mémoire et de l’exil, réalisée en 1998 pour Arte, je souhaitais traiter des difficultués d’être noir dans une société euro-centriste. En parler frontalement, c’était prendre le risque d’être caricatural. Ma position “entre deux” m’a aidé à aborder le sujet de façon détournée, plus décontractée.”

M’Bow, Amadou M. 1985. Introduction au débat général sur Plan 1984-89 à la quatrième session of la Conference Générale. Paris: UNESCO.

McAndrew, M. 1993. The Integration of Ethnic Minority Students Fifteen Years after Bill 101: Some Issues Confronting Montreal’s French Language Public Schools. Montréal: Université de Montréal, Centre d’Etudes Ethniques.
McArthur, Tom. 1998. The English Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
McCann, Colum.1998. This Side of Brightness. London: Phoenix House.

brilliant novel I warmly recommend as one of the best I read since Garp!

p.3: They arrive at dawn in their georgraphy of hats. A dark field of figures, stalks in motion, bending towards the docklands.
Scattered at first in the streets of Brooklyn – they have come by trolly and ferry and elevated train – they begin to gather together in a wave.
(…) Some men have big ,oustaches that move like  prairie grasses above their lips. Others are young and raw from razors. All of them have faces hollozed by the gravity of their work – they smoke furiously, with the knowledge of those who might be dead in just  a few hours.

McCutcheon, Andrew. 1991. Victoria’s Multicultural Agenda. In Multicultural Australia: the challenges of change, edited by D. Goodman, D. J. O’Hearn and C. Wallace-Crabbe. Melbourne: Scribe.

McGroarty, Mary. 1996. Multilingualism in the U.S. federal system: equity or expediency? Paper read at American Association of Applied Linguistics (AAAL) Conference, March, at Chicago, Illinois.

___1997. Language policy in the USA: National Values, Local Loyalties, Pragmatic Pressures. In Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges, edited by W. Eggington and H. Wren. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

McMurchy, Megan. 1994. The Documentary. In Australian Cinema, edited by S. Murray. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin.
McSweeney, Bill. 2003. Flawed US Perspectives. the Irish Time, June 21, 2003, 13.

Meewis, M. (2010). Adapting to the subaltern: colonial Management of linguistic Diversity in the Belgian Congo (1880-1960). “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Mehedi, Mustapha. 1999. L’éducation multiculturelle et interculturelle et la protection des minorités. Revue Québécoise de Droit International 12 (1):25-32.

Mikes, George. 1968. Mortal Passion. 2nd ed. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books.

Miller, David. 1995. On Nationality. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Miller, Virginia. 1986. The Micmac: A Maritime Woodland Group. In Native Peoples: the Canadian Experience, edited by B. Morrison and W. R. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.
Mills, Charles W. 1998. Blackness Visible: Essays on Philosophy and Race. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.

Milner, Jean-Claude. 1995. Introduction à une science du langage. Vol. 300, Points Essais. Paris: Editions du Seuil.

___2006. Le juif de savoir, Points Essais: Grasset.

Mitchell-Kernan, Claudia. 1969. Language behavior in a black urban community. Berkeley, California: Language Behavior Research Laboratory.

 

Mizubayashi, Akira  (2011), Une langue venue d’ailleurs (Coll. L’un et l’autre: Gallimard ) 280.

Découvert via une note sur SLonFB de Francine Mancini (http://www.francinemancini.ch/ et https://www.facebook.com/francine.mancini1)  qui a publié un article du blog http://5emedecouverture.wordpress.com/2011/02/26/akira-mizubayashi-une-langue-venue-d-ailleurs/

Le jour où je me suis emparé de la langue française, j’ai perdu le japonais pour toujours dans sa pureté originelle. Ma langue d’origine a perdu son statut de langue d’origine. J’ai appris à parler comme un étranger dans ma propre langue. Mon errance entre les deux langues a commencé… Je ne suis donc ni japonais ni français. Je ne cesse finalement de me rendre étranger à moi-même dans les deux langues, en allant et en revenant de l’une à l’autre, pour me sentir toujours décalé, hors de place. Mais, justement, c’est de ce lieu écarté que j’accède à la parole ; c’est de ce lieu ou plutôt de ce non-lieu que j’exprime tout mon amour du français, tout mon attachement au japonais. 

Je suis étranger ici et là et je le demeure.

Akira Mizubayashi a dix-neuf ans lorsqu’il apprend le français à l’université au Japon. C’est alors une langue étrangère. A l’époque, le japonais était pour lui une langue « fatiguée, pâle, étiolée ». Le français lui est alors apparu comme une issue face à ce japonais malmené par tout un peuple. Il s’est alors lancé dans son apprentissage et est venu suivre des études en France. C’est là-bas qu’il a rencontré celle qui est son épouse. Depuis, le français est devenue son autre langue.

Akira Mizubayashi nous parle de son apprentissage de la langue française. Son amour pour notre langue ne peut que séduire les amoureux de la langue française. Il apporte un regard extérieur très intéressant, un regard profondément marqué par sa nationalité japonaise. Il nous explique comment sa culture japonaise l’empêche d’employer certaines de nos tournures comme les expressions appellatives (Bonjour, ma chérie. Comment vas-tu, papa ?) ou tout simplement Bonjour ! que nous utilisons pour saluer mêmes des inconnus, chose inconcevable au Japon.

L’autre amour de l’auteur est la musique, qui est omniprésente dans ce récit comme elle l’est dans la vie de l’auteur. Le parallèle qu’il fait entre la langue et la musique est très intéressant.

Dans toutes les langues du monde sans doute résonne de la musique ; des tremblements d’émotions se font entendre en elles à travers les mots prononcés dans l’infinie variation des inflexions vocales. La vie où s’entremêlent les sons de la nuit, les silences du jour et tous les bruissements du cœur comme du monde sensible est un gigantesque réservoir de musique. Alors, la langue, la plus fidèle et la plus profonde compagne de la vie, ne peut être elle-même autre chose que de la musique. Seulement, d’une langue à l’autre, la musique ne s’élève pas de la même manière. Chaque langue a ses lieux propres, ses situations singulières pour faire vibrer sa musique.

Le rôle du père a été déterminant pour Akira et son frère. C’est grâce à lui qu’ils ont pu s’élever. Leur père n’hésite pas à investir de l’argent et du temps en ce sens.

Pour les livres, je disposais d’un budget illimité, si j’ose dire. Mon père me disait :

- Aucune marchandise n’est meilleur marché qu’un livre, à condition qu’on le lise. Tu achèteras autant de livres que tu voudras, si tu en as besoin et si tu les lis. Rien de plus cher, par contre, qu’un livre, si on ne le lit pas puisqu’on ne peut même pas s’en servir comme papier hygiénique. »

Akira Mizubayashi a une personnalité très attachante. Son enthousiasme, sa sincérité et son amour du français m’ont séduite. J’ai eu un vrai coup de cœur pour ce livre. C’est le genre de livres où l’on souligne de nombreux passages et qu’on sait qu’on lira et relira.

Un spectacle de rue étonnant, une musique sublime, un film bouleversant, un tableau magnifique, une joyeuse conversation amicale dans un café, une belle page de roman : tout cela pouvait irriguer et fertiliser la langue qui me traversait désormais de part en part, car tous ces chocs esthétiques suscitaient des mots et libéraient la parole ; la langue que je cultivais en moi comme une plante précieuse se développait, se ramifiait, se revigorait au contact d’une source de désir qui se cachait dans ces moments d’émerveillement.

Moffett, Samuel E. 1972. The Americanization of Canada. Toronto.
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Mongin, Olivier. 1995. Le spectre du multiculturalisme américain: Retour sur une controverse: du “politiquement correct ” au multiculturalisme. Esprit (Juin 1991):83-87.

Montgomery, Michael. 1999. Eiteenth-Century Sierra Leone English: Another exported variety of African American English. English World-Wide 1 (20):1-34.

Morawska, Ewa. 2005. Immigrants and Citizenship: An Ethnographic Assessment. Paper read at 37th International Institute of Sociology Conference: Migration and Citizenship, at Stockholm, Norra Latin, Aula 3d Floor.

Morgan, Marcyliena. 1998. More than an mood or an attitude: discourse and verbal genres in African-American Culture. In African-American English: Structure, History and Use, edited by S. S. Mufwene, J. R. Rickford, G. Bailey and B. John. London: Routledge.

Morrison, B., and Wilson R. 1986. Native Peoples: the Canadian Experience. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.

Morrison, B., and Wilson R. 1986. On the Study of Native Peoples. In Native Peoples: the Canadian Experience. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.

Moscato, M. , and Wittwer J. 1978. La Psychologie du Langage, Que-Sais-Je? Paris: PUF.

Mouillon, Philippe. 1995. Un voisinage mondial. In Identités, Cultures et Territoires, edited by J.-P. Saez. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer.

Mufwene, Slikoko S. 1997. Gullah Development: Myth and Socio-historical Evidence. In Language Variety in the South Revisited, edited by C. Berstein, T. Nunnally and R. Rabino: The University of Alabama Press.

___and John R. Rickford. 1998. Introduction to African-American English: Structure, History and Use. London: Routledge.
___ John R. Rickford, Guy Bailey, and Baugh John, eds. 1998. African-American English: Structure, History and Use. London: Routledge.

Muhlhausler, P. 1986. Pidgin and Creole Linguistics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

Murray, Scott, ed. 1994. Australian Cinema. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin.

Murray, Scott. 1994. Australian directors overseas 1970-1992. In Australian Cinema, edited by S. Murray. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin.

Murray, Scott, Raffaele Caputo, and Claudine Thoridnet. 1994. Filmography: one hundred and fifty Australian films. In Australian Cinema, edited by S. Murray. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin.

Musehane, N. (2010). Language shift: a Case of the department of safety and security (Police Service) in the Limpopo Province, SA. In Law. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Mutombo, Kanyana. 2002. Comment les Noirs se sont eux-mêmes oubliés à Strasbourg. Regards Africains (47/48):58-59.

___2002. Duel entre victimes: Juifs vs. Noirs… Regards Africains (47/48):62-63.

Mydans, Seth. 1999. Reluctantly, Australia opts to save the Queen. International Herald Tribune (New York Times Service), Monday, November 8, 1999, 1 &10.

One Response to “Bibliography (M) like Masliah….see also (R)!”


  1. [...] negotiating about the jointly recreated meanings from a symmetrical and relatively more convenient interaction position websites are institutionalised contexts regroping different institutionalised genres within a wider trans-national “institutional discursive regime” (fairclough 1992) the internet is a power instrument with powerful symbols The transfer of these symbols over the internet offers a trememdous semiotic potential for the reconstruction of group identities. Mufwene, S. (2011). Pourquoi le français en Afrique Noire n’a pas évolué commen en Amérique du Nord, aux Antilles ou dans l’Océan Indien. Langues en contact: le français à travers le monde. Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg. Meeting Salikoko was a rare moment, he’s even more charming and wonderful than my already very high expectation! Du pur bonheur!!! cf. my notes in my bibliography too [...]

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