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Last Update: Nov. 15, 2012

Waggoner, D. (1981). Statistics on language use.  Language in the USA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 592.

Wagner, Peter (2005), ‘In time and Space: on the Possibility of a Cultural Theory of Modernity’, in Neil J. Smelser, University of California, Berkeley (ed.), 37th International Institute of Sociology Conference: Sociology and Cultural Sciences (Folket Hus, Kongresshallen A: European University Institute, Italy,).

other Presenters:
[Hannerz, 2005 #9]

Commentator Margaret Archer, University of Warwick, UK

On the possibility of a cultural theory of modernity. Attempts to understand our modern times. Modernity between cultural and sociological tensions.
78-79, sociology, well established then. Firm grip on study of modern society. Sub disciplins were corresponding to society, based on the assumption of social fabric.
culture: part of well ordered society. more within anthropology. modern society was seen as not needing culture. Jeffrey Alexander saw modernity as institutionalization of freedom.
Now human beings are seen as having political or cultural bonds.
culture changed meaning.
Move from anthropology away from understanding of common value to interactionist approach.
Cultural linguistics: life is constituted through language thus interpretation.
Culture seen as more important than economics or social today.
Modernity: three different ways to approch in
1-Sociology:
Globalization superficially studying the decline. More globalization, thus not much social left between Global, neoliberal thinking, cosmopolitanism
3-Hardening: Huntington
Critical mainstream: implIcation for theorizing modernity. Modernity as double commitment to autonomy (freedom) and power (mastery)
3- Culture approach: bourdieu. Behind the façade something else is going on. Modernity as interpretation. Eurocentric view of european modernity. Origins of modernity in Europen then spreading to the rest of the world (globalization)
Rupture in History. Set of Revolution. Scientific, industrial, liberal development revolutions: Modern Society
HOWEVER:
1- 19TH century: strong organization of cultural and linguistic identities claship between each other. Cultural variety of interpretation of modernity leading to WW1
2- Post-colonial studies depict the wide array of traditions left aside
WW1: Second break in tradition in European History. Big civilization of failure. Concpetualized as break in time (H. Arendt)
US Modernity: modern yet different from Europe. Puts Europe in inferior term. Self critical term in memory.
By examples, we use specificity in time and space of modern experience at given moments.

Waho, Toni (2011)paper given at World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People, Peru.

-– (2012), ‘Te Rei Māori – The Māori language- in the City’, paper given at Languages in the City, Berlin, 21-24 August, 2012.

cf his ppt. Te Reo Māori in the City gives a background to the Māori Language Revitalisation effort. This presentation was prepared by Toni Waho who is the Co-ordinator of an urban based multi tribal organisation called Mana Tamariki. Mana Tamariki means “chidrens’ power.” Toni is also a Trustee of the National Te Kōhanga Reo Trust Board which is the governing body for the total immersion pre-school movement Te Kōhanga Reo. He is the Chairman of Te Rūnanga Nui o ngā Kura Kaupapa Māori (Association of total immersion Māori language schools), a director of Te Māngai Pāho – the Māori Broadcasting Funding agency and an active tribal leader. Toni was a member of the panel that reviewed the New Zealand Government’s Māori language strategy and its $600M spend in support of the Māori language in 2011.

In this presentation Toni explains the emergence of the Māori language revitalisation movement nationally and how Mana Tamariki was developed as part of the journey Māori people have undertaken to protect, revitalise and regenerate the indigenous language in Aotearoa New Zealand. Māori language revitalisation is predominantly urban based because most Māori people live in towns and cities. Mana Tamariki is a case study shared here in Berlin to give insight to issues relating to the once rural tribal based Māori residing often miles away from their tribal homelands. In Mana Tamariki Fishman’s critical stage 6 – family, neighbourhood and community – is the focus resulting in the re-growth of Māori language families.

Māori people arrived from Eastern Polynesia – Tahiti, Rarotonga – in Aotearoa about 1000 years ago. The Polynesian islands amongst the Polynesian triangle had been populated by waves of migrants from the Western Pacific and Eastern Asia. DNA research suggests the Polynesian ancestors originate in Taiwan.

The Māori language is closely related to all the other Polynesian languages especially Rarotonga Cook Island Māori, Tahitian, Marquesan, Rapanui (Easter Island) and Hawaiian. The root languages of the Polynesian language group are Samoan and Tongan which are quite distinct. They all have a similar syntax and grammar but Samoan and Tonga use consonants not found in the others.

There are seven main dialects of the Māori language. Within each dialect grouping are principal tribes. There are 57 main tribal groups. Each tribal group is made up of smaller sub-tribes. In the 1820s some northern tribal dialect groups relocated to the south of the North Island and the top of the South.Māori people first experienced contact with Europeans when the Dutchman Abel Tasman travelled via South Africa south of Australia to the west coast of the top of the South Island. The encounter was not a happy one. The Dutch fired a canon. The Māori pursued the Dutch the next day and clubbed some sailors to death. The Dutch fired on and killed one of the Māori. The Dutch did not land on Aotearoa soil. They mapped the west coast of the islands and named the country New Zealand.

120 years later in 1769 the British sent James Cook to the Pacific ocean to track the path of Venus. His expedition took his crew to Aotearoa – now known by the Western World as New Zealand. His arrival marked another violent encounter between Europeans and Māori. As he approached shore his crew shot one of the leading Māori chiefs. Cook erected the Union Jack to claim the country for Britain. He sailed around the islands mapping the shoreline. On his return to England the official British response to this claim to new British territory was to leave New Zealand to the natives. Britain could no longer afford to colonise having spent 400 years expanding its interests in India, China, Japan, the Americas, Canada and Africa.

In around 1800 it is approximated there were between 100-200,000 Māori people. British, American and French traders had established a presence. About 2,000 Europeans lived in whaling, sealing and forestry camps. By 1815 Anglican missionaries arrived to convert the savages to Christianity.

Pressure was put on the British government to take over New Zealand. In 1840 the Māori tribes signed the Treaty of Waitangi which gave the British Crown sovereignty while acknowledging Māori peoples’ autonomy and control over their domains. This lead to the colonisation of our country by the English.

Māori people identify colonisation, loss of land, the drop in population and the role of the Education system as the primary causes of the loss of the Māori language.

Prior to the Treaty there was very little tension between European and Māori. Battles between Māori had sorted out a natural pecking order. The early acquisition of guns by one tribe lead to warfare and a pursuit by the other tribes to acquire guns. A balance of power was struck after 10 years. English and French missionaries had established schools in the Māori language. Most Māori were bilingual and bi-literate, unlike most European who were monolingual and illiterate.

From the time the Treaty of Waitangi was signed, tension grew. Māori resisted European pressure on them to sell land. Europeans established a Parliament that excluded Māori. Pressure for land and the exclusion of Māori from the halls of power lead to the New Zealand wars. After the resisting tribes were subjugated their lands were confiscated. A Land Court was established. The only access Māori could have to cash was to sell land. European diseases had a devastating affect on Māori. By 1900 the European population had increased to 750,000. The Māori population had dropped to 40,000.

In 1867 the New Zealand Government established a free compulsory education system. However Māori had to provide land and buildings for schools. The Māori language was banned from schools and Māori children were punished, physically beaten for using the Māori language at school.

Prior to World War II 90% of Māori lived in rural tribal villages. They lived off the remaining land they owned or worked as rural agricultural labourers and domestic servants for Europeans. Their first language in the home was the Māori language. They engaged in English beyond the village, at school, in shops and at work. Most Māori community events, ceremonies and celebrations took place in the Māori language.

Most Māori tribes sent their young men to join the New Zealand defence force in support of the United Kingdom during World War II. At the end of the war, New Zealand grew in industrialisation. New factories required workers. The Government encouraged Māori to move to the cities for work and education. By the mid-1950s 80% of the now 100,000 or so Māori had moved from their rural villages to the urban and city areas.

Prior to this there had been very little contact between most Europeans and Māori. The influx of Māori to the cities was met with racist negativism. The government “pepper potted” individual Māori families amongst predominantly white communities to “assimilate” them to European ways. Māori were generally expected to become “white” the sooner the better. The Māori language was not welcome in the cities. Māori parents, themselves punished for using the Māori language at schools based in their home villages, raised their families speaking only English to them. Within one generation the Māori language was no longer intergenerationally transmitted.

By 1970 urban Māori youth, inspired by the American Black liberation movement, rose up in protest against the breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi and language loss. By 1979 only 8% of the 300,000 Māori people could speak Māori.

In 1972 a petition with 30,000 signatures was taken to Parliament calling for the official recognition of the Māori language and for the Māori language to be taught in schools. This lead to an increase in the teaching of Māori language and an official Māori language day. Māori Language Day eventually became Māori Language Week.

The Māori language movement built in momentum, moving to adopting language acquisition strategies such as total immersion learning methodologies. In 1981 the first major organisation to develop was Te Ataarangi, a total immersion adult learning programme based on Caleb Gattegno’s Silent Way.

A year later Māori elders called for more to be done for the younger generations. Te Kōhanga Reo – the language nest – was launched. Native speaking elders, predominantly women – volunteered to spend their days with the grandchildren generation using only the Māori language as the language of communication.

Three years down the track it was evident that the movement of kōhanga reo children into schools has a negative impact on their language. Within 6 months they stopped using the language. An urban based Māori organisation established the first total immersion Māori language school.

In 1975 a process was established whereby Māori can lay grievances against the Crown (Government) for breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi. A leading Māori language organisation laid a claim against the Crown for its role in the loss of the Māori language, especially through Education policy. The result was the official legal recognition of Te Reo Māori as an official language and the establishment of the Māori Language Commission as the principal policy advisor to the Government on Māori language matters.

In 1989 the Education Act was reviewed and renewed. Kura Kaupapa Māori – total immersion Māori language schools became included as a fully state funded option. This precipitated total immersion teacher training programmes. At the same time Kōhanga Reo became funded in the same way as English language Early Childhood Centres. $70M is now allocated annually to the pre-school language nests.

In 1990 there were 900 kōhanga reo centres with 14,000 children but only 6 kura kaupapa Māori with only 150 children.

By 2011 over half the native speakers that were used to support kōhanga reo had died. This resulted in halving the number of centres and a drop in numbers of children by a third. Meanwhile schools have grown in number. There are now several options of Māori language programmes. Full immersion schools number about 100 with 7,000 children.

Education has been the Māori peoples’ main focus in language revitalisation and regeneration. The shift is now on homes, families, neighbourhood and community is now the focus.

Education has contributed to a massive increase in speakers of the Māori language – 25.2% of 400,000 Māori were fluent speakers in 2001, saving the language from the brink of extinction having dropped to 8% of 300,000 Māori in 1979. But there is a worry that in 2006 there had been a 2% drop.

In 2011 the Government reviewed its $600M spend, the bulk of which is in Education ($350M), followed by Broadcasting ($75M for Māori language radio and television) and then community language initiatives. In 2011 there was no funding for Te Ataarangi, the adult immersion programme.

The Independent Review panel recommended that the $600M should be shifted from the myriad of Government departments to a central pool governed by a single strategy that has home, family, neighbourhood and community for intergenerational transmission as the target. This recommendation has yet to be given traction.

Mana Tamariki is an organisation based in New Zealand’s 5th largest city. The building here is our permanent base, opened in 2007 after we had occupied 8 other temporary facilities over a 15 year period.

As stated above Palmerston North is New Zealand’s 5th largest city with a population of 85,000 of which Māori make up 12%. This reflects the national percentage of Māori within the national population In 1990 there were five Kōhanga Reo in the city. A group that Toni co-ordinated had launched the campaign to establish a Kura Kaupapa Māori for these Kōhanga Reo. The new school would require large numbers of new entrants. He and his friends decided to open a new 6th Kōhanga Reo called Mana Tamariki.

It opened with 12 children and followed the trend of the time. The language focus was on the children and not their parents, family or community. Mana Tamariki relocated to expand the role growing batches of 21 children, graduating 4-5 a year to the Kura Kaupapa Māori. In 1995 as a result of the Kura Kaupapa Māori expanding to a size that was larger than desirable for language quality control Mana Tamariki opened its own private school with 8 students.

In 1990 Mana Tamariki like all the Education efforts for Māori language revitalisation focussed on teaching the children the language with no link to parents or community.

After Toni and others of the Mana Tamariki leadership had carried out socio-linguistic research in 1995 they adopted the Fishman stage 6 critical stage of language revitalisation. Mana Tamariki put in place a new entry criteria. At least one parent is required to speak only the Māori language at all times to the children enrolled in Mana Tamariki including their own. The preference is both parents speak only Māori and there were several families able to uphold this. However the one-parent-one-language approach was proven in the research as being enough to create intergenerational transmission and so that is the approach Mana Tamariki adopted.

The entry criteria had an immediate galvanising of the commitment and spread of the Māori language beyond the pre-school and school education facilities to the home, the neighbourhood and community. Mana Tamariki families spread the language amongst the city as they shopped, played sport and attended community events. The Mana Tamariki entry criteria is singularly responsible for minority language spread and reversing language shift.

This rather complex messy diagram attempts to show how the focus on language relationships in answering the question “who will speak which language to whom” regenerates the language.

Three generations are the goal of intergenerational transmission so that the third generation naturally and normally uses the language to the generations immediately above and below (generation 4 not shown). In 2005 the original Mana Tamariki families achieved the creation of three generations of engagement in the Māori language with the birth of the first grandchild of one of the founding families. However, the first child born to a Mana Tamariki Kōhanga child was only born in 2010. There are now several children born of Mana Tamariki raised children with the Māori language naturally and normally being transmitted across three generations. We still have a long way to go.

The impact of taking the Fishman Stage 6 approach has been profound in our community. In 1985 Toni and his partner Penny Poutū were the only practitioners of intergenerational transmission of the Māori language within the family in Palmerston North. They were joined by a second family in 1988. Their two families established Mana Tamariki. Since 1995 the number of families has grown so that now we have 50 families, 85 children enrolled – 30 in the Kōhanga Reo and 55 in the Kura Kaupapa Māori. 150 highly fluent speakers engage regularly within and beyond Mana Tamariki at high levels of proficiency. All this language growth, regeneration, reversing language shift and revitalisation occurs in a city where 80% of the population speak only English (allowing 8% for immigrant families). The commitment by families to regenerate the Māori language as their language of the family, neighbourhood and community overcomes any negative reaction from the predominantly English monoglot community. Mana Tamariki has provided a safe zone for families who return to their homes having been buoyed and bolstered to continue using the Māori language with their children through their connection to Mana Tamariki.

There are many challenges to maintain a high quality total immersion Māori language learning environment and families within our English language city.

Families need support. In Mana Tamariki there are NO native speakers of the Māori language. As learned speakers parents continuously need access to vocabulary, phrases, correction in grammar. Mana Tamariki requires parents to be enrolled in a language programme. There are several providers of Māori language courses within the city. Many parents travel afar, returning to their own tribal areas to spend time with the remaining native speakers of their dialects.

Teenagers with all their teenage foibles are a challenge in themselves. Their natural resistance to being made to do something presents a challenge to the language zealots like the leaders of Mana Tamariki who attempt to maintain strict total immersion Māori language and pure language relationships.

In conclusion, Mana Tamariki has been able to contribute to and make a positive impact on the recent deliberations about the way forward for the Māori language revitalisation effort.

Te Reo Mauriora was published by the independent panel that reviewed the Government’s Māori language strategy. It noted the Government spends $600M on the Māori language, predominantly in Education ($350M) through several Government Departments: Education, Māori Affairs and Cultural and Heritage.

The panel recommended shifting the $600M underneath a single Minister and establish a Māori language authority to administer and distribute the funds to ensure the Māori language outcomes were achieved in
Families, neighbourhoods and communities
The Government has not yet adopted the recommendations, however there is a growing support for the panel’s recommendations amongst Māori language leaders. Discussions are pointing towards co-ordination and collaboration amongst Māori language leaders. The desired language outcome is the intergenerational transmission of the seven tribal dialects.

The cities have been the place where Māori people have resided for over 50 years. Te Reo Māori in the cities has been the focus for 40 years. The effort has been multi tribal and multi dialectal. Every dialect has been embraced – any Māori language is better than none. This approach has seen the stronger dialects merging as if to morph in to a general Māori language. During the review of the Māori language strategy tribal leaders called for support of the dialects as well as the general Māori language that has emerged.

Halting the recent drop in fluent speakers is a major priority for the revitalisation of the Māori language and it is hoped that a sharper, more focussed and co-ordinated approach through all Māori language organisations collaborating.

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Wasala, Rohana (2011), ‘Mother Tongues and Multilingual Education’, The Island online, November 3 ( 7:46 pm ) sec. Lateral Commentaries.

The term ‘multilingual education’ which embodies the idea of using at least three languages in education, namely, the mother tongue, a regional or national language, and an international language was adopted by the United Nations’ Educational, Social, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) at its General Conference in 1999. As one of its important roles, the organization provides international frameworks and parameters for educational policy makers to guide their decisions about complex issues. Language, or rather the choice of the language of instruction, is one such area. A 2003 UNESCO position paper about mother tongue and multilingual education makes this observation: “While there are strong educational arguments in favour of mother tongue (or first language) instruction, a careful balance also needs to be made between enabling people to use local languages in learning, and providing access to global languages of communication through education.”

The UNESCO deals with the linguistic rights issue in multilingual societies in accordance with three basic principles:

UNESCO supports ….

1) “… mother tongue instruction as a means of improving educational quality by building upon the knowledge and experience of the learners and teachers”,

2) “… bilingual and/or multilingual education at all levels of education as a means of promoting both social and gender equality and as a key element of linguistically diverse societies”,

3) “… language as an essential component of inter-cultural

education in order to encourage understanding between different

population groups and ensure respect for fundamental rights”.

The ‘multilingual’ education system we are so assiduously working to establish will most likely give rise to a situation where the sort of linguistic rights concerns we have seen raised by linguists in affluent countries with concentrations of immigrants from diverse cultures could apply in respect of our indigenous languages Sinhala and Tamil. This will be so unless we keep a due sense of proportion in the pursuit of excellence through English. In a context where English occupies an privileged position the speakers of local mother tongue languages are at a disadvantage; and it will be again monolingual education through English, not multilingual education. It could be a scenario which will call for the invocation of principles established over the past half a century by the UN for the protection of the linguistic rights of especially minority communities.

As early as 1984 Professor Tove Skutnabb-Kangas of the University of Roskilde, Denmark suggested four different definitions of mother tongue from the perspectives of origin, identification, competence, and function. Mother tongue by origin, she explained, is the first language that a person learns; mother tongue by identification is of two kinds: a) by internal identification, i.e. the language one identifies oneself with, and b) by external identification, i.e. the language that others associate one with; if competence is the defining element, then one’s mother tongue is the language that one knows best; and finally, mother tongue by function means the language that one uses most.

Professor Skutnabb-Kangas discusses her ideas again in an essay in 2008. She considers how definitions of mother tongue could be made relevant to linguistic minorities found within a multilingual society including such linguistic minorities as the deaf who need an appropriate sign language, and the forcibly assimilated Indigenous or other minority children. She thinks that the four short definitions she has described converge for a linguistic majority; but she avers that for linguistic minorities “often a combination of mother tongue definitions by origin and by internal identification is a good mother tongue definition.”

Professor Skutnabb-Kangas’s attempts in this connection reveal her concern for the protection of the linguistic human rights of minorities. The same attitude is shared by other Western linguists such as Jim Cummins of the University of Toronto, Canada, and Nadine Dutcher of the Center for Applied Linguistics, Washington, DC. USA, who have had the experience of pitting minority languages against a dominant majority language (e.g. in Denmark the sole official language is Danish which is spoken by 90% of the population, while among the minority/foreign languages are English 86%, German 58%, and French 12%; in France the single official language is French with minority languages such as Maghrebi Arabic, Berber, Turkish, etc). They are especially interested in the language rights of immigrant populations in the affluent European and North American societies, and in allied countries where the local languages are both the majority languages and the dominant languages, and where ‘linguicism’ is identified as threatening the linguistic rights of minorities. { Linguicism is a concept and a coinage proposed in the mid-1980’s by Professor Skutnabb-Kangas. It denotes what she calls “ideologies and structures which are used to legitimate, effectuate, and reproduce unequal division of power and resources (both material and non-material) between groups which are defined on the basis of language.” The words quoted are reproduced from Wikipedia.}

The suitability of what Skutnabb-Kangas suggests as a good definition of ‘mother tongue’ for minorities (“a combination of mother tongue definitions by origin and by internal identification”) to contexts where the language of power is also the language of the majority as in the European and North American countries is clear: it recognises the right of individual members of linguistic and cultural minorities in such societies to adopt, out of the diversity of languages available, the language that is closest to them as their mother tongue.

Sri Lanka’s multilingual situation is the reverse of that found in Europe and North America because the language of the majority (Sinhalese) cannot be called the dominant language here. Both Sinhala and Tamil are official languages, and English is designated in the constitution as a link language. Those who can speak English form a little less than 10% of the population (9.9%). Only about 10,000 people out of a population of roughly 20 million are said to use English as their first language. (“First language” here must be taken as identical with mother tongue, for if the term ‘first language’ is defined as the language someone mainly uses to function in in day to day life, as in education, scientific research, professions, and commerce, then this figure should be substantially higher since English serves as the first language in this sense for many educated Sri Lankans whose mother tongue is Sinhalese or Tamil, which is their usual home language.) The significant thing, nevertheless, is that English dominates the linguistic scene in our society. So, whereas in UK, US, Canada, Australia, New Zealand etc English dominates as the language of the majority, in Sri Lanka it dominates as the language of a minority. In other words, we have the case of a (numerically) minority language usurping the place of a majority language.

In the Sri Lankan context, however, the term ‘minority language’ when applied to English can be misleading in view of this reality. Though it is the language of a numerical minority, in terms of its influence particularly in such fields as education, research, business, and international communication, it functions as a ‘majority’ language pushing the indigenous languages into ‘minority’ language status in that sense. This dominance of English is not one of choice, but the result of a complex of historical, political, and economic factors specific to our country reinforced by the impact of the phenomenon known as globalization.

A new manifestation of the West’s capitalist domination of the world, globalization is an inescapable fact of life today. It may be an unmixed blessing for business people and industrialists since it opens extensive markets for industry and commerce. Yet it’s not so for others. Though it’s mainly to do with business, it draws the nations together in all important spheres including education, leading to general progress in those areas. But globalization is not always for their benefit. Among the iniquities that it brings in its wake is its tendency to increase the gap between rich and poor nations. Political instability, terrorism, and civil unrest either caused or compounded by economic hardships encourage large movements of people as helpless refugees or desperate job seekers from poor countries to rich countries.

The movement of populations is thus usually from the poor countries to the rich. The resultant cultural diversity of societies in the host countries is viewed in opposite ways by sections of the local populations: some tolerate it, some don’t. In Canada, for instance, according to Jim Cummins of Toronto University the neo-fascists want immigrants expelled or at least excluded from mainstream society, while the more liberal groups want them to be assimilated. Professor Cummins feels that exclusion and assimilation are similar in that both regard cultural diversity as ‘a problem’ that should be made to disappear.

In Cummins’s view, this way of looking at the phenomenon of cultural diversity that is dominant in EU and North American countries can have disastrous consequences for children and their families. The reason is that assimilation policies tend to discourage students from retaining their native language and culture for fear that it would hinder their ability to identify with the mainstream culture. The subliminal message that is conveyed to them is that they must renounce their allegiance to their home language and culture if they want to be properly integrated into the host society. This involves a violation of UN-recognized human rights (related to language) of communities affected.

Apropos of the multilingual situation in Sri Lanka, there is no question about transforming our education system from monolingual to multilingual status. Probably, however, what multilingual education in our specific context does or should mean is still not clear to many though they think they know. The popular perception seems to be in terms of a so-called quality education through the medium of English with or without a knowledge of Sinhala and Tamil (the mother tongues of 95% of the population). (I’m not saying that this notion corresponds to the policy of the official trilingual plan now underway.)

It has been long established that for a child’s proper education, particularly in the first years, the mother tongue/the home language is the best medium of instruction. Cummins refers to his own writings, and those of others such as Baker and Skutnabbs-Kangas among more recent researches in the field to confirm the importance of the mother tongue for the education of bilingual children. As educators these authorities hold that “children’s cultural and linguistic experience in the home is the foundation of their future learning and we must build on that foundation rather than undermine it; every child has the right to have their talents recognized and promoted within the school”. School education should not squander “the linguistic, cultural, and intellectual resources they bring from their homes to our schools and societies”. Though these statements were made in connection with multilingual societies different to ours, the importance of the mother tongue for children’s education, and through it to the society at large is the same.

Weber, R. (1995). De la réalité multiculturelle à la démarche interculturelle. Quels défis pour le Conseil de l’Europe ? In Saez, J.-P. (ed.) Identités, Cultures et Territoires. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer. 79-92.

Webster, N. (1789, reimp.1967). Dissertations on the English Language: With Notes, Historical and Critical. Meniston: Meniston.

Let me add, that whatever predilection the Americans may have for their native European tongues, and particularly the British descendants for the English, yet several circumstances render a future separation of the American tongue from the Englsih, necessary and unavoidableWebster, N. (1789, reimp.1967). Dissertations on the English Language: With Notes, Historical and Critical. Meniston, Meniston.
Let me add, that whatever predilection the Americans may have for their native European tongues, and particularly the British descendants for the English, yet several circumstances render a future separation of the American tongue from the Englsih, necessary and unavoidable .
It must be considered further, that the english is the common root or stock from which our national language will be derived. all others will gradually waste away- and within a centuray and a half, North America will be peopled with a hunder millions of men, all speaking the same language.

Weinreich, U. (1953). Languages in contact. La Haye: Mouton.

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Weinstein, B. (1983). The Civic Tongue, Political Consequences of Language Choices. New York & London: Longman.

155: “Language and politics have been wedded in an indissoluble union”, quoted by Benrabah, M. (2004). Language and Politics in Algeria. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 10, 59-78.

Wenzel, G. (2992). Animal Rights, Human Rights: Ecology, Economy and Ideology in the Canadian Arctic. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

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Wicherkiewicz, Tomasz (2012), ‘Revitalization through Documentation – the Case of Wilamowicean, a Micro-Minority Language in Southern Poland’, paper given at Languages in the City, Berlin, 21-24 August, 2012.

Western Galicia
Poland, Bohemia and Russia region. 3500 aboriginal inhabitants. Bilingual towns with a specific germanic ethnolect mothertongue
ethnolinguistic distinctness: isolation, germanic mixed constructions language contact
Decline of language and culture.
Prior to WWII, common di-or triglossia (Wilamowicean, Polish, German
School and church in Polish
Austria (-Hungarian administration – bilingual (German-polish)
In 96, he predicted the death of this language within the next 15 years. Still 51 speakers. average age of 84, two young native speakers in their twenties, one in his 30s and two in their 50s, several children attend private classes
regional ensemble using more and more Wilamowecean in teir repertoire.
two contempora writers, Jozef Gara and Tymoteusz Krol, poet about his beloved old language.
Language landscape in Wilamowice is still very modest: two signpost found only.
Most important task: documentation. The language is fortunately well documented: dictionary and grammer. Masterpieces of literature, such as Florian Biesiek
More than 300 hours recordings (audio/viedeo). 80 NATIVE SPEAKERS RECORDED, CUSTOMS, MYTHOLOGY, FOLKTALKES, MEMOREIS AND HISTORIES, BIOGRAMS….
Looking for any piece of written language including short pieces written on napkins.
Standardized orthography is under way. 1200 entries with many examples.
2012, according to his prediction a time post the death of this minority language, there is even a signpost welcoming in both languages at the city entrance.
Need to create a platform to develop this language on the internet.

Wickberg, E. (ed.) (1982). From China to Canada: A History of the Chinese Communities in Canada. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart&Multiculturalism Program, Department of the Secretary of State and the Canadian Government Publishing Center.

Widmann, A.-F. (1996). La Californie met fin à la protection des minorités.  Le Nouveau Quotidien. Genève et Lausanne. 5.

Wievorka, M. (2001). La Différence. Paris: Balland.

Chap.4: le multiculturalisme
82: Le substantif ” multiculturalisme “, tout comme son adjectif ” multiculturaliste “, sont d’usage récent et particulièrement confus.
Ils renvoient en effet de manière constatne, et en les amalgamant, aux trois registres que nous avons d’emblée disgingués dans cet ouvrage -sociologique, pholosophique et politique – ou, pour reprendre les catégoties de Chrstiine Inglis, “démographique-descriptif”, “idéologique-normatif”, programmatique et politique” (Inglis, C. 1996. ‘Multiculturalism: New policy Responses to Diversity, Most’ : UNESCO.). La fusion des registres constitue ici une opération courante. Dans les cas exgtrêmes, elle est inséparable du refus de penser et de dépbattre serinement, pour s0apparenter é une disqualification de ceux labellisés comme “multiculturalistes”. Ainsi en France, pour imposer leur point de vue, les tenants d’un universalisme raidi autour d’idée “républicanistes” s’en sont-ils pris sur un ton violent, tout au ong des années 90, à ceux qui demandaient que des demandes de reconnaissance culturelles bénéficient d’un traitement politique dépmocratiques. Ces derniers se vient ainsi traités de “multiculturalistes”, parfois de “communautaristes” – “à l’américaine” précisait-on pour faire bonne mesure- , selon un procédé récurrent de stigmatisation dans la vie des idées en France. La confusion se trouvait de surcroît redoublée par certians préjugéps relatifs, sonon à l’hénérogénéité culturelle des Etats-Unis- et plus largement, des pays qui se sont construits par vagues d’immigraiton-, du moins à l’homogénéité supposée des pays du Vieux continent. “Si nous voulons développer une réflexion s’appuyant, dans le champs du multiculturalisme, sur les leçons de la comparaison interncontinentales, note avec force arguments à l’appui Giovana Zincone, nous devons d’abord en finir avec l’idée de nation d’Europe culturellement homogènes et que viendraient miner les nouvelles vagues de l’immigration”(Zincone, G. 1998. ‘Multiculturalism from Above: Italian Variations on a European Theme’ in Baübock, R. and Rundell, John (eds.) Blurred Boundairies: Migration, Ethnicity, Citizenship. Vienna: Aldershot.)

Wievorka, M. & J. Ohana (eds.) (2001). La Différence Culturelle: Une reformulation des débats (Colloque de Cerisy). Paris: Balland.

Wiley, T. G. (1996). Language Planning and Policy. In McKay, S. L. & N. H. Hornberger (eds.) Sociolinguistics and Lnaguage Teaching. New York: Cambridge University Press. 103-47.

Wilford, John Noble (2010), ‘Hunting One Language, Stumbling Upon Another’, New York Times, October 11, 2010.

Two years ago, a team of linguists plunged into the remote hill country of northeastern India to study little-known languages, many of them unwritten and in danger of falling out of use.

On average, every two weeks one of the world’s recorded 7,000 languages becomes extinct, and the expedition was seeking to document and help preserve the endangered ones in these isolated villages.

At a rushing mountain river, the linguists crossed on a bamboo raft and entered the tiny village of Kichang. They expected to hear the people speaking Aka, a fairly common tongue in that district. Instead, they heard a language, the linguists said, that sounded as different from Aka as English does from Japanese.

After further investigation, leaders of the research announced last week the discovery of a “hidden” language, known locally as Koro, completely new to the world outside these rural communities. While the number of spoken languages continues to decline, at least one new one has been added to the inventory, though Koro too is on the brink of extinction.

“We noticed it instantly” as a distinct and unfamiliar language, said Gregory Anderson, director of the Living Tongues Institute for Endangered Languages in Salem, Ore.

Dr. Anderson and K. David Harrison, a linguist at Swarthmore College, were leaders of the expedition, part of the Enduring Voices Project of the National Geographic Society. Another member of the group was Ganash Murmu, a linguist at Ranchi University in India. A scientific paper will be published by the journal Indian Linguistics.

When the three researchers reached Kichang, they went door to door asking people to speak their native tongue — not a strenuous undertaking in a village of only four bamboo houses set on stilts. The people live by raising pigs and growing oranges, rice and barley. They share a subsistence economy and a culture with others in the region who speak Aka, or Miji, another somewhat common language.

On the veranda at one house, the linguists heard a young woman named Kachim telling her life story in Koro. She was sold as a child bride, was unhappy in her adopted village and had to overcome hardships before eventually making peace with her new life.

Listening, the researchers at first suspected Koro to be a dialect of Aka, but its words, syntax and sounds were entirely different. Few words in Koro were the same as in Aka: mountain in Aka is “phu,” but “nggo” in Koro; pig in Aka is “vo,” but in Koro “lele.” The two languages share only 9 percent of their vocabulary.

The linguists recorded Kachim’s narrative in Koro, and an Indian television crew had her repeat it in Hindi. This not only enabled the researchers to understand her story and her language, but called attention to the cultural pressures threatening the survival of such languages, up against national languages dominant in schools, commerce and mass media.

In “The Last Speakers: The Quest to Save the World’s Most Endangered Languages,” published last month by National Geographic Books, Dr. Harrison noted that Koro speakers “are thoroughly mixed in with other local peoples and number perhaps no more than 800.”

Moreover, linguists are not sure how Koro has survived this long as a viable language. Dr. Harrison wrote: “The Koro do not dominate a single village or even an extended family. This leads to curious speech patterns not commonly found in a stable state elsewhere.”

By contrast, the Aka people number about 10,000 living in close relations with Koro speakers in a district of the state of Arunachal Pradesh, where at least 120 languages are spoken. Dr. Anderson said the coexistence of separate languages between two integrated groups that do not acknowledge an ethnic difference between them is highly unusual.

As Dr. Harrison and Dr. Anderson expanded their research, comparing Koro with several hundred languages, they determined that it belonged to the Tibeto-Burman language family, which includes 400 tongues related to widely used Tibetan and Burmese. But Koro had never been recognized in any surveys of the approximately 150 languages spoken in India.

The effort to identify “hot spots of threatened languages,” the linguists said, is critical in making decisions to preserve and enlarge the use of such tongues, which are repositories of a people’s history and culture.

In the case of Koro speakers, Dr. Harrison wrote in his book, “even though they seem to be gradually giving up their language, it remains the most powerful trait that identifies them as a distinct people.”

Wilkerson, I. (1989). Many who are Black favor new term for who they are.  New York Times. N.Y. 1, 8.

quoted Reverend Jackson:.”..just as we were called colored, but were not that…and then Negro, but not that…to be called Black is just as baseless…Black tells you about your skin color and what side of town you live on. African American evokes discussion of the world.”

Williams, C. (2010). Keynote: Language Commissioners: A comparative Perspective. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

___and P. O’Flatharta (2010). The office of the language commissioner Ireland- Impact of the commission on the Irish language policy and official strategy. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Williams, F. (1970). Language, attitude, and social change. In Williams, F. (ed.) Language and Poverty. Chicago: Markham.

quoted in Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press.

Williams, G. (1992). Sociolinguistics: A Sociological Critique. London: , Routledge.

Williams, R. (1961). Culture and Society. London: Penguin.
___(1965). The Long Revolution. London: Penguin.
Williams, R. L. (1975). Ebonics: the True Language of Black Folks.  St Louis, Missouri: Institute of Black Studies.

Cité par McArthur, T. (1998). The English Languages. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 199:
“Robert L. Williams entitled Ebonics: the True Language of Black Folks, was published in 1975 by the Institute of Black Studies in St Louis, Missouri. Williams coined the term in 1973, blending ebony, a euphemizing synonym for black, with phonics, a method of teaching reading and spelling based on regular sound/spelling correspondences: probably a nuniqe approagch to naming a language variety. “

Wilson, R. W. (1976). The Blacks in Canada: A History. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University.

Williams, Lisa (2012), ‘Cymraeg yn y Didnas – An old Language in a Modern City.’ paper given at Languages in the City, Berlin, 21-24 August, 2012.

misleading bilingual signage. No capital city till 1955. Official language as of 1957. Certain aspects of legal system are becoming more welsh. Very small country. A lot of welsh speakers complain that welsh was once spoken all over britain. It could be seen as a language of the past but there’s more beyond. Welsh was widely spoken and is still proudly spoken. Mentioned the pride of being welsh. Last figures show an increase in Welsh speakers. Cardiff, heart of industrial revolution. There were always some welsh communities there but due to industrial revolution, it was largely taken over by english speaking. 1978, 1st Welsh school. The initial director had to pass protest pannels while driving to his school. Now 3 Weslsh medium and two bilingual primary schools plus starter units in several English medium school. From September 2012, all 3-7 year olds in EM schools following the bilingual Foundation Phase. Ingreased focus on attaining bilingualism in all EM 11-19 school. Lots of non-welsh origin school children are enrolling. Success right now but what about the future….

Wimmer, A. (1997). A note from your  Conference Organizer. European Association for Studies in Australia Newsletter: 1.

Certain hints were dropped last July and August (which were, in turn, roundly condemned by a Jaspanese historian as indicative of a new OZ racism!) that Howard would not fully endorse Keating’s swing twards Asia and might re-orientate some aspects of Asutralia’s policies in favour of Europe and the USA. This would be welcomed by Australianists here. While Australia must centre its economic policies on Asia, SE Asia in particular, this need not be blindly followed by a similarly thourough re-orientation in cultural policy

Winant, H. (1994). Racial Conditions. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Winograd, Carol (2012), ‘Moving Women to the Fore and Advancing Peace.’ J Street: Making History (Washington D.C.).

practitioner on activism. Women Donors Network.
Trip with congress women.
Inclusive, no talking heads, no more than 15-20 mn speeches then Q&A
5 of 6 congress women are african american.
heart of congressianl black caucus.
changing the conversation in touches.

Winstein, B. (1983). The Civic Tongue. New York: Longman.

Winter, G. (2000). Coca-Cola Settles Racial Bias Lawsuit.  International Herald Tribune. Zurich.

In the largest settlement ever in a racial discrimination case, Coca-Cola Co. has agreed to pay more than $156 million to resolve a lawsuit brought by black employees. The settlement agreed to Thursday also madates sweeping changes,which will cost the company an additional $ 36 million, and requires Coke to relinquish broad monitoring powers to a panel of outsiders.
The lawsuit, filed in April 1999, accused Coke of erecting a corporate hierarchy in which black employees were clustered at the bottom of the pay scale, wehre they typically earned $26,000 a year less than white workers in comparable jobs. As redress, the settlement provide each of the 2,000 current and former emplyees in the class with an average of $40,000 in cash, while the four plaintiffs will receive up to $300,000 apiece.
(…)Perhaps more suprising than its size, the settlement gives an outside panel, appointed equally by Coke and the plaintiffs’ lawyers, limited authority to dictate company policy. Serving as a watchdog with some access to the company’s books, the panel is charged with ensuring that Coke’s record of paying and promoting all minority workers and women improves.
(…)Though withholding final judgement, civil rights leaders applauded the accord. It sets a new standard for corprate settlements” says the Reverend Jesse Jackson, referring to Colke’s agreement to tie executives’ salaries to how well they meet the company’s diversity goals. “The internal cultures of companies have been built on patterns of exclusion based on gender and race. This is a step in the right direction”-

Wire (2000) La Cour d’appel de Paris accorde un interprète en basque à ”Kantauri”.  Associated Press.

PARIS (AP) — La chambre d’accusation de la Cour d’appel de Paris a reconnu mercredi le droit à José
Luis Arizkuren Ruiz, alias ”Kantauri”, ancien chef de l’ETA militaire, de s’exprimer en langue basque
devant la Cour et a ordonné la présence d’un interprète pour la prochaine audience fixée au 25 octobre.

Interlocuteur désigné de l’ETA avec l’Etat espagnol lors des négociations, Kantauri avait fait valoir qu’il
n’avait pas d’avocat et qu’il ne maîtrisait pas assez la langue française pour se défendre. Il a par ailleurs
fait savoir qu’il ne parlait pas l’Espagnol.

Malgré les réquisitions contraires de l’avocat général, Bernard Aldigé, la Cour présidée par Gilbert Azibert a estimé qu’elle ”ne
saurait se substituer” à Kantauri pour évaluer ses connaissances linguistiques et qu’elle devait ”conformément à la convention
européenne des droits de l’homme” lui fournir un interprète basque, langue officiellement reconnue dans la province autonome
espagnole.

Il n’y a cependant plus d’interprète officiel inscrit sur les listes des tribunaux parisiens depuis plusieurs années. Certains présidents
de chambres s’étaient donc résignés à accepter les services de personnes présentes à l’audience en leur faisant prêter serment.

”Ils n’ont qu’à prendre des sympathisants”, s’est enervé mercredi un magistrat proche du dossier qui craint des ”pressions sur les
interprètes”.

La majorité des magistrats parisiens étant de toute façon hostile à accorder des interprètes en langue basque aux prévenus, la
décision de la chambre d’accusation peut être interprétée comme une victoire pour les nationalistes basques qui militent pour le
droit de s’exprimer dans leur langue.

”Je suis Basque, j’ai le droit de m’exprimer en basque”, avait fait valoir mercredi José Luis Arizkuren, avant de repartir en
triomphant.

Auparavant il avait renié son identité, obligeant la Cour à suspendre l’audience pour comparer ses empreintes digitales à celles du
dossier.

La chambre d’accusation devait se prononcer mercredi sur 7 des 21 demandes d’extradition formulées par l’Espagne à l’encontre
du chef historique de l’ETA. Ces examens ont été repoussés au 25 octobre. Six demandes avaient déjà reçu une réponse
favorable de la justice française, notamment celle concernant le dossier de la tentative d’attentat contre le roi Juan Carlos en
1995 à Majorque.

Wire (1987). Survey: Most Think English Is official U.S. Language.  Associated Press.

Wittgenstein, Ludwig (1940), Remarques mêlées (2002 edn.: GF Flammarion).

Il faut parfois retirer de la langue une expression et la donner à nettoyer – pour pouvoir la remettre en circulation »

— (1984), Culture and Value trans. Peter Winch (University of Chicago Press) 195.

LW: Né en 1889 mort en 1951
googlebooks excerpts.
We tend to take the speech of a Chinese for inarticulate gurgling. Someone who understands Chinese will recognize language in what he hears. Similarly I can often discern humanity in a man.
Ein neues Wort is Wie ein frischer Same, der in den Boden der Diskussion geworfen wird: A new word is like a fresh seed sewn on the ground of the discussion.

Woerhrling, J. (2010). La cour suprême du Canada et la réflexion sur la nature et les fondements des droits linguistiques. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Wolfram, W. (1969). A sociolinguistic description of Detroit Negro speech. Washington, D.C.: Center for Applied Linguistics.

quoted by Labov in Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press. As having made the mistake of taking black english vernacular as a disability of black children.

Woo, E. & C. Mary (1996). California Educators Give Black English a Voice.  International Herald Tribune and Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles.

Woodhouse, D. (1998), ‘‘The Judiciary in the 1990s’, Policy and Politics, (26:), 458-70.

quoted by Morris, Lydia (2012 ), ‘Citizenship and Human Rights’, The British Journal of Sociology 2, 63 (1).

Wren, H. (1997). Introduction. In Eggington, W. & H. Wren (eds.) Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. xxv-xxvii.

Wren, H. (1997). Making a Difference in Language Policy Agendas. In Eggington, W. & H. Wren (eds.) Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. 3-28.

Wright, J. (1985). We Call For A Treaty. Sydney: Fontana.

mentionné par Nettheim, G. (1988). “Peoples” and “Populations” –  Indigenous Peoples and Rights of Peoples. The Rights of Peoples. J. Crawford. Oxford, Clarendon Press: 107-126.

Wright, S. (1994). The Contribution of Sociolinguistics. Current Issues in Language and Society 1.

http://www.hellas.com.au The Greek Media & Jounalists.

The handwritten, then the later printed, circulars and newsletters of the
Greek Orthodox communities, and of the regionalbrotherhoods,
associations and clubs provided the first manifestation of a Greek
media industry in Melbourne. A number of them -for instance, Ulysses,
the official journal of the Ithacan Philanthropic Society – have a long
tradition. The first Greek newspaper inAustralia was published in
Melbourne in 1913 by Stratis Venlis, a settler from Lesvos, under the
title Afstralia (Australia). In December 1922, that paper was bought by
the Marinakis brothers and published in Sydney, under the new name of
NationalTribune.

Other newspapers began to appear in Australia during and just after
World War II, including Salpinx (Bugle), Ethniki Salpinx(National Bugle)
and Phos (Light) in Mclbourne. Aftcr the war the Greek press
understandably flourished in response to themassive increase in
immigration. At one stage there were 20 Greek ncwspapers in
Melbourne alone. The most famous was Afstraloellinas (Greek
Australian) which came out in 1955 and changed its name to Neos
Kosmos (New World) in 1957. Neos Kosmos was one of the few
newspapers to survive the strong competition. It is a liberal, biweekly
newspaper with a good balance of Greek and Australian news together
with feature articles on political, social and cultural issues, a coverage
of events and happenings, and a supplement in English (Generation
Extra) in its Monday edition. In brief, it provides a lot of information and
guidance for Greek-Australians which are not available in the
English-language press. The general editor and founder of Neos Kosmos
is Dimitri Gogos. The chief of staff is Sotiris Hatzimanolis. The other
journalists on the staff include: Jim Antonopoulos, Elias Donaidis,
Kathie Kambouropoulos, Vivienne Morris, Kostas Nikolopoulos, Nikos
Psaltopoulos, and Stella Tsombanakis. Other well-known newspapers
that have survived in Melbourne are Nea Ellada, Greek Kosmos and Ta
Nea.

Ta Nea is owned by Spiro Stamoulis. The paper, which is published once a
week, has been in existence only since March 1995. It has already
experienced rapid success under the management of Peter Souvatzis,
who is also the General Manager of 3XY. Peter attributes the success of
the paper to a number of factors, in particular, to the introduction of
new ideas. The paper initiated full colour printing and provides
well-researched articles focusing on specific issues facing the Greek
community, such as the plight of the elderly, employment issues,
dietary habits and current community events. The paper also devotes
space to enable subscribers to express their views on various issues.

Peter has 40 persons on his staff, many of whom are in their twenties or
thirties. Some of his closest collaborators include Tassos Neratzis
(editor), Rena Frangioudakis (program manager), Jim Papanikolaou
(products manager), Jim Theodorikakos (political reporter) and Maggy
Margritis(entertainment editor).

In addition to providing news and information specially relevant to the
community, Greek newspapers have played a vital role in promoting a
Hellenic consciousness in the Greek community, the Greek language and
an awareness of Greek traditions and values. They have taken up
causes and galvanized the Greek community to take action on particular
matters, as well as helping individuals.

There are also a number of journalists of Greek origin who work for the
mainstream press. One of the best-known Greek-Australian journalists,
originally from Melbourne, is George Megalogenis. He is a senior political
and economic reporter for The Australian and is based in Canberra.
Kathy Kizilos works as a sub-editor for The Age in Melbourne. Tricia
Drivas is an editorial assistant with the Herald Sun.

There are few Greek magazines in Melbourne. The most recent one to be
launched is a monthly Greek-Australian review in Greek, Nea Parikia.
The magazine is the brainchild of Christos Mourikis, the former assistant
editor of Neos Kosmos. It focusses largely on developments in Australia
and targets the younger generation. Christos plans to have his
magazine published in both Greek and English in the course of 1996.

The development of what is now called “ethnic radio” has provided an
additional, and highly effective means of communication. Its aim is to
give ethnic communities the possibility of broadcasting in their own
language. The first Greek language program on radio began in the
Victorian country town of Wangaratta in 1951. In 1954 George
Giannopoulos started his commercial programs in the Greek language
on 3AK. A number of other stations which broadcast ethnic programs
have come into existence – including 3EA, 3ZZZ, 3XY and 3CR. Some of
them, 3EA for example, have commanded very large audiences. Rena
Frangioudakis, Dino Melidonis, and Amalia Vasiliadis are among those
who have developed a large personal following on this and other
stations. The issue of alternative radio has become a controversial
community and political issue on various occasions since its
introduction.

Ethnic radio has also experienced a number of problems in connection
with finances and is now under the administration of the Special
Broadcasting Service(SBS), a statutory authority. SBS has its own radio
Greek language program. It is headed by Eugenia Yokarinis. Others who
are involved with the program are: Ntina Gerolymou, Bill Gonopoulos,
Alexis Ntountoulakis and Angela Pirdas.
The introduction of multicultural television in 1980-’81 gave an
enormous boost to the Greek community, and ethnic minorities
generally. The frequent screening of Greek programs and films has
attracted a large Greek audience. In the early months of 1996 alone
there were no fewer than four regular Greek drama series on SBS each
week: Girlfriends, Hote1 Amore, Red Dyed Hair and The Respectable
Ones. The news services and commercial films in various languages
have ensured SBS a wide audience in Australia’s migrant communities,
and the quality of its programs generally has attracted the admiration
of the Australian community as a whole, as well as that of overseas
observers.

Wyld, H. C. (1939). A history of modern colloquial English. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

in bibliography of Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press.

Yacoub, J. (1995). Les Minorités: Quelle Protection? Paris: Desclée de Brouwer.

Yataco, Miryam (2011), ‘Peruvian Indigenous Languages and the Spanish Supremacy’, paper given at World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People (WIPCE 2011).

After Tupac Amaru, Spanish only.
Language policy, very tied to educational policy. Castellanization, implied language loss, imposition of the written culture, cognitive violence against the language and speakers but against the way they use knowledge. Schooling meant and means relinquishing mothertongue and native literacies.
Quechu language, considered the main language in terms of numbers, overshadowing all other native languages. 8 to 14 million speakers. Spread throughout 6 S. American languages. Yet large variety. Cf. Seran Palomino.
What does it mean to be in 2011 to be anative speaker of an indigenous language in Peru when you live in a society in which the school is characterized by a long tradition of hegemonic Spanish-onliy monolingual school system. What does it mean to attend a school in which indigenous bilingualism and consequently indigenous children are discriminated against?
Language Rights: 1975, first officialization of Quechua, 1979 Constitution
Legislation 806 approved in June 2010 by Peruvian Congress and after much negociation, legislation 29735 approved in June 24, 2011.cf. thge text about the situation of discrimination against indigenous languages
We have challenged the prevailing ideology. Spanish-only policy in Latin America meant exclusion, homogenizing, imposing one language over the diversity of languages in the territories. It’s a linguistic apartheid. Humala could bring the Republic of Indians.
Exerpt from Bill 809 (2010) article 3 the rights of all people.
Showed the Congress woman Maria Sumire who refused to take oath in Spanish, not even to be translated in Spanish, Shuar Velazquez and Quechua artists.

Yataco, Miryam (2012), ‘Les politiques de l’Etat et l’exclusion des langues autochtones au Pérou’, Droit et Cultures, 63 (S’entendre sur la langue), 101-26

Yearwood, G. (ed.) (1982). Black Cinema Aesthetics. Athens,: Ohio University Press.

Yehoshua, Abraham B. (2011), ‘Juifs de la Diaspora, c’est votre droit d’agir’, in David Chemla (ed.), JCall: les raisons d’un appel (Paris: Liana Levi ), 117-24.

ntervention prononcée lors de la première réunion organisée par JCall à Paris, le 6 Octobre 2010
117: Je suis venu participer à votre conférence pour trois raisons principales:
Vous apporter mon soutien et renforcer votre légitimité à vous exprimer à partir de votre appel.
Vous faire part de mes impressions sur l’état d’esprit existant aujourd’hui au sein de l’opinion israéienne auqnt au processus de paix.
Vous présenter quelques idées nouvelles sur la question des colonies.
Chacun est (…) libre d’exprimer son opinion sur n’importe quel sujet, n’importe quel problème qui se passe quelque part sur cette terre.
(…)C’est pourquoi il est capital pour chacun de s’insormer sur l’essentiel des problèmes compliqueés de ce monde et de prendre posiition pour essayer d’avoir une influence sur eux en fonction de sa propre conviction du monde. Pour le peuple juif, ce n’est pas seulement un devoir mais une obligation.
118: Si nous nous considérons comme un seul peuple, les Israéliens ont raison de donner leur avis sur l’existence juiven en diapora, de prendre position et d’agir dans le cadre d’un dialogue démocratique pour essayer d’influencer les orientations et les idées des Juifs en diaspora.
De même, il est juste et approprié que les Juifs en diaspora,, angoissés par le destin et la situation d’Israël, se donnent le droit d’exprimer leur opinion sur la politique israélienne et essayent d’influencer démocratiquement le public isrélien pour qu’il change de position ou pour soutenir telle ou telle orientation
118-119: A la différence de certains de mes amis du camp de la paix, je n’ai jamais soutenu que les Juifs de diaspora aux idées nationalistes, n’avaient pas le droit de dire au gouvernement et au public isréliens de poursuivre la colonisation ni de s’opposer au retrait des Trritoire. Je ne leur ai pas dénié ce droit en arguant que ni eux ni leurs enfants ne supporteraient les conséquences de la poursuite de l’hostilité et de la guerre. Je suis convaincu que même les idées franchement nationalistes prônées par certains Juifs en diapsora, opposés aux concessions, proviennent d’une identification profonde, d’un amour et d’un vrai souci pour Israël. Ces Juifs ne paieront pas physiquement le prix des idées extrêmes qu’ils proclament, mais ils ont pleinement le droit sur un plan moral d’exprimer leur opionion et de condamner les décisions légitimes d’un gouvernement qui appellerait à des concessions ou au retrait des Territoires.
De même, quand vous, Juifs de diapora, vous vous réveillez enfin et que vous vous adressez publiquement au gouvernement isrélien en lui demandant d’une façon beaucup plus énergique que par le passé de changer sa politique et d’avancer de façon plus résolue vers la paix(…)Je sais que vous vous opposez continuellement à l’antisémitisme et à l’antisionisme qui se développent en Europe. C’est pourquoi je suis venu vous saluer et renforcer votre voix.
119-120: Quel est l’état d’esprit en Israël aujourd’hui au sujet de la paix? Sur cette question (…)je dis seuelemnt que ma longue expérience (…) me permet de discerner ces dernières années un phénomène nouveau. Grâce au calme sur le plan sécuritaire, à la stabilité politique, au développpement économique accéléré dans les territoires de Judée Samarie ces dernières années et à la demande réitérée de l’Autorité palestinienne d’une paix basée sur les frontières de 67 se renforce en Israël une position politique et réelle: celle d’une division du pays en deux, avec la création d’un Etat palestinien à côté d’Israël comme seule et nécessaire solution pour faire avancer la paix dans la région. Cette position vise principalement à ne pas créer un Etat binational qui se transformera en enfer pour les deux peuples.
Mais parallèlement à cette évolution de la conscience politique vers plus de réalisme, que l’on retrouve aussi dans les positions officielles du gouvernement, se développent des opinions nationalistes et extrémistes avec, ici et là, des expressions racistes.
Je ne me souviens pas par le passé avoir rencontré un tel mélange de modération politique et intellectuelle et d’exrémisme émotionnel. Et l’explication principale est simple: il y a une peur de la paix et de son prix. La peur est liée principalement au fait qu’une évacuation par la force des colonies et des colons (même s’il ne s’agit en fait que de 100 0000 d’entre eux) puisse entraîner la société israélienne dans une guerre fratricide doloureuse. Le bouleversement profond et dificile, les douleurs et les tempêtes qui ont accompagné l’évacuation des 9 000 colons du Goush Kati sont encore inscrits dans un traumatisme difficile pour tous. Et dans ce cas il ne s’agissait que d’un nombre minime de colons vivant dans les enclaves au milieu d’un million et demi de Palestiniens, majoritairmeent des réfugiés, et dans une région où il était évident depuis le début qu’il n’y avait aucune chance qu’elle soit annexée un de ces jours par les Juifs. (…)
121: (cette évacuation) est restée gravée dans la conscience populaire comme un événement difficile et douloureux.
Une autre crainte s’ajoute à l’incertitude existante quant aux personnes qui pourraient pénétrer dans le nouvel Etat palestinien: celle de voir des éléments étrangers, non palestiniens, profiter peut-être de l’indépendance pour y venir et commencer à faire des provocations afin d’allumer un incendie dans la région.
Enfin la perspective de diviser Jérusalem en deux capitales, situation qui n’existe nulle part ailleurs dans le monde, obligerait à aire un découpage si délicat et compliqué qu’il y a une grande crainte qu’il n’en résulte une catastrophe sanglante.
En conséquence, l’appréhension de l’éventualité d’un accord avec les Palestiniens qui y semblent prêts entraine une réaction émotionnelle d’échappatoire et la mise en avant d’une argumentation visant à les délégitimer fondamentalement et ce justement parce qu’ils semblent, maintenant, être réellement des partenaires pour un accord de paix.
121-122: Et cela m’amène au troisième point qui m’importe.
Il ne fait aucun doute que les colonies dans les territoires de Judée Samarie sont le plus grand obstacle à la création d’un Etat palestinien dans ce que sont peu ou prou les frontières de 67, avec de légères modifications de part et d’autre. N’oublions pas que les frontières de 67 donnent aux Palestiniens un quart des terres de Palestine, et que c’eest du moint de vue de la morale et de la justice le minimum qu’ils sont en droit de se voir attribuer pour constituer un Etat indépendant.
Par ailleurs, supposant qu’un accord comprenne un échange de territoires permettant l’annexion à Israël de certains blocs important de colonies, l’évactuation de force de 100 000 à 200 000 colons de leurs maisons entraînera des douffrance pour des milliers de familles et semble être au-delà de ce que la société israélienne peut supporter tant sur le plan économique que social et moral. Cela pourrait provoquer une fracture irréparable dans la société israélienne et creuser plus encore le fossé entre laïcs et religieux. Rappelons-nous que la destruction du Deuxième Temple en l’an 70 a été marquée par une guerre civile merutrière entre Juifs. Ceux qui sont conscients de l’ampleur, de la profondeur et de la vigueur de l’installation juive dans les territoires palestiniens sont efrayés par la perspective d’arracher de force des milleirs de personnes de leurs maisons.
(…)
122-123: Il est essentiel et urgent d’arriver à un large consensus national dans le un processus auquel le camp de la paix doit être activement associé, visant à trouver des solutions élaborées et réalistes qui permettent aux colons de choisir entre deux alternatives: accepter une évacuation volontaire accompagnée d’un dédommagement adéquat ou continuer à résider dans leur lieu d’habitation et devenir des citoyens à part entière du futur Etat palestinien.
123: Dans les entretiens avec les Palestiniens, il se dégage une tendance à accepter une telle perspective, mais à la condition que l’Ett palestinien s’étende sur une superficie égale à la totatlité du territoire occupé en 67 suite à des échanges de terre multuellement consentis. De plus, dans le pire des cas, il s’agirait d’une minorité nationale juve qui ne représenterait pas plus que 2% de l’ensemble de la population palestinienne. Il faut se rappeler par ailleurs qu’en Israël la minorité nationale palestinienne représente plus de 20%. Cette idée que le maintien des implantations dans un Etat palestinien est préférable au déracinement et à leur évacuation fait son chemin même dansle noyau idéologique dur des colons. Ceux qui décideraient de rester et de constituer une minorité nationale (avec une reconnaissance officielle de leur langue et de leur culture spécifique comme c’est le cas pour la minorité palestinienne en Israël) ne partent pas en exil. Les territoires de Judée Samarie font parite du patrimoine historique national israélien de la même manière de Nazareth, Jaffa, Saint-Jean-d’Acre ou Sashnin font partie du patrimoine palestinien. Rappelons-nous que l’ensemble du territoire des implantations (sans compter les routes qui y conduisent) ne représente pas plus de 2% du territoire du futur Etat palestinien. Israël pourrait en compensation transférer aux Palestiniens un territoire équivalent.
Et n’oublions pas qu’une colonie située au coeur du terroire palestinien n’est pas plus éloignée de Tel-Aviv que Fontainebleau ne l’est de Paris. La pluplart des colonies se trouvent, elles, à une distance semblable à celle existant entre Neuilly et l’est de Paris. Les colons, citoyens de l’Etat palestinien, conserveront leur nationalité israélienne comme c’est le cas pour tous les Israéliens vivant à l’étranger, avec en plus le droit de voter à l’élection de la Knesset ainsi qu’à celle du parlement palestinien. Ils pourront continuer à travailler en Israël, qui se trouve à moins d’une heure de voiture, et à y avoir une vie sociale et culturelle.
Cette solution pourrait créer par ailleurs une dynamique qui contribuerait le moment venu au développement de relations économiques et culturelles entre le jeune Etat en devenir et sa soeur aînée Israël.
Je n’ai fait qu’ébaucher ici quelques principe d’une solution dans un souci de désamorcer ce qui me semble être le plus grand blocage du côté israélien. Une proposition détaillée et plus élaborée nécessitera une profonde réflexion par les deux parties ainsi que par la communauté internationale.

Yermeche, Ouerdia (2011), ‘Le français au contact de l’arabe et du berbère: le mixlangue dans les production langagières de jeunes Algériens’, paper given at Langues en contact: le français à travers le monde, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, 16-18 septembre 2011.

mixlangue: coexistence de langues (standard, national, étrangères). national et officiel, national arabe algérien et tamazight
locuteurs algériens multilingues via école…
français pression interne au niveau de l’emprunt et mélanges codiques
parler algérien: langue hybride dans lesquelles se mélangent deux voire trois langues
usage courant et spontané des trois codes linguistique selon procédés d’hybridation linguistique ou insertion de segments lexicaux. Emprunts sous forme locale avec significations particulière.
recherche: énoncés oraux d’étudiants en licence en différentes situation de communication (dans et hors enceinte uni et en salle de classe)

alternance docdique dans les converstations de locuteurs algériens:

récurrence

alternance intra-phrasique
extraphrastique
tour de parole

éléments et procédés linguistiques déclencheurs des types d’alternance en conversation
monèmes lexicaux: monèmes fonctionnels (bessah, fi, beli, verbe dire, pronoms démonstratifs, pronoms personnels)
, gramatiquaux et procédés linguistiques
expression idiomatiques (inchah allah)
verbe avoir

formes empruntées mais adaptées à la locution algérienne: yerkhdam fort (il travaille fort), activi chouya, amany ma’n pardonniche, dillili gosto (fais-moi plaisir) vient de l’espagnol

avonsi lor (reculez), avansilqadam (avancer)
pikani wahed lizoursin (un oursin m’a piqué)

hittiste (hit mur ) = chomeur
taxieur
dégoutage
vacancer
défiancer
nerfaza (nervosigé)
mariager
parkingueur
chawarmiste
trabendiste (qui pratique une activité informelle)
mdigouti (j’étais dégouté)

Métissage linguistique est une pratique languagière admise. elaborent stratégies discursives et former énoncés bilingues originaux. Jeu sur les langues qui fait fi de la langue et des barrières linguistiques.
La langue française est tellement intériorisée que les locuteurs en usent à leur guise dans sa forme, structure et sémantisme.
algérianismes: concepts souvent nouveaux et spécifiques au milieu algérien.

Young, I. M. (1989). Polity and group difference: a critique of the ideal of universal citizenship. Ethics: 250-74.

Young, I. M. (1990). Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Young, J. (1994). New Line Cinema: it was a very good year.  The New York Times. NY. H13, 20-1.

Yuval-Davis, Nira (1993), ‘Gender and nation’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 16 (4), 621-32.

Zahidi, Mohamad (2012), ‘Universal Vision and Philosophical Framework’, in Surendra Pathak (ed.), Teacher Education for Peace and Harmony (New Delhi and Shardarsahar).

What do we mean by peace? Why do we need it? Is this a moral value, a useful piece for life? Is Peace possible?
Historically, no good news

Zangwill, I. (1908). The Melting Pot.

Zeitoun, M. (1979). Le Judaïsme américain et sa position face à l’Etat d’Israel: Etude d’une minorité aux Etats-Unis et de son influence sur la politique extérieure américaine, 1948-1972.  Dir. Claude Fohlen. Paris: Paris 1.

Zellner, W., M. Arnd & B. Amy (2000). Etats-Unis cherchent immigrés désespérément: en phase de croissance, l’immigration amène un élan supplémentaire et protège l’économie des risques de surchauffe.  Le Point Edition Affaires avec Business Week. x-xii.

L’Amérique s’est longtemps enorgueillie d’être un pays d’immigrés. Aujourd’hui, alors que la situation économique est au beau fixe, cette fierté a cédé le pas à l’inquiétude.
Selon les économistes, l’afflux des travailleurs étrangers donne un élan supplémentaire et appréciable à une économie en plein essor.

Ziehl, S. (2004). globalization, migration and family pattern.  36th World COngress International Institute of Sociology.

lack of dialogue between globalization and family theorist. Globalization is merely economic. Also has to due to gender family theorist is primarily female research.
cf. Runaway world, Giddens: connection between the 2. Cf. Manuel Castells.

Zincone, G. (1998). Multiculturalism from Above: Italian Variations on a European Theme. In Baübock, R. & Rundell, John (eds.) Blurred Boundairies: Migration, Ethnicity, Citizenship. Vienna: Aldershot.

citée par Wievorka, M. 2001. La Différence. Paris: Balland p. 17 et p. 83 et 94
Si nous voulons développer une réflexion s’appuyant, dans le champs du multiculturalisme, sur les leçons de la comparaison interncontinentales, note avec force arguments à l’appui Giovana Zincone, nous devons d’abord en finir avec l’idée de nation d’Europe culturellement homogènes et que viendraient miner les nouvelles vagues de l’immigration”

Zizek, Slavoj (1997), ‘Multiculturalism, or the cultural logic of multinational capitalism’, New Left Review, 225 (September-October ), 28-51.

Zuckermann, Ghil’ad (2012), ‘Sleeping beauties awake: Linguists and revivalists worldwide have much to learn from Hebrew’s remarkable, hybridic modern-day rebirth’, Times Higher Education, 19 January.

Revived Hebrew, or what I usually refer to as Israeli, is the most cited example of language revival. But to be truthful, the modern-day vernacular spoken in urban Tel Aviv is a very different language, typologically and genetically, from that of the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament) or of the Mishnah, the first major redaction of Jewish oral traditions.

Even so, Israeli is so far the most successful known reclamation of a sleeping beauty tongue. As a language movement it has been in progress for more than 120 years. By comparison, language revival movements elsewhere are in their infancy. With globalisation, homogenisation and coca-colonisation, there will be more and more groups added to the forlorn club of the lost-heritage peoples. Language revival will therefore become increasingly relevant as people seek to recover their heritage. There is an urgent need to offer comparative insights and provide information about the Hebrew revival to other linguists, language endangerment experts and revival activists.

I propose the establishment of revival linguistics, a new discipline studying the universal mechanisms and global constraints apparent in revival attempts across all sociological backgrounds. As a branch of both linguistics and applied linguistics, it is closely related to contact linguistics (when different languages interact) and complements the established field of documentary linguistics.

For linguists, the first stage must involve a long period of observation and careful listening while learning, mapping and characterising the specific indigenous or minority or culturally endangered community. Only then can one inspire and assist. That said, there are linguistic constraints applicable to all revival attempts. Mastering them would help revivalists to work more efficiently: for example, to focus more on basic vocabulary and verbal conjugations than on sounds and word order. Revival linguistics may also help revivalists to be more realistic and to abandon discouraging slogans such as “Give us authenticity or give us death!”

Take, for example, revived Kaurna, an Aboriginal language spoken in South Australia. The language was subject to linguicide by Anglo-Australians and the last native speaker died in the 1920s, but it is currently being reclaimed.

However, the impact of the revivalists’ mother tongue (Aboriginal or Australian English) on reclaimed Kaurna is far-reaching. Consider sounds: a retroflex “r” in classical Kaurna is pronounced in neo-Kaurna as the English “r”. Consider vocabulary: there are numerous calques (loan translations): cricket (the sport) is replicated as yertabiritti (the term for the insect with the same name in English). Consider word order: while in classical Kaurna it was free but tending to be subject-object-verb, in neo-Kaurna it is subject-verb-object, replicating the English.

Now let us look at Israeli. Consider sounds: the classical Hebrew “r” was pronounced like the Arabic “r”. But the Israeli “r” is the one occurring in most dialects of the revivalists’ mother tongue, Yiddish (as in German). Consider vocabulary: there are numerous calques such as ma nishma (“What’s up?”, literally “what’s heard?”) from the Yiddish vos hert zikh and parallel expressions in Polish, Russian and Romanian. Consider word order: in Biblical Hebrew it was verb-subject-object, but in Israeli it is subject-verb-object, replicating Yiddish and Standard Average European.

Unlike Hebrew and Kaurna, where there are no native speakers of the sleeping, original tongue, in Hawaii one can observe both. Hawaii is a fascinating case of both a severely endangered language (classical Hawaiian, fewer than 1,000 speakers) and a reclaimed language (neo-Hawaiian, approximately 3,000, still non-native, speakers). Hawaiian offers scholars a unique laboratory to explore the constraints of language revival. Genetically engineered neo-Hawaiian can indeed be systematically compared to the organically evolving classical Hawaiian, as the latter is still spoken by several hundred people, who are unfortunately not involved in the reclamation.

One day we may invent devices to “inject” a language into our brains. But until then, any attempt to reclaim a hibernating language will result in a hybrid that combines components from the revivalists’ and documenters’ mother tongues and the target tongue. In the immortal words of Jerry Seinfeld: “Not that there’s anything wrong with that!”

The punch line? One, if your language is endangered, do not allow it to die. Two, if your language dies: stop, revive, survive. Three, if you revive a language, embrace its hybridity.

Postscript :
Ghil’ad Zuckermann is professor of linguistics and endangered languages and an Australian Research Council Discovery fellow at the University of Adelaide, Australia.

7 Responses to “Bibliography from (W) like Wardhaugh, my initiator to sociolinguistics to (Z) like Zangwill the creator of the Melting Pot”

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  7. [...] Bibliography from (W) like Wardhaugh, my initiator to
    sociolinguistics to (Z) like Zangwill the crea… January 20096
    comments 4 [...]

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