Bibliography (S) like Stefansson and Spolsky

Because both are my friends….As usual, let me remind you that all quotes are my personal notes or transcripts of the contents pertaining my own research.

Links to my bibliography from A to Z:

A B C D E F G H I J K L

M N O P Q R S (this page) T U V W/X/Y/Z

Last Update: August 18, 2020

This page is divided in two parts:

A- the titles and articles and then,

B- my notes when they have been entered (about 80% of the whole bibliography of about 2000 titles)

PART A:

Sade. ‘(à propos de). Notes prises lors d’un colloque à Genève en 2014 et retrouvées par hasard.. ‘.
Saez, Jean-Pierre (ed.)^(eds.). 1995. Identités, Cultures et Territoires (Desclée de Brouwer: Paris).
Safire, William. 2000. ‘Counts and Recounts: Taking Democracy Seriously’, New York Times and International Herald Tribune, November 10, 2000, pp. 8.
Safran, Margaret 1998. ‘comment on Jewish Aussies’ Home page’.
Sagee, Yaniv. 2013. “Presentation of the Givat Haviva Centre ” In JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories, edited by David Chemla. Givat Haviva: JCall.
Saint-André, Jean-Paul 2013. “‘Allocution du Président de l’Université d’Angers.” In Israël-Palestine 2020: La Guerre de l’Eau aura-t-elle lieu? Université d’Angers.
Salaün, Francis. 2008. ‘La Révolution revit au Lenin café’, Ouest France, 16 aoùt 2008.
Salem, Wardia. 2000. “L’envol du Faucon.” In Télérama, 7-8.
Salvayre, Lydie 2014. Pas pleurer (Seuil: Paris).
Sandig, Jochen. 2013. “contribution to panel on culture, interdependence and migration.” In Dublin Interdependence Celebration and Forum, edited by Benjamin Barber. Dublin Castle.
Sapiro, Gisèle 2008. ‘L’espace intellectuel en Europe. De la formation des Etats-nations à la mondialisation XIXè-XXIè siècles.’ in Gisèle Sapiro (ed.), Le marché de la traduction en France à l’heure de la mondialisation (La Découverte: CNRS Editions: Paris).
Sasaki, Masamichi. 2005. “Migration and Citizenship.” In 37th International Institute of Sociology Conference. Stockholm, Norra Latin, Aula 3d Floor.
Sassen, Saskia. 2000. ‘Le travail Mondialisé: Mais pourquoi émigrent-ils?’, Le Monde Diplomatique: 4-5.
Sassen, S. 2006. Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages (Princeton University Press: Princeton).
Sasson, Talia 2016. “NGOs in Israel Today.” In Israel entre chaos régional et défis intérieurs. Théâtre Adyar, Paris.
SAU. 2000. The dictionary of Dangerous Words (Social Affairs Unit: London).
Saubaber, Delphine. 2004. ‘L’Express’, L’Express, 06/12/2004.
Sawchuk, Joe (ed.)^(eds.). 1992. Identities and state structures (Bearpaw: Brandon).
Sayet, Rachel 2011. “Devils and Giants in Southern New England: the Appropriation of Native Sites by the English Colonists.” In World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People (WIPCE). Cuzco.
Schieffelin, Bambi B., Kathryn A. Woolard, and Paul V. Koskrity (ed.)^(eds.). 1998. Language Ideologies: Practice and Theory (Oxford University Press: Oxford).
Schiffman, Harold F. 1998. Linguistic Culture and Language Policy (Routledge: London and N.Y.).
Schlesinger Jr, Arthur M. La désunion de l’Amérique.
Schlossman, S.L. 1983. ‘Is there an American tradition of bilingual education? German in the public elementary schools, 1840-1919’, American Journal of Education: 139-86.
Schneider, Edgar W. 1982. ‘On the history of Black English in the USA: Some new evidence”‘, English World Wide: 18-46.
———. 1993. ‘Africanisms in the Grammar of Afro-American English: Weighing the evidence”.’ in Saliko S. Mufwene, Cynthia Bernstein, Nunnally Thomas and Robin Sabino (eds.), Africanisms in Afro-American Language Varieties (University of Georgia Press: Athens).
Schocken, Amos, Akiva Eldar, and Ron Huddai. 2014. “Opening Session.” In Israel Conference on Peace. David Intercontinental, Tel Aviv.
Schramm, Danielle. 2000. “Bassins méditerranéens.” In Télérama, 20.
Schulte-Tenckhoff, Isabelle. 1997. La question des peuples autochtones (Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence: Paris).
———. 2000. ‘Le Droit et les Minorités.’ in Alain Fenet, Geneviève Koubi and Isabelle Schulte-Tenckhoff (eds.), Le Droit et les Minorités: analyses et textes (Bruylant: Bruxelles).
Seaman. 1984. “Aboriginal Land Inquiriy.” In. Perth: Western Australia Government.
Sebok, Antony J. 1998. Legal Positivism in American Jurisprudence (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge).
Segev, Tom 1993. Le Septième Million:Les Israéliens et le génocide ( Liana Levi: Paris).
Seidle, F.L. (ed.)^(eds.). 1994. A la Recherche d’un nouveau Contrat politique pour le Canada: Options asymétriques et options confédérales (Institute for Research on Public Policy: Québec).
Seidlhofer, Barbara. 2002. “Autour du concept d’anglais international: de l'”anglais authentique” à l'”anglais réaliste”?” In. Strasbourg: Conseil de l’Europe, Division des politiques linguistiques, DG IV- Direction de l’Education scolaire, extrascolaire et de l’enseignement supérieur.
Sénat, Mélodie. “Continuité territoriale.” In La Continuité. Universités de Cergy Pontoise et Paris VIII.
Senghaas, Dieter. 1993. ”Les conflits ethniques ou le retour des nationalismes.’ in Union de l’Europe Occidental (ed.), Guerre et paix: la prévention des conflits en Europe (: Institut d’Etudes de sécurité: Paris).
Shafak, Elif. 2002. Bonbon Palace(Bit Palas) (Editions Phébus, 10/18: Paris).
Shafak, Elif 2007. The Bastard of Istanbul (Penguin Books: London, New York).
Shaffir, Stav. 2012. “‘The Israeli Social Protest Movement.” In J Street: Making History. (Washington D.C.
Shalev, Chem, Robert Wexler, Jeremy Ben-Ami, Peter Beinert, and Flamma Nizenstein. 2014. “‘The conflict and peace- Views from the Diaspora.” In Israel Conference on Peace. David Intercontinental, Tel Aviv.
Sharoni, Nathan. 2013. “The two state solution is the only solution.” In JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories, edited by David Chemla. Tel Aviv: JCall.
Sharp, Andrew 1990. Justice and the Maori: Maori claims in New Zealand political argument in the 1980s (Oxford University Press: Auckland).
Shaw, George Bernard. 1903. Man and Superman (The Floating Press: Auckland).
Sheizaf, Noam. 2012. “Court okays Citizenship Law, legalizing discrimination of Arabs.” In +972 Magazine.
Shickel, Richard. 1984. D.W. Griffith: An American Life (Simon and Schuster: New York).
Shirley, Graham. 1994. ‘Australian cinema: 1896 to the renaissance.’ in Scott Murray (ed.), Australian Cinema (Allen & Unwin: St Leonards, NSW).
Shlesinger, Miryam. 2010. “Interpreting as Human Rights: sign-language interpreting as a case in point.” In Language, Law and the Multilingual State: 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein Free State University.
Shu, Jing, Siew Ean Kho, Andrew Struik, and Fiona McKenzie. 1993. “Australia’s Population, Trends and Prospects 1993.” In. Canberra: Bureau of Immigration and Population Research.
Shuy, Roger (ed.)^(eds.). 1964. Social Dialects and Language Learning (National Council of Teachers of English: Champaign, Illinois).
Shuy, Roger, Walter Wolfram, and William K. Riley. 1967. “a Study of social dialects in Detroit.” In. Washington, D.C.: Office of Education.
Sigaud, Paul. 1997. ‘Dans les écoles de Brooklyn, les professeurs font face au défi quotidien du multiculturalisme’, Journal de Genève et Gazette de Lausanne, 1er-2 novembre, pp. 7.
Silverstein, Michael. 2003 ”Indexical order and the dialectics of sociolinguistic life’, Language and Communication (), 3-4: 193-229.
Simmons, B.A., F. Dobbin, and G. Garrett. 2006. ‘The International Diffusion of Liberalism’, International Organization, 60: 781-810.
Simon, Bernard. 1996. ‘Ottawa protège sa culture: le protectionisme canadien agace les américains’, Financial Times, repris par Courrier International, 29 février 1996, pp. 17-18.
Simpson, Richard. 1689. Voyage to the Straits of Magellan & S.Seas.
Singler, John V. 1989. ‘Plural marking in Liberian Settler English, 1829-1980’, American Speech: 40-64.
Sinoué, Gilbert. 2010. Inch’Allah: Le Souffle du Jasmin (Flammarion: Paris).
Sitbon, Shirli. 2020. ‘Badly Hit by Coronavirus, French Jews Fear Worse News on Passover’, Haaretz.
Skali, Faouzi. 2009. “Women, Islam and Development.” In Interdependence Day: Art, Religion, and the City in the Developing World of Interdependence, edited by Benjamin Barber. Istanbul.
Sklar, Robert. 1994. Movie-Made America (Random House: New York).
Skrentny. 1996. The Ironies of Affirmative Action (University of Chicago Press: Chicago).
Skuttnab-Kangas, Tove. 1988. ‘Multilingualism and the education of minority children.’ in T. Skutnabb-Kangas and J. Cummings (ed.), Minority education: from shame to struggle (Multilingual Matters Ltd: Clevedon).
———. 1994. ‘Linguistic Human rights, past and present.’ in Tove Skuttnab-Kangas and Robert Phillipson (eds.), Linguistic Human Rights: Overcoming Linguistic Discrimination (Mouton de Gruyter: Berlin-New York).
Slama, Alain-Gérard. 2003. ‘Quelle culture veut-on défendre?’, Le Figaro, 17 novembre 2003, pp. 15.
Slawson, John, and Vosk Marc. 1979. Unequal Americans: Practices and Politics of Intergroup Relations (Greenwood: Westport).
Sliema, Aldo. 2010. “Malta Family history.”
Smith, Allan. 1980. The Geopolitics of Information (Faber and Faber: London).
______. 1994. Canada, An American Nation? Essays on Continentalism, Identity and the Canadian Frame of Mind (McGill-Queen’s University Press: Montreal &Kingston).
Smith, A.D. 1981. The Ethnic Revival in the Modern World (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge).
Smitherman, Geneva. 1998. ‘Word from the Hood: the lexicon of African-American Vernacular English.’ in Slikoko S. Mufwene, John R. Rickford, Guy Bailey and Baugh John (eds.), African-American English: Structure, History and Use (Routledge: London).
———. 2000. Talking that Talk: Language, culture and education in African America (Routledge: London).
Smolar, Piotr. 2004. ‘Les RG s’alarment d’un “repli communautaire” dans les banlieues’, Le Monde, mardi 6 juillet 2004, pp. 6.
Smolicz, J.J. 1991. ‘Language Core Values in a Multicultural Setting’, International Review of Education, 1: 35-52.
Social Security, Department of. 1998. “New Ambitions for Our Country:A New Contract for Welfare, Green Paper on Welfare Reform.” In. London: HMSO.
Solis Fonseca, Gustavo 2011. “Culturally Specific Epistemologies.” In World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People. Cusco, Peru.
Sollers, Philippe. 1999. ‘La guerre et les mots’, Le Monde, 14 avril 1999, pp. 1.
Somers, M. . 2008 Genealogies of Citizenship ( Cambridge University Press: Cambridge).
Sour, David. 2013. “Contribution from the Hatnua MP.” In JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories. Jerusalem: JCall.
Soysal, Nuhoglu Y. . 2000. ‘Citizenship and identity: living diasporas in post-war Europe?’, Ethnic and Racial Studies 23: 1-15.
Soysal, Nuhoglu Y. , and S.Y. Wong. 2007. ‘Educating Future Citizens in Europe and Asia.’ in A. Benavot and C. Braslavsky (ed.), School Knowledge in Comparative and Historical Perspective: Changing Curricula in Primary and Secondary Education (Springer: New York).
Soysal, Nuhoglu Y. and Simona Szakacs. . 2008. ‘Reconceptualizing the Republic: Diversity and Education in France, 1945-2008’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 44: 3-24.
Soysal, Y. . 1994 Limits of Citizenship (University of Chicago Press: Chicago).
Soysal, Yasemin Nuhoğlu. 2011. “Postnational Citizenship: Rights and Obligations of Individuality.” In Heinrich Böll Stifftung.
———. 2012. ‘Citizenship, immigration and the European social project: rights and obligations of individuality’, British Journal of Sociology, 63: 1-21.
Spanbauer, Tom. 1991. The Man who Fell in Love with the Moon (HaperPerennia, HarperCollins: New York).
Spears, Arthur K. 1998. ‘African-American language use: ideology and so-called obscenity.’ in Slikoko S. Mufwene, John R. Rickford, Guy Bailey and Baugh John (eds.), African-American English: Structure, History and Use (Routledge: London).
Spears, Arther K. (ed.). 1999. Race and Ideology: Language, Symbolism, and Popular Culture (Wayne State University Press: Detroit).
Spears, Arthur K. 1999. ‘Teaching “Minorities” about language and culture.’ in Arthur K. Spears (ed.), Race and Ideology: Language, Symbolism, and Popular Culture (Wayne State University Press: Detroit).
Special, Joint Committee on a Renewed Canada. 1992. “Report of the Special Joint Committee on a Renewed Canada.” In. Ottawa: Supply and Services.
Spiegelman, Art. 2003. Bons baisers de New York (Flammarion: Paris ).
Spinner, Jeff. 1994. The Boundaries of Citizenship: Race, Ethnicity and Nationality in the Liberal State (Johns Hopkins University Press: Baltimore).
Spolsky, Bernard. 1994. ‘Conditions for second language learning in Israel. . ‘, English Teacher’s Journal., 47: 45-54.
———. 1994. ‘Israel: Language situation. .’ in R. E. Asher (ed.), The Encyclopedia of language and linguistics (Pergamon Press: Oxford).
———. 1994. ‘Policy Issues In Testing And Evaluation’, The Annals of The American Academy of Political and Social Science, 532 226-37.
———. 1994. ‘The situation of Arabic in Israel.’ in Y. Suleiman . (ed.), Arabic Sociolinguistics: Issues and Perspectives ( Curzon Press: Richmond).
———. 1995. ‘Conditions for Language Revitalization: A comparison of the cases of Hebrew and Maori’, Current Issues in Language and Society, 3.
———. 1995. “Hebrew and Israeli Identity.” In Symposium on Language and Identity in the Middle East and North Africa, edited by Yasir Suleiman. Edinburgh: Curzon.
———. 1996. ‘English in Israel after Independence. .’ in Alma Rubal-Lopez and Andrew W. Conrad Joshua A. Fishman (ed.), Post-Imperial English (Mouton de Gruyte: Berlin).
———. 1996. ‘Multilingualism in Israel ‘, Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, 17.
———. 1996. ‘Prologomena to an Israeli Language Policy.’ in Tina Hickey and Jenny Williams (ed.), Language, Education and Society in a Changing World (Multilingual Matters Ltd: Clevedon).
———. 1999. Sociolinguistics (Oxford University Press: Oxford).
———. 2012. “The language of Jewish worship in the City.” In Languages in the City. Berlin.
Spolsky, Bernard, and Muhammad Hasan Amara. 1996. ‘Politics and language change: the sociolinguistic reflexes of the division of a Palestinian village.’ in Stig Eliasson and Ernest Hakon Jahr (ed.), Einar Haugen Memorial Volume (Mouton de Gruyter: Berlin).
Spolsky, Bernard, and Michael Hallel. 1994. ‘The teaching of additional languages in Israel’, . Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, 13: 37-49.
Spolsky, Bernard , and Elana Shohamy. 1996. ‘National profiles of languages in education: Israel: Language policy.’ in Peter Dickson and Alastair Cumming (ed.), National Profiles of Language Education in 24 Countries (National Foundation for Educational Research: Slough).
Spolsky, Bernard, and Elana Shohamy. 1997. ‘Language in Israeli Society and Education’, The International Journal of the Sociology of Language
———. 1997. ‘Planning foreign language education: an Israeli perspective.’ in Studies in honour of Theo van Els. Ed. Kees de Bot and Theo Bongaerts (ed.) ( John Benjamins Publishing Company: Amsterdam and Philadelphia).
Springs, Barnaby 2013. “‘remarks during introductory roundtable on Education, Gender and Immigration in an Interdependent World.” In Dublin Interdependence Celebration and Forum, edited by Benjamin Barber. Dublin Castle.
Staiger, Janet. 1992. Interpreting Films: Studies in the Historical Reception of American Cinema (Princeton University Press: Princeton, NJ).
Stefánsson, Jón Kalman. 2019. Le Berger de l’Avent (Zulma Paris).
Steinmetz, Sol (ed.)^(eds.). 1996. Random House Compact Unabridged Dictionary.
Stenbäck, Pär, Graham Fraser, Meri Huws, Slavisa Mladenovic, Sandra Inutiq, Sean O Cuirrean, François Boileau, Rafael Ribó, Mxolisi Zwane, Malin Brännkärr, and Michel Carrier. 2013. ” International Conference on Language Rights: Sharing best practice.” In Dublin Hilton. Dublin Castle.
Stephens, M. 2010. “Lost in translation? Speaking Mâori in the New Zealand Parliament and the Maori Language Act 1987.” In Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law. Bloemfontein, Free State University.
Sternhell, Zeev 2015. ‘To win, Herzog must convince Israelis that peace, prosperity are intertwined’, Haaretz, Mar. 8, 2015
Sternhell, Zeev, and Nicolas Weill. 2014. Histoire et lumières, changer le monde par la raison (Albin Michel: Paris).
Stewart, William A. 1967. ‘Sociolinguistic factors in the history of American Negro dialects’, Florida FL Reporter, pp. 11.
———. 1968. ‘Continuity and change in American Negro dialects’, Florida Foreign Language Reporter: 1.3
———. 1968. ‘A sociolinguistic typology for describing national multilingualism.’ in Joshua Fisham (ed.), Readings in the Sociology of Language (Mouton: La Haye).
———. 1970. ‘Towards a history of Negro dialect.’ in Frederick Williams (ed.), Language and Poverty (Markham: Chicago).
Stith, Kate, and Jose A. Cabraanes. 1998. Fear of Judging: Sentencing Guidelines in the Federal Courts (University of Chicago Press: Chicago).
Stoiciu, G., and Brosseau O. 1989. La Différence: Comment l’Ecrire? Comment la Vivre? Communication internationale et Communication interculturelle (Humanitas: Québec).
Streliski, Marie-Paul and Ouattara, Rachida 2013. ” ‘Conseillères municipales d’Angers, responsables du projet Angers-Israël-Palestine.” In Israël-Palestine 2020: La Guerre de l’Eau aura-t-elle lieu ? Université d’Angers.
Strenger, Carlo. 2013. “Fears and Mental Blocks.” In JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories. Tel Aviv: JCall.
———. 2016. ‘Jewish Liberals Must Reject the Zionist/anti-Zionist Dichotom ‘, 5 August 2016.
Strydom, H. . (2010. “Keynote Address: Ideological and other obstacles in the way of a multi-lingual South African State.” In Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law edited by Du Plessy. Bloemfontein.
Sugunasiri, Suwanda. 1991. ‘(about multiculturalism)’, Globe and Mail, 18 juillet.
Swain, S. 1991. ‘Manipulating and complementing content teaching to maximize second language learning’, TESL Canada Journal, 6: 68-83.
Swales, J. 1985. ‘English as the International language of research’, RELC Journal: 1-7.
———. 1997. ‘English as the Tyrannosaurus rex.’, World Englishes, 16: 373-82.
Swepu, Chris. 2012. ”Languages Bill not worth the paper it’s written on”, The Star, February 21 2012

PART B:

Sade (à propos de). Notes prises lors d’un colloque à Genève en 2014 et retrouvées par hasard.. A compléter!

Sadisme avant Sade Taquinisme

Sadisme chez Proust : acception non fixée Orthographe ignorée

Seule est conservée la correspondance d’un mois

Respect et affection

Érotique des troubadours (octavio Paz, Denis de Rougemont L’Amour et l’Occitan) amour platonico-mystique.
Tensión jeux de l’amour et du langage
Partie du corps en langue d’oc se réfèrent à la faune et la flore

Pistachier (un arbre mâle pour de centaines de femelles)

Milly :”co tout a co va i vila ”

Calingna : baiser…

27 avril
Difference dans la musicalité et poésie imagée :

Sexe féminin jamais con ou counasse (mousse, chatte…)

Masculin melinzana,

Perdre sa virginité: casser la vaisselle Termes agraires et pastoraux

Abbé Grégoire : en évacuant des patois de désir …

Donatien plus intime et tendre

Marie est morte très jeune et sa correspondance été recyclée par son notaire de père seules ont été conservées les lettres de Mily

Poésie cf Pétrarque mais surtout Dante qui en introduit 6 poètes provençaux

Saez, Jean-Pierre, ed. 1995. Identités, Cultures et Territoires. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer.

Safire, William. 2000. Counts and Recounts: Taking Democracy Seriously. New York Times and International Herald Tribune, November 10, 2000, 8.

ARTICLE ENTIEREMENT REPRODUIT ET PARU DANS LA SECTION EDITORIAL/OPINION DU HERALD TRIBUNE.

Let’s see what recent history can teach us about this unpresidented election.

How can we Americans regain our faith in a fairly reported count? The harm done to the election by the early, erroneous pollsters’ call of Florida for Al Gore, compounded eith hours later by the too eager reversal, awarding the election to George W. Bush, should not be underestimated.

An excuse of “bad data” won’t do. The media should undertake a detailed self-investigation to set responisbility and reintroduce competition.

In 1960, Nixon aides at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles were dismayed when early returns from Eastern states led networdks to predict a Jack Kennedy vic tory. We arranged for President Dwight Eisenhower to go on the air from Augusta to tell Californinas to ignore television reports and to turn out and vote. To media surprise, Mr. Nixon carried California by some 50,000 votes.

Should Al Gore have conceded after the networks calld the electoin? No. A concession in a close presidential contest should be made only when all hope is gone. Prudently, Mr. Nixon did not send a concession telegram until 10 the next morning. On the plane to Key Biscayne, Florida, the next day, the campaing chairman, Len Hall, inissted that we challenge the theft of votes in Cook Count, Illinois, and San Antonio that may have swung the election. In that regard….

Should toadys’s loser -whoever he is- encourage further investigations of “irregularities”? Mr. Nixon’s most unselfish hour was when he refused to contest the excurciatingly close results. Former President Herbert Hoover called him to say that Joe Kennedy wanted to set up a meeting with his son, the president -elect. After meeting with JFK, Mr. Nixon told us that court challenges would be “disruptive”. He refused to undermine the legitimacy of the election.

Mr. Gore and Mr. Bush have had lawyers observing th recount as if Florida were a Third World nation. Well and good; an automatic recount is not a challenge. ut after the numbers come out, the loser shold address the nation in prime time with a gracious speecth resolving any doubts, allaying suspicions and directing electors in the Electoral Cllege to remain faithful to their charge. In the way he brings closure to this electoin, he will avert finality in his own political career.

If Mr. Gore loses dispite winning the popular vote, would this weaken Mr. Bush’s mandate? Only at first. Here, too, history may help.

In 1968, Goerge Wallace’s third party vote might have deadlocked the Electoral College and thrown the election into the House, as happened in 1800 with Jefferson and Burr. Mr. Nixon proposed to Hubert Humphrey that they agree beforehand that the winner of the popular vote would be the president; Mr. Humphrey, figuring that he could win in the House, even if he lost the popular vote, declined.

In the closing days, as Mr. Wallace’s voters swung to Mr. Humphrey, 20-year-old David Eisenhower asked Mr. Nixon what would happen if Mr. Humphrey won the popular vote, and re alls that he was “sort of clutched” when Mr. Nixon shrugged of fthe question with “Doesn’t matter”.

It matters only to public opinion. If Mr. Gore cannot close the narrow gap in Florida, his political future depends on his not being the “sore winner” of the majority of the more than 100 million national votes. By acting to unify the nation, he would better be able to resist a primary challenge in 2004 from Senator Hillary Clinton.

Why isn’t Vice President Gore ahead in Florida? More history rooted in the 1960s: although he publicly disagreed with his administraitons decision to return Elian Gonzalez to Fidel Catro’s Cuba -thereby taking flak for “pandering”- Mr. Gore suffered from Bill Clinton’s action, and for Janet Reno’s dark-of-night assault. Florida’s Cuban-Americans delivered about 60,000 more votes to George Bush this year than to Bob Dole in 1996.

What does this political long count tell the world about the United States? The reaction across our land is one of wonderment, not bitter dissension. We have two political gladiators who are men of honor and will follow the constitution, adding to public confidence in the orderly transfer of power. Rather than taking to the streets, sleep-deprived voters are taking this stupendous civics lesson in stride, happily proud to be participants in making American History.

Safran, Margaret. 1998. comment on Jewish Aussies’ Home page. ( Mon, 8 Jun 1998).

E-mail: msfran@netlink.com.au
Comment:
Hi. I’m writing on behalf of the In One Voice festival which is held each March in Melbourne, Australia.

In One Voice is the biggest cultural event in the Southern Hemisphere, attracting more than 15,000 people to the annual festival in Caulfield Park.

Held on the weekend following the Grand Prix (probably March 13-14 in 1999 but dates to be finalised in October), the Sunday festival includes a six-hour open-air concert featuring amateur and professional Jewish performers, an art exhibition, community dancing, dispalys by more than 50 communal organisations ranging from the Jewish Secular Humanistic Society to Lubavitch Outreach, rides, foodstalls and more.

On Saturday night, a mellower accoustic-style show is held. There are plans to add a mini-Jewish film festival, comedy, cooking demonstrations and more youth-oriented activities in 1999.

The theme of our 1999 festival is: Throw away your stereotypes! There is more to the Melbourne Jewish community than you think! The aim of In One Voice is to celebrate all the diverse aspects of the Jewish community which combine to make us strong. It is the only way to see the entire Melbourne Jewish community in one day.

I am seeking to make early contact with any teachers who are interested in bringing their students to the 1999 festival to perform at the Sunday concert alongside their counterparts from Melbourne.

Acts need to have a Jewish theme. Performers can sing on any topic in Hebrew, Yiddish or Ladino; songs in English must have a Jewish theme.

While we cannot offer any financial assistance in getting to Melbourne, we will endeavour to organise billeting for anyone coming to perform at the festival.

With enough pre-planning, it could be the basis of a major excursion to Melbourne, including educational tours of the Jewish Museum and Australia, the Jewish Holocaust Museum, schools and synagogues and, of course, other non-Jewish oriented activity.

Please feel free to contact me at msfran@netlink.com.au I will be out of the country from June 16to July 11 but will endeavour to reply to everyone by the end of July.

Sagee, Yaniv (2013), ‘Presentation of the Givat Haviva Centre ‘, paper given at JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories, Givat Haviva.

overview of what is Givat Haviva, our history and mission . We share the same values with you. Built in 1949. This beautifu green campus was a british army base in the desert. The land belonged to kibboutz Maanit which belonged to the Hachomer Hatsaïr. This kibboutz had a member, Haviva Right was a relative to a song writer. She was killed by the Nazis. She was dedicated to values Israel should have kept till today. This center is dedicated to her legacy. 3 MAJOR VALUES: Zionism, socialism and brotherhood of all people. There isn’t any zionism without the other two components. We see ourselves as zionists. This center was built one year before the Independence. 5 Centers have been working here since the origins.

Jewish Arab Center for peace
1963 founding of this center to teach arabic. To live together we should understand each others.
During the years, we divelopted many programs based on coexistence (MISSION) based on dialogue.(TOOLS)
Learning about the narrative of each others.
In the last 4 years, we understood this isn’t good enough. We viewed that we had a very minor impact in Israel. Stream went exactly the opposite way. We read scholars from Haifa University (Daniel Bar-tal) and they were telling us this concept wasn’t going to have an impact. So we developed new perspectives.
MISSION: Instead of speaking of coexistence, we decided to speak of Shared Society. Each should sustain the uniqueness of its nature but building on a partnership as citizens living in Israel.
Tools: instead of dialogue which meant understand and respect the difference, we decided to ACT together. Programme based on doing together thing which helps creating a partnership of sustainable society.
PROGRAMME: Advocacy for a change through political change and government. Let’s educate to better connect. If you don’t know the people, that helps hatred to grow and we don’t want to live with each other (66% of Israeli population).
We can’t leave the society. So our decision was to base our action on the community. We’d create partnership between neighbouring communities that normally in Israel wouldn’t have anything to do with each other: “shared communities” (Kfar-Koufar Qara, 17000 arab citizens connect to Pardess Hannah 10 mn away from KK 30000 citizens). 5 goals for our vision of influence:

influence community itself for more tolerance and respecting of the other community and develop community skills
Connection between the two through several field, To make them good neighbours
Whole region: two mayors committed to each other can make change to the region regarding police, fire, border, tourism, economical mechanisms as an echo.
National level: we’ll create a network of partnership throughout all of Israel. This will change the national discourse. To see their neighbours as partners and not enemies.
We believe that can sustain Israel and Democracy and use peace.
20 very important french Immams came to Givat Haviva and asked us to come and teach them this model in France. We want this model to be used worldwide.

5 parameters for this programme:
has to be a long term community programme (4 years)
multigenerational programme (from 10 to 80, genders and all components of community)
wholistic programme not just education (culture, arts too)
top-down and bottom up programme: boned programme: face-to-face. New language, we work with the mayors. Top officials in the communities are part of the same steering committee.
critical mass of activities in one place: 3000 teenagers go through the programme. they come back convinced, but their relatives aren’t convinced. Eventually it’s like taking a full spoon of sugar into the dead sea. If each member of the family is involved, this makes a critical mass which actually makes a change.
12 programmes at once (4 kids, 4 women, 4 senior citizens) and the talk around is starting to change.
Association de soutien à GH a été fondée à la suite du précédent voyage JCall. Visite to programme SS en France.
Males are not directly targetted by the programme because women are more enthusiastic at getting together. Empowerment (cooking for peace, meeting special recipes of our tradition in order to give who we are, then after cooking we sit and talk about how women can bring up change in the country, a women programme for health: how to save life when there’s an emergency crisis and hiking the region in order to learn about the region through the eyes of the others
Business entrepreneurship should include men, but so far no specific programme.
Funding of the programme: we received support from an American Foundation, now we have 3 pairs, but we need further funding.
Vision for the main sponsor, we are aiming at the Israeli government. This programme has been adopted by the Council for Local Municipalities as a best practice model. The government stopped funding by mid-year but the new minister gave us reasons to hope.
Marriages in this region: this happens, but this isn’t in our aim as we want both parts to keep their identities.

Other important centers
Yad Yaari, research and archives of kibboutz mouvement. what lessons about social justice
Moreshet, deals with the Holocaust specifically linked by youth movement, built by survivors which had lead uprisings in the ghettos.
International Center of Givat Haviva: serve as a host to those who want to know our center
art center: art for people of the area shared by jewish and arab citizens, but also P2P meetings. Using art as tools to bring jews and arab to work and create together.

Saint-André, Jean-Paul (2013), ‘Allocution du Président de l’Université d’Angers’, paper given at Israël-Palestine 2020: La Guerre de l’Eau aura-t-elle lieu?, Université d’Angers, 30 novembre 2013.

Honoré d’ouvrir cette journée d’étude. Bienvenue dans notre université. Parmi nos missions: participation à la construction de l’espace européen de l’enseignement et de la recherche et relations internationales. Vous soulignez le role sociétal de la recherche qui peut contribuer à une démarche de paix. Valorisation des résultats de la recherche difficile à retrouver le jour où la paix sera atteinte, mais ce qui est l’intérêt et la grandeur de la recherche publique est précisément d’être désintéressée et tournée vers le bien public.

Salaün, Francis (2008), ‘La Révolution revit au Lenin café’, Ouest France, 16 aoùt 2008.

Ce n’est pas un scoop, Lénine est mort en 1924. Pourtant, depuis 2006, il revit à Chalonnes, sur une île perdue de la Loire. Là où personne n’allait jamais, surtout pas les bolcheviks ! Jusqu’au jour où Martine Thouet a fait l’acquisition d’une longère, pour abriter le Lenin café, un bistrot associatif (plus de 600 adhérents). Un lieu unique. Un musée qui renferme des centaines de pièces de collection ayant trait à l’idéologue de la Révolution russe : des écrits, des bustes, des peintures, des objets divers et variés de cette époque. Le tout dans un décor, qui vous ramène presque 100 ans en arrière dans une datcha de l’ancienne Russie. Même les toilettes sont aux couleurs de la Révolution !

« C’est le fruit d’une collection de 35 ans et d’un grand nombre de voyages en URSS et dans les pays du bloc de l’Est »,raconte Martine Thouet. Le fruit, aussi, d’une passion née alors qu’étudiante, membre du Parti communiste, elle lit « tout Marx » et presque, naturellement, dévore « les oeuvres de Lénine ».

« Une certaine réhabilitation »

De l’homme, elle en parle avec passion : « Lénine n’était pas un tueur. C’était un pacifiste. Il a pris le pouvoir en 1917. La première chose qu’il a dite : je vais arrêter la guerre et il l’a fait ». À travers ce musée, Martine Thouet entend contribuer à « une certaine réhabilitation », confortée par toutes les rencontres, les discussions dans l’ancienne URSS. « Jamais, affirme-t-elle, je n’ai entendu dire du mal de Lénine. C’est une icône. J’ai une grande admiration pour celui qui avait pour ambition de voir se réaliser une Révolution internationale ». Avec cette précaution dans le discours : « Mais, admirer ce n’est pas dire que tout ce qu’il a fait, c’était bien ».

Son admiration pour Lénine à ses limites. Elle s’arrête à 1924. « Je ne me reconnais absolument pas dans les crimes que l’on a commis en son nom par la suite. Encore moins dans les actions de Staline ».

Le Lenin café c’est tout le contraire d’un lieu où se réuniraient tous les nostalgiques de la Révolution et des grandes luttes ouvrières. Ici, la camarade Martine ouvre la porte à toute la classe politique. « J’accueille aussi bien des gens de gauche, que des sarkozistes. Pour visiter, prendre un verre, échanger des points de vue ou passer une soirée devant un plat russe comme on en mange encore dans les campagnes là-bas. Tous s’y sentent bien »Curieusement, les plus réticents à fréquenter le Lenin café, ce sont les communistes. « Pourtant, j’ai toujours ma carte du parti », glisse Martine Thouet.

Comme quoi, on n’est jamais prophète… parmi les siens !

Le Lenin café est situé au fond de l’île Basse à Chalonnes (Maine et Loire). Renseignements sur le site : Lenin café ou au 02 41 47 32 33. Ouverture en été du mercredi au dimanche. L’entrée du musée est gratuite.

Salem, Wardia. 2000. L’envol du Faucon. Télérama, 18 oct. 2000, 7-8.

Grand prix du courrier du concours des Nuits de la correspondance.

Par un beau matin frais, sous le ciel d’Algérie, tu as bouclé ta valise.(….)

Sur le chantier, tu étais tantôt le “bicot” tantôt le “Kabyle”. (….)

Tu regardes autour de toi, et cherches tes amis. Le vieux Ali qui fit deux guerres mondiales est mort l’an dernier, bien après son fils Kader, qui allait en cours avec moi. (….). A travers la ville, les vieux de la tribu te cherchent du regard et sont heureux de te voir. Les gens ne comprennent pas comme la parole est importante pour l’Africain, ils n’imaginent pas combien j’ai bu les paroles qui sortaient de la bouche de mes ancêtres pour fertiliser le désert de ma mémoire. Ma tête est un meuble, et chacun de mes ancêtres y a son terroir.

D’Algérie, tu ne reçois plus beaucoup de nouvelles. De tes frères, il n’en reste plus qu’un, et tes soeurs, comme tes parents, ne sont plus. Tu as quitté des hommes et des femmes qui se tenaient debout, et, lors de ton dernier voyage, tu as retrouvé des hommes et des femmes couchés dans le linceul, dans leur dernière demeure, tout là-haut dans la belle montagne, qui fut le paradis de ton enfance.(….)

Certains pensent que les étrangers viennent manger le pain des Français, mais ne pleure plus mon père, je sais que c’est ta santé qui a été mangée, je sais que tu fais partie de la “génération sacrifiée”.

Ne pleure plus, mon père, il n’y a pas d’intégration qui vaille l’oubli de ton nom, il n’y a pas d’intérgation qui vaille l’ombre de ta jeunesse, et jusqu’à mon dernier souffle, j’arroserai le rosier de ton jardin.

Ne pleure plus mon père, je n’ai pas oublié le pays d’où tu viens; je sais où le rosier de ton jardin prend racine, et j’aime autant le rosier que ses racine. La danse des arbres généalogiques, l’envol d’un continent à l’autre, non, l’errance n’est pas un mythe, elle est juste la réalité de tous les immigrés.(….).

Salvayre, Lydie (2014), Pas pleurer (Paris: Seuil).

115-116: entend pour la première fois de sa vie, des langues étrangères, c’est un plaisir de l’âme. Car il y a là une foule panachée de jeunes venus de tous les coins du monde pour soutenir l’armée républicaine : des Américains qui font deux fois la taille de son frère, des anglais à la peau laiteuse et aux lèvres roses (muy feos), des Italiens aux cheveux luisants, des Suisses, des Autrichiens, des Français, des Allemands, des Russes, des Hongrois, des Suédois. On parle fort (allez savoir pourquoi, l’Espagnol pense qu’il a toujours affaire des sourds), on fume, on rit, je suis soûle, on se dit tu sans ce connaître. Et dans ce jaleo, dans ce brouhaha, quel mot formidable ma chérie !, dans ce brouhaha des discussions, des éclats de rire, de Me cago en Dios lancés à tout propos et du tintín des verres entrechoqués, une voix tout à coup s’élève, une voix grave et légèrement palpitante
202: Peux-tu me rendre le service, me dit tout à coup ma mère, de faire désapparaître le sirop pour la toux qui est coloqué sur le frigo ? Il me raccorde très néfastement doña Pura
273: brigade Botwin, constituée de volontaires juifs venus de tous pays, (et qui) fut entièrement décimée

Sandig, Jochen (2013), ‘contribution to panel on culture, interdependence and migration’, paper given at Dublin Interdependence Celebration and Forum, Dublin Castle.

In German, Burgermeister and Meister Burger are mirror words. From Be Berlin to We Berlin concept. We still have walls in our heads. The future of any city is to break down these walls. Teilen in German means both to share and to divide. I live in a city where a lot of artists are political activists

Sapiro, Gisèle (ed.), (2008), L’espace intellectuel en Europe. De la formation des Etats-nations à la mondialisation XIXè-XXIè siècles, Le marché de la traduction en France à l’heure de la mondialisation ( La Découverte, Paris: CNRS Editions).

citée par Dakhli, L. (2009) “Le multilinguisme est un humanisme.” La Vie des Idées Volume, DOI:

Sasaki, Masamichi. 2005. Migration and Citizenship. Paper read at 37th International Institute of Sociology Conference, at Stockholm, Norra Latin, Aula 3d Floor.

Presenters: Calhoun, Craig NYU, Cosmopolitanism and Belonging

Morawska, Ewa, University of Essex: Immigrants and Citizenship: An Ethnographic Assessment

Turner, Brian National University of Singapore, Global Religion, Diaspora and the Future of Citizenship

Sassen, Saskia. 2000. Le travail Mondialisé: Mais pourquoi émigrent-ils? Le Monde Diplomatique (560):4-5.

(…)

Par-delà la mondialisation de l’économie, une autre transformation majeure des relations internationales contrebalance le pouvoir des Etats en matière de controle de l’immigration: la montée en puissance des régimes juridiques liés aux droits humains, dans le cadre des Etats ou de conventions internationales. Voilà qui transforme en sujets des “oubliés” du droit international.(…)

L’expansion du droit administratif et la judiciarisation de la vie politique impliquent aussi un abandon de l’étatisme dans chaque pays. En matière d’immigration, en Europe occidentale comme aux Etats-Unis, on a de plus en plus souvent recours aux tribunaux pour contester les décisions prises par les législateurs.(…)

Ainsi la mondialisation de l’économie et le régime international des droits humains ont-ils modifié le terrain sur lequel se jouent les relations entre Etats. Ils ont contribué à la formation ou au renforcement d’un nouveau champ d’action civique, qui va du monde du business jusqu’à celui des organisations non-gouvernementales (ONG) internationales. L’immigration recoupe de pluse n plus ces nouveaux mondes et se trouve partiellement imbriquée avec eux, échappant ainsi à son tour au moins partiellement- au contrôle de l’Etat souverain.(…)

Le capitalisme mondial a imposé ses prétentions aux Etats natinaux, qui ont réagi en produisant de nouvelles formes de légalité. Il leur a fallu inventer une nouvelle géographie économique.(…)

Un nombre coissant de mécanismes franchissent les frontières jusqu’à devenir transnationaux, si bien que les gouvenrements peinent de plus en plus à traiter des grands problèmes de manière unilatérale. Cela n’implique pas la fin des Etats natinaux, mais plutôt le fait que “l’exclusivité et la finalité de leur compétence” (cf.Roseneau, James. Along the Domestic-Foreign Frontier, Exploring Governance in a Troubled World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.) ont changé: plus rares sont les champs sur lesquels l’autorité et la légitimité de l’Etat peuvent fonctionner d’une façon qui exclut d’autres acteurs.

Sasson, Talia (2016), ‘NGOs in Israel Today’, paper given at Israel entre chaos régional et défis intérieurs, 10 avril 2016.

Présidente du New Israel Fund, juriste, rédactrice du rapport Sasson sur la colonisation écrit à la demande d’Ariel Sharon Juriste. A écrit le rapport Sasson sur les Territoires occupés.
S’occupe du New Israel Fund qui soutient les projets des ONG israéliennes sur les droits de l’homme
Expliquer les récentes lois limitant la liberté des ONG en Israel.

Political picture affecting NGO. 69 years of conflict. This situation is unique.
Our reaction to terror is building more and more colonies. Peace sounds unreachable. We don’t have a constituion in Israel. We are a state of immigrants who came from all over the world, a lot of them from countries which don’t know democracy, so it’s hard to educate such people.
Every democracy is based on equality. Without it, there’s no such thing as democracy. The main opposition isn’t being heard. So NGOs are the only way to defend democracy.
Right now, deligitimization of human rights in Israeli law. They force us to bear a tag mentioning the countries that support our organisations.
The behaviour of the homeland of the Jewish State, whether you like it or not, affects your identity as a jew in the world.
You all in fact have an interest to make sure to protect Israeli democratic values.

Impact of NGO: they have an impact despite their limited resources, that’s why the governement is trying to legislate them. NGOs aren’t a political party, they are philantropic. It’s difficult to collect money. Government puts their people in each institution to control the NGOs.
Some bills might change the regime: boycott law, forbidding israelis to call for a boycott on settlement. If you enfringe it, you have to pay a penalty. It’s anticonstitutional.
The NGO law and some other laws which impact isn’t so severe.
Aim to give the Knessent the right to kick out from parliament any member if a vote of 90 of 120 approves the expulsion. Minorities are going to watch out what they are saying….
Today, people are afraid to be identified with the left and criticize their country. A member of Supreme Court called for a bulldozer to erase the Supreme court.

SAU. 2000. The dictionary of Dangerous Words. London: Social Affairs Unit.

Saubaber, Delphine. 2004. L’Express. L’Express, 06/12/2004.

duhttp://www.lexpress.fr/info/france/dossier/educationnation/dossier.asp?ida=430748

Faut-il apprendre l’anglais dès l’école primaire?

propos recueillis par

Après le rapport de la commission Thélot, François Fillon, ministre de l’Education nationale, a tranché. Au primaire, les élèves devront s’initier à une langue vivante. Pas forcément celle de Shakespeare

Pour

Jacqueline Quéniart

Professeur agrégée d’anglais, membre de la commission Thélot

«C’est une compétence indispensable à tout citoyen»

La commission Thélot [qui a chapeauté le «Grand débat national sur l’avenir de l’école» ] a considéré que tous les élèves devaient apprendre, dès le CE 2, «l’anglais de communication internationale» et que celui-ci devait faire partie du «socle commun de connaissances». Au sein de la commission, ce sont surtout les industriels, les universitaires, les parents et les hommes politiques qui ont défendu l’idée que l’anglais était devenu une compétence indispensable. Par le rôle qu’il joue en économie, dans les sciences, la technologie, la culture et les médias, il occupe une place à part parmi les langues étrangères. En France, 96% des enfants le choisissent pendant leur scolarité.

Rendre son apprentissage obligatoire très tôt aiderait notre pays à retrouver son influence sur la scène mondiale, écornée par notre insuffisance en anglais. Une récente évaluation des compétences des élèves de 15 et 16 ans dans sept pays européens le montre: les résultats des Français sont nettement inférieurs à ceux des élèves des autres pays (Suède, Finlande, Norvège, Pays-Bas, Danemark et Espagne), où l’anglais est obligatoire dès le primaire. Depuis 1996, le niveau a baissé. Notre façon d’enseigner est en cause, trop axée sur la grammaire et l’écrit. Les élèves s’expriment peu, de peur de se tromper, surtout devant 30 élèves.

700 millions de personnes parlent anglais dans le monde. Or c’est la langue maternelle de moins de la moitié d’entre elles. S’inspirant de travaux menés par des chercheurs anglais à l’université de Vienne, en Autriche, les professeurs devraient abandonner l’idée d’enseigner une langue proche de la perfection des natifs. Ces travaux préconisent d’étudier l’anglais en usage dans la communication internationale, pour parvenir à distinguer ce qui est indispensable à l’oral de ce qui ne l’est pas. Par exemple, il n’est pas utile de s’acharner sur certaines erreurs typiques des élèves – confondre les pronoms «who» et «which», durcir la prononciation du «th»… Il faudrait repenser la façon d’enseigner l’ «anglais international». Il s’agirait, en fait, de déterminer ce qui serait évalué prioritairement dans le «socle commun». Sans pour autant renoncer à présenter les cultures et les littératures qui fondent l’identité de la langue. L’aptitude à l’écoute, l’éducation de l’oreille, les stratégies de communication, la conscience linguistique ainsi développées prépareraient l’étude d’autres langues dès la cinquième.

Contre

Claude Hagège

Professeur au Collège de France, titulaire de la chaire de théorie linguistique

«Il faut promouvoir l’apprentissage de deux langues»

La proposition du gouvernement de rendre obligatoire l’apprentissage d’une langue vivante dès le primaire, pas forcément l’anglais, ne me satisfait pas. Parce qu’il est certain que les familles se précipiteront, de toute façon, sur l’anglais. Et il n’y a aucune raison de renforcer la suprématie anglophone. La vocation de l’école, c’est la transmission et l’innovation. C’est donc le plurilinguisme, l’apprentissage de deux langues étrangères, non d’une seule, qu’il faut promouvoir à l’école primaire. Je suis hostile à l’enseignement de l’anglais seul, comme c’est le cas dans les pays scandinaves, par exemple. Là-bas, cela peut se comprendre car la langue du pays n’est pas parlée hors des frontières, alors que le français a une vocation internationale très ancienne. L’Association des pays francophones réunit 50 pays aujourd’hui, ce qui veut dire qu’il y a des gens dans le monde qui voient dans notre langue un autre choix. La domination de l’anglais n’est donc pas inéluctable.

C’est d’ailleurs l’une des langues les plus difficiles à apprendre, pour nous qui parlons une langue romane. Plus que le russe ou l’arabe. L’anglais est «traître», avec son absence apparente d’inflexion et la grande quantité de mots monosyllabiques. Il est cousu d’idiomatismes, de difficultés phonétiques. En fait, comme le disait Churchill, «l’anglais est une langue très facile à parler mal». C’est pourquoi le concept d’ «anglais de communication internationale» laisse perplexe. Une langue est une langue. Et l’idéal, c’est de parler comme les natifs!

Pourquoi parler plusieurs langues le plus tôt possible? Pour des raisons neurophysiologiques: à partir de 10-11 ans, les synapses, ces zones de contact entre les neurones, se sclérosent. Or elles jouent un rôle majeur dans la rétention des souvenirs. A cela s’ajoute l’oreille. Jusqu’à 10-11 ans, elle est réceptive à tous les sons. Ensuite, elle devient sélective: elle ne perçoit plus que les sons récurrents, entendus dans l’entourage. Résultat: un francophone qui apprend l’anglais à 13 ans prononce difficilement les «h» car il ne les entend pas. Enfin, les familles craignent que l’on n’apprenne trop de choses aux enfants. Or les capacités du cerveau sont infinies et sous-exploitées par les programmes… Le plurilinguisme scolaire précoce n’existe nulle part dans le monde. Cette idée devrait être promue par la France.

Sawchuk, Joe (ed.), (1992), Identities and state structures (Brandon: Bearpaw).

Sayet, Rachel (2011), ‘Devils and Giants in Southern New England: the Appropriation of Native Sites by the English Colonists’, paper given at World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People (WIPCE).

Mohegan Tribe. Her mother and aunt are those who passed the stories about the little people and the giants. Specific stories about central places. Red cliffs come from the blood of the whales used for sacrifices. English colonizers transformed everything sacred to the indigenous into demonized places. That’s Rachel’s thesis. 3 sites demonized and diminished status for native beliefs.

Spirituality of tribe. Mondu is who we pray to. 17th century of reformed people to the new world: more service to the lord. idea that they were superior to the natives. Animate and inanimate world exist in a reciprocal relationship. Christianity and Colonialism have reshaped the stories including now the devil after colonization.

1) Marhsap/ Devil’s Bridge: long underwater obstruction. City of Columbus ship sunk there. one of the worst marine disaster in New England. Uprooting of trees, Smoking pipe. inappropriation: Marshap is not a god, he was in fact disgusted and turned himself into whale.

her great aunt, Medicine woman Gladys Tantaqui’dgeon.was quite instrumental in conveying the real story.

Saddle Back Rock: show that native culture isn’^t static and changes.

2) Devil’s Footprint: Miss Huntington built a church on traditional Mohegan site. Near it is a large rock and call by indigenous Marcha’s footprint.

3) Devil’s Hopyard. in a town with a long story of earthquakes.

Our religion is not fragmented. The last fluent speaker died in 1908 and we can now take classes. There is no separation between ourselves, our lands and our beliefs.

These stories, though recorded by historians, are not well known and we should gather and pass them down! ORAL TRADITIONS ARE WHO WE ARE, WHERE WE COME FROM AND WHERE WE ARE GOING. 1500 MEMBERS of her tribe. Her family is very traditional. Her grandfather is non-native.

Schieffelin, Bambi B., Kathryn A. Woolard, and Paul V. Koskrity, eds. 1998. Language Ideologies: Practice and Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Schiffman, Harold F. 1998. Linguistic Culture and Language Policy. Edited by C. Tony and T. J. Taylor. 2nd ed, The Politics of Language. London and N.Y.: Routledge.

attention: voir Lau vs Nichols, 1974

237:8.2. AFTERMATH OF WORLD WAR I

8..6.1. Meyer v. Nebraska, 1923

The german Lutherans filed suit against the state of Nebraska in Meyer v. Nebraska. Nebraska and other states had legislated the exclusive use of English, even in private schools: Meyer was a teacher in such a school. He had tutored children in German after hours, but was accused of breaking the law anyway. The Supreme Court ruled in June 1923 that “forbidding teaching languages other than English until the 8th grade violated the 14th amendment. The Court also struck down Ohi and Iowa laws. Kloss calls this a “Magna Carta for the private nationality school”.

However, the dicision did not justify or rule on the grounds of

The rights of a group: claim of national minority to a native language

The right of an individual (parent or child) to maintain or use their native langauge.

A European court in Kloss’s opinion would have ruled on the above ground. The ruling protected only:

1 The right of a child to learn any desired “foreign language”

2 The rights of parents to have their child learn any subject matter that was not a threat to the state

3 The right of language teachers to exercise their profession.

239: 8.8. US LANGUAGE POLICY IN THE LATE TWENTIETH CENTURY

The decade beginning with the election of John F. Kennedy in 1960 also coincided with a rise of ethnic awareness, the so- called “new ethnicity”. There were civil rights demonstrations, the passage ofa a Civil right Act and a new focus on language issues.

Congress then passed the National Defense Education Act (1958), which appropriated money for the study of specific areeas of the world (“Area Studies”); it also appropriated funds for the study of non-Western languages.

240: In 1959 a revolution in Cuba resulted in a wave of immigration to th eUSA and south Florida was suddenly awash with spanish-speaking refugees, many of them from the more “bourgeois” segments of society, whose attitude toward the maintenance of Spanish was very different to the many previous ways of Spanish speaking immigrants. Dade County initiated special programs for mothertongue Spanish-speaking children, and the Coral Way Elementary School began a programme of bilingual education for both Spanish-speaking and English-speaking children. By 1967 there was a new attitude about second languages, and the stage was set fir sine dufferebt approaches.

240: The bilingual Education Act (BEA) of 1967-8

It was proposed by Senator Ralph Yarborough of Texas, were the high drop-out rate of Mexican-American children had attracted the attention of educational authorities throughout the decade; It drew its political support from the successes in South Florida however. It was added to, amended, amalgamated with other Acts, and expanded from the emphasis on just the spanish-speaking population to other languages and appropriations were finally approved in 1968.

241: 8.8.2. Law v. Nichols, 1974

(this case) had repercussions for the USA AS A WHOLE, ESPECIALLY ISSUES AFFECTING EDUCATIN AND EQUALITY OF EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN.

8.8.3. The Ann Arbor Decision

Meanwhile another issue that had plagued American language policy for many centuries emerged in a court case known as the Ann Arbor decision. In that case, African-American parents lilving in a neighbourhood known as Green Road, whose children attended the Martin Luther King School in Ann Arbor, Michigan, brought a suit against the King School, the Ann Arbor School District, and the Michigan Board of Education for “the authorities” failure to take into account the cultural, social and economic factors that would prevent them from them from making normal progress in the school (Labov, W. (1982). “Objectivity and commitment in linguisitic science: the case of the Black English trial in Ann Arbor.” Language in Society 11(2): 168). The children in question, a small minority of African Americans in the school, which was predominantly white, had been classified as learning disabled or mentally handicapped; some had been held back, others had been passed into junior high school without adequate preparation.

241:The plaintiffs argued that this had been done without adequate attention to the children’s racial and linguistic background.

The judge in the case dismissed the allegations of cultural, social and economic deprivation, stating that nothing in the US Constitutin guarantees the rights of anyone to special services to remedy poor school performance because of cultural, social or economic background. But he recognized that the linguistic background might be significant, and that the school authorities might have failed to take action under Title 20 of the US code, section 1703 (f) whcih specifically mentions linguistic barriers.

The case then rested on whether the Green Road children spoke a vernacular known as “Black English”, whether Black English was significantly different enouth as a variety of English to warrant special intervention, and whether the school authorities had failed to provide intervention to specifically address this issue. It must be noted that students with limited English proficiency adn with linguistic differences (such as being mother-tongue speakers of another language or dialect) have often been treated in American schools as if they were either physically handicapped, linguistically (and therefore intellectually) “deprived” or had some kind of “deficit”, spoke a “reduced” (“inferior”, “restricted”) code, or exhibited some kind of pathology that interfered with their ability to learn. Such pupils were then usually sent to a speech therapist, or at best, received “special education” in order to deal with their “disability”. THis in fact had been the School Distric’s response to the problems of the Green Road Children.

The judge therefore retained one of the complaints, quoting section 1703( f )of Title 20 which rests on the “failure by an educational agency to take appropriate action to overcome linguistic barriers that impede equal participation by its students in its instructional programs”. For the first time, a judge ruled that linguistic barriers did not have to be foreign languages, and that a language barrier arising from dialect differences between the speech of White and Black children might be a cause for difficulty, if these differences could be shown to arise from conditions of racial segregation. The task of the plaintiffs was therefore to show that:

There exists radical differences between Black English Vernacular (BEV), as spoken by Green Road children and “Standard American English”

These differences were not taken into account of by the School Districkt, leading to imediments to equal participation by the plaintiffs in the instructional programmes of the school.

243: From about the mid-1960s on there had been extensive research on BEV. Before this period the general idea among educationalists about this linguistic variety was that it was defective, and constited evidence of Black “inferiority”, but could perhaps be corrected by compensatory educatin. Linguists, dialectologists and anthropologists were more interested in discovering what the code of BEV was like, but there was no agreement at this time about how different it was from SAE. Research into Gullah dialect, creoles and pidgins, and inner-city Black speech led many to conclude that BEV, while internally logical and in no way defective as a code, was in fact different enough from SAE to constitute a barrier to communication between pupils and their teachers, mayn of whom were White and, given their training and upbringing, would share the “deficit” point of view.

Labov shows that by the time of the trial in 1979, there was more consensus among the linguists who were called as expert witnesses, and the notion that language was inherently variable (and could not therefore be easily quantified) was widely accepted among them. The variability of the copula be in BEV, and its complex aspectual character, was crucial in the formation of this consensus -in particular the focus on the variablility of contraction and deletion forms of the copula be in BEV. Though these phenomena are related to simial phenomena in an overall gramar of Englsih, other conditions affecting contraction adn deletion (morphological and phonological) are complex, and not easily understood. This complexity (and apparent inconsistency) has led many teachers to think of the deletion of be as laziness, mental defectiveness, an inability to think clearly or proof of the inherent decrepitude of African-American English rather than as abing a coherent, though variable, system.

Labov depits the emergence of consensus in this area as long and complicated process, interesting in its own right as a kind of intellectual process. Certainly it was very important in this process that Black linguists and educators themselves became interested in the possibility that the decreolization of BEV was responsible for a lot of the variability, and were able to p articipate in the historical “reconstruction” of this process; as native speakers of BEV, they were also to provide a richer understanding of the semantinc complexities of the aspectual character of the system. The judge’s opinion, finding for the plaintiff, was delivered on 12 July, 1979. The Ann Arbor School Board was directed to identify children who spoke Black English and to use knowledge about BEV to teach such students to read standard english.

244: Some mythology has arisen about this case, just as we have seen in a number of other similar court cases about language. One is that the Ann Arbor decision somehow orderd schools to teach students Black English or ordered teachers to learn Black English or to use BEV as a medium of instruciton. Another is taht the case was a landmark and has the force of a Supreme Court decision. Neither of these myths are true, of course. There were no expectations that B EV shoudl ever be used as a language of instruction, only that teachers must help students whose dialect is BEV to acquire standard English, that is, it seems to recommend that teachers need to know something about BEV and how it works, and how to teach SAE without recourse to theories of deprivation, deficit, or therapy. Second, because this case was decided in a federal district court in Michigan , and was not appealed, it does not apply in other jurisdictions, though the findings in the case have se, though the findings in the case have since been used in other districts that desired to deal with these issues. What they have done is to attempt to remove the negative stereotyping some teachers seem ed to apply to their pupils, and replace it with a systematic attempt to deal tith the linguistic differences -not as evidence of “deprivation”, “reduced code”, “mental incapacity”, or whatever.

Despite Judge Joiner’s eloquent summation of the issues and the recommended solution (Labov, W. (1982). “Objectivity and commitment in linguisitic science: the case of the Black English trial in Ann Arbor.” Language in Society 11(2): 192), the mythology (perhaps due to inadequate press reporting), has spead far and wide that what the court ordered was the opposite of what was actually decided. Perhaps the American peopole are used to court orders and expect that if the court found for the plaintiffs, the solution must have been radical. In a sense, this solution is radical, because it requries teachers to look at language in a different way.Schlesinger Jr, Arthur M. La désunion de l’Amérique.

Schlesinger Jr, Arthur M. (1993), La désunion de l’Amérique (Paris: Liana levi) 165.

cité en exergue du chapitre 6 (Des Usages de l’Ethnicité) de Bissoondath, Neil. Le Marché aux Illusions: la méprise du multiculturalisme. Montréal: Boréal, 1995.

Le culte de l’Ethnicité exacère les différences, intensifie les ressentiments et les antagonismes, enfonce le coin toujours plus loin entre les races et les nationalités. Le résultant est l’apitoiement sur son sort et le repli volontaire, vécu comme une mise à l’écart par la société, un “ghetto” symbolique.

Schlossman, S.L. (1983), ‘Is there an American tradition of bilingual education? German in the public elementary schools, 1840-1919’, American Journal of Education, (91), 139-86.

Schneider, Edgar W. 1982. On the history of Black English in the USA: Some new evidence”. English World Wide (3):18-46.

quoted by Morris, Lydia (2012 ), ‘Citizenship and Human Rights’, The British Journal of Sociology 2, 63 (1).

___1993. Africanisms in the Grammar of Afro-American English: Weighing the evidence”. In Africanisms in Afro-American Language Varieties, edited by S. S. Mufwene, C. Bernstein, N. Thomas and R. Sabino. Athens: University of Georgia Press.

Schocken, Amos, Eldar, Akiva, and Huddai, Ron (2014), ‘Opening Session’, paper given at Israel Conference on Peace, David Intercontinental, 8 July 2014.

Due to the violent events, Palestinians have cancelled their presence today but we are not giving up and we have to get out of that impass. The israelis understand the necessity to peace. how can we live in this country without peaceful cohabitation. We would like to thank our guests for being present …
AMOS: We have gathered here in order tu put peace as the main event in our agenda. The only response to the present days event is peace. How has peace been delayed and be obtained.
Zionism, judaism and peace are the main values we support in Haaretz. Need to peace in order to complete the goals of zionism. After a few hours our conference registration it was full and if we had been able to host everyone we would have needed a public stadium.

AKIVA: Wow, Welcome to the Israel conference on Peace. My friends ask me what’s the point of peace conference for a newspaper at the present moment when people are in shelters? People didn’t complain about our corruption conference, what’s more urgent: End occupation and find peace for all refugees. Arab peace initiative has been opened 12 years ago and awaits an answer. This is our answer. People wonder why far right is present, well, if you make peace with the enemy, start with our brothers, so we are giving them a platform to express their views to you.
Thank you our palestinian MPs for being present today.

Independence war, we were all mobilised. We should be mobilised against hatred and racism. If we don’t pursue this goal, our newspaper is just letters on paper.

RON: I’m happy to host you as the Mayor of Tel-Aviv, but I would have been even happier if this conference had taken place in Jerusalem because peace should come from Zion. As a person belonging to labour party and peace camp, and against settlement, I thank you for this conference, but it’s hard to speak in this reality. People of clever mind should remain silent (Book of Amos). Riots, barbaric deeds are such that even myself and my people are working very hard but no attention or emotional openness from the Public in Israel at the moment, yet I’ve come to greet you and wish you a successful. For great project, you need a little bit of despair said Bengurion, well then now more than ever the Peace Camp should be heard in Jerusalem.

Schramm, Danielle. 2000. Bassins méditerranéens. Télérama, 27 décembre 2000, 20.

Elles ont 18, 30, 40 ou 50 ans. Elles sont grandes ou petites, fines ou rondes. Elles sont d’origine européenne ou maghrébine. Que cherchent-elles dans les cours de danse orientale qui ouvrent ici et là, à Paris, Lille, Valence ou Tours? (…)

Trop érotique, trop vulgaire. Les jeunes filles issues de l’immigration, elles, ont vu danser leurs mères, leurs tantes, leurs grand-mères dans les fêtes de famille, entre femmes. Jamais d’hommes. Mais les danses kabyles d’Algérie, berbères du Maroc ou bédouines de Tunisie, dignes, toutes empreintes d’une réserve non dénuée de sensualité, ont finalement peu de choses en commun avec ce que l’on voit dans un cabaret. Alors? C’est que depuis une dizaine d’années, quelque chose est en train de se passer en Europe, autour du sharki. Grâce à quelques pionnières, égyptiennes, libanaises, maghrébines ou même occidentales, qui ont décidé de sortir la danse de la marginalité triviale où l’ont cantonnée les préjugées. “De lui redonner sa dignité d’antan, oubliée, malmenée”, explique May Kazan, née à Beyrouth, danseuse, professeur et chorégraphe

(…) A travers la pratique d’une gestuelle féminine, enfouie, perdue depuis des siècles et des siècles -quand la danse était liée aux rites de fertilité – , les femmes d’ici retrouvent avec un bonheur évident, un dialogue avec leur corps, un dialogue oublié. Il n’est qu’à voir la facilité avec laquelle les petites fille intègrent les mouvent de base (qui ne sont pas, bien au contraire, du relâchement) pour se rendre compte à quel point, par contraste, la vie a rigidifié les attitudes, comme si vivre son corps de femme était devenu chez nous un aberration.

Pour les jeunes filles issues de l’immigration, la démarche est un peu différente. Elles s’inscrivent dans les cours de danse (parfois en cachette de leur père) pour y retrouver quelque chose de leur culture, de leur histoire.

Et par le biais de ce sharki égyptien, relativement éloigné de leurs propres racines (selon les mots de Mounira Yagoubi qui travaille avec des adolescentes des banlieues lilloises), elles se mettent à explorer la tradition arabo-berbère du pays de leurs parents, de leurs grands-parents avec une émouvante fierté.

Et comment ne pas s’attarder sur les effets réjouissants de cet enthousiasme: l’intérêt, né de la pratique, pour une culture à la fois si proche de nous et si méconnue; le dialogue qui se tisse entre Européennes et Maghrébines; la curiosité des unes, l’amusement des autres?

Schulte-Tenckhoff, Isabelle. 1997. La question des peuples autochtones. Paris: Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence.

___2000. Le Droit et les Minorités. In Le Droit et les Minorités: analyses et textes, edited by A. Fenet, G. Koubi and I. Schulte-Tenckhoff. Bruxelles: Bruylant.

On est frappé d’emblée par l’extrême diversité des groupes susceptibles d’être appelés ” minorités “, ainsi que par l’indétermination des qualificatifs utilisés pour les caractériser : minorités nationales, ethniques, religieuses, culturelles, linguistiques, v oire minorités autochtones.

Schweitzer, Pierre (2011), ‘LES PIEDS-NOIRS DÉBARQUENT À MARSEILLE EN 1962 : « IL FAUT LES REJETER À LA MER !’ Huffington Post, 4 décembre.

Avant 1830 l’Algérie n’existe pas. La régence d’Alger, état sous domination de l’Empire ottoman, couvre la partie côtière autour de la ville d’Alger. Le reste du territoire algérien actuel est largement sous domination ottomane, mais pas entièrement. Quant à la population, elle est loin d’être entièrement arabe. On trouve notamment des tribus berbères et maures, ainsi que des Touaregs dans la partie proche du désert du Sahara.

En 1830 la France soumet la régence d’Alger, puis va conquérir petit à petit tout le territoire de l’actuelle Algérie. Pourquoi cette invasion ? Les motifs sont multiples : réparation d’un outrage diplomatique fait au consul de France, prestige du monarque Charles X et de la royauté récemment restaurée, renforcement des positions de la France en Méditerranée, ouverture aux richesses convoitées de l’Afrique, éradication de la piraterie barbaresque et de la mise en esclavage de populations chrétiennes, etc. A l’époque cette expédition militaire colonialiste est loin de faire l’unanimité, des intellectuels comme Alexis de Tocqueville et Frédéric Bastiat critiquent vertement les visées impérialistes de la France. Pourtant la conquête se poursuit et la colonisation par des milliers de Français commence. Des vagues successives de migrants viendront peupler le territoire immense de l’Algérie qui ne compte que 3 à 5 millions d’habitants avant 1830. Près de la moitié de ces colons ne sont pas français mais viennent d’autres pays d’Europe, notamment d’Espagne.

125 ans plus tard, au milieu des années 1950, les Arabes d’Algérie commencent à réclamer leur indépendance, alors que dans le même temps les protectorats français de Tunisie et du Maroc obtiennent cette précieuse indépendance. Seulement voilà, l’Algérie n’est pas un simple protectorat, c’est un vrai bout de France, avec plusieurs départements qui ne sont pas moins français que la Creuse ou la Haute-Loire. L’Algérie c’est la France, et pour le gouvernement il est hors de question de remettre en cause l’intégrité du territoire de la République.

En 1958 le général de Gaulle est rappelé au pouvoir dans ce contexte extrêmement troublé, cette guerre d’Algérie qu’on refuse d’appeler par son nom, alors qu’on parle pudiquement des « évènements » d’Algérie. Pendant ce temps l’armée française poursuit violemment les indépendantistes du FLN, et les charmantes méthodes de torture utilisées de part et d’autre ne font que renforcer la haine dans les deux camps. Dans les premiers jours de juin 1958 le général de Gaulle, attendu comme un sauveur, prononce une série de discours historiques dans les différents départements français d’Algérie. Aux colons français, qu’on appellera par la suite « Pieds-noirs », il dit « Je vous ai compris ». Il parle à tous les Français « de Dunkerque à Tamanrasset », et s’écrie même « Vive l’Algérie française ! ». Les Français d’Algérie en sont persuadés, le nouvel homme fort de l’Etat ne les laissera pas tomber et l’Algérie restera française. La foule de musulmans, catholiques et juifs présente ce jour-là fraternise et laisse éclater sa joie. La déception n’en sera que plus amère.

Car la guérilla menée par le FLN est extrêmement difficile à contrer, et il apparaît de plus en plus clair qu’un territoire peuplé en grande majorité par des Arabes ne peut guère rester sous la coupe d’une minorité d’origine européenne, alors que dans le monde entier les peuples obtiennent leur indépendance. En mars 1962, après huit années de guerre qui auront coûté la vie à des centaines de milliers de personnes (Algériens, militaires français, Harkis, etc.), le FLN et le gouvernement français signent les accords d’Evian qui prévoient le droit à l’autodétermination pour l’Algérie. Ces accords sont soumis à référendum, un scrutin dont on a pris soin d’exclure les premiers concernés, les Français d’Algérie. Les électeurs de France métropolitaine approuvent le traité à 90 %, ouvrant la voie à l’indépendance. Il est désormais temps pour les Français de quitter l’Algérie, c’est l’exode de l’été 1962.

Croyant dur comme fer à la promesse du général de Gaulle, la plupart des Français d’Algérie n’ont pas envisagé un possible départ avant mars 1962. La surprise des accords d’Evian est terrible pour eux, car tous leurs biens sont désormais exposés à la fureur des indépendantistes victorieux. Le climat de violence est à son comble, les Français d’Algérie, mais surtout les combattants algériens pour l’Algérie française (Harkis) sont victimes de massacres en règle. On zigouille à tout-va, et pour les Français il faut partir immédiatement pour la métropole si l’on veut rester en un seul morceau. La France a lutté bec et ongles pendant 8 ans pour céder du jour au lendemain, et cela les Français d’Algérie ne le comprennent pas, ils ne le pardonnent pas. Ils se sentent trahis par le général de Gaulle, qui devient l’ennemi public numéro 1 des partisans de l’Algérie française. C’est la création de l’Organisation armée secrète, qui va désormais recourir au terrorisme pour « sauver » l’Algérie française, et organisera l’attentat manqué du Petit-Clamart contre de Gaulle. Une position claire dès le début du conflit, ou du moins un retournement moins brutal, aurait pu permettre aux habitants de sauver leurs biens, mais durant l’été 1962 certains vont tout perdre en embarquant pour la métropole.

Par sa position géographique et ses liens historiques avec le sud de la Méditerranée, Marseille va être le port d’accueil de la plus grande partie des rapatriés d’Algérie. En été 1962 des navires multiplient les allers-retours vers les principaux ports algériens et reviennent surchargés de passagers qui ont dû s’entasser sur des matelas de fortune avec les quelques valises qu’ils ont pu sauver. Ces exilés dont certains étaient installés depuis plus de cinq générations sur le sol algérien ne savent pas trop à quel accueil s’attendre de la part des Marseillais.

On les appelle les Pieds-noirs, et ils ne sont guère appréciés par les autres Français. Ils sont vus comme des colonisateurs, des exploiteurs, de riches propriétaires bien contents de profiter des ressources de l’Algérie. Marseille doit déjà faire face à une croissance démographique importante et peine à adapter ses politiques de logement, de transports, d’éducation, etc. Des centaines de milliers de gens qui débarquent d’un seul coup ? Personne n’en veut, et surtout pas le maire de l’époque, le socialiste Gaston Defferre. Ce dernier ne mâche pas ses mots : « Qu’ils quittent Marseille en vitesse ; qu’ils essaient de se réadapter ailleurs et tout ira pour le mieux. ». Sur les bancs de l’Assemblée nationale, il parle de les « rejeter à la mer », avant de se reprendre. Il refuse d’inscrire les enfants pieds-noirs à l’école, estimant qu’on manque déjà de place pour les petits Marseillais. Pour comprendre une telle violence verbale, il faut souligner que les rapatriés d’Algérie votent largement à droite, et même à l’extrême-droite, leur arrivée massive constitue donc une menace directe pour la réélection de Gaston Defferre.

Les bateaux débarquent à la Joliette, des structures administratives minimalistes sont là pour accueillir les rapatriés, ainsi que certaines associations caritatives. Mais on voit également des pancartes hostiles aux Pieds-noirs, les exhortant à retourner d’où ils viennent. Les bagages manipulés par les dockers, très proches du maire et fortement hostiles aux nouveaux arrivants, arrivent souvent dans un état déplorable, quand ils arrivent… Rejetés par la majorité, les Pieds-noirs vont se regrouper et former une communauté. La ville de Carnoux-en-Provence est construite spécialement pour les accueillir. Bien que des milliers de Pieds-noirs se répartissent dans tout le territoire français, un grand nombre restera dans le sud de la France, et les villes autour de Marseille comptent encore aujourd’hui d’importantes populations de Français d’Algérie.

De nos jours la question de l’Algérie est particulièrement délicate à Marseille. Les Pieds-noirs sont taxés de racisme, et il est vrai que l’hostilité à la population d’origine maghrébine est probablement plus tangible dans cette communauté que dans le reste de la population. La question de l’Algérie et des responsabilités respectives dans cette guerre dramatique n’est pas tranchée et fait l’objet de débats sans fin. Les Harkis se battent toujours pour obtenir une plus grande reconnaissance de la part d’un pays qu’ils ont servi et qui les a laissés à la merci de leurs ennemis en 1962. Le Front national, qui compte beaucoup de partisans de l’Algérie française dans ses rangs, ne manque pas de raviver le débat. Enfin le nombre très important de Marseillais d’origine algérienne vient alimenter les tensions communautaires. L’histoire de l’indépendance algérienne est trop récente pour qu’on en discute de manière apaisée. Les enfants et petits-enfants de Pieds-noirs et de combattants du FLN se côtoient dans notre ville, alors que les plaies de la guerre sont loin d’être guéries, engendrant souffrances et ressentiments. Tiens, je vous parie que les commentaires sur cet article s’enflammeront à la moindre étincelle.

Seaman. 1984. Aboriginal Land Inquiriy. Perth: Western Australia Government.

Sebok, Antony J. 1998. Legal Positivism in American Jurisprudence. Edited by G. Postema, Cambridge Studies in Philophy and Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Segev, Tom (1993), Le Septième Million. Les Israéliens et le génocide. (Paris: Liana levi).

cité à de nombreuses reprises dans Gozlan, M. (2012). Israël contre Israël. Paris, l’Archipel.

Seidle, F.L., ed. 1994. A la Recherche d’un nouveau Contrat politique pour le Canada: Options asymétriques et options confédérales. Québec: Institute for Research on Public Policy.

Seidlhofer, Barbara. 2002. Autour du concept d’anglais international: de l'”anglais authentique” à l'”anglais réaliste”? Strasbourg: Conseil de l’Europe, Division des politiques linguistiques, DG IV- Direction de l’Education scolaire, extrascolaire et de l’enseignement supérieur.

7: La notion d'”anglais international”, ses liens avec les politiques d’enseignement des langues en Europe et la façon dont ces politiques abordent ce que presque tous considèrent comme le “tyrannosaurus rex” des langues: l’anglais (Swales, J. 1997. English as the Tyrannosaurus Rex. World Englishes 16:373-382.).

cite Christopher Brumfit La liberté individuelle dans l’enseignement des langues: aider les apprenants à développer leur propre dialecte dans lequel il est question de l’enseignement des langues secondes, étrangères et maternelles mais dont l’un des chapitres est consacré à l’enseignement de l’anglais en tant que langue mondiale.: “l’extension massive de l’enseignement de l’anglais après la guerre a mené à la situation actuelle: numériquement, la langue anglaise n’appartient plus à ceux dont elle est la langue maternelle ou première. Car après tout, les personnes qui possèdent une langue (j’entends par là, qui détiennent le pouvoir de l’adapter et de la transformer) sont celles qui l’utilisent, quelles qu’elles soient, qu’elle soient monolingues ou plurilingues. Les avancées majeures de la sociolinguistique ces cinquante dernières années montrent à quel point les langues sont façonnées par leur utilisation.

Elle poursuit p. 7: Cet extrait met en lumière la situation de l’anglais dans le monde, unique dans l’histoire: le fait que les locuteurs dont il n’est pas la langue maternelle sont désormais aussi nombreux que les locuteurs natifs, ainsi que l’argument selon lequel le pouvoir d’adapter et de transformer une langue appartient à ceux qui utilisent cette langue. Ils nous rappelle que les personnes qui maîtrisent l’anglais sont aussi bien plurilingues que monolingues (étant donné la supériorité numérique des locuteurs non natifs, les plurilingues sont à l’évidence plus nombreux que les monolingues), et, enfin, que les locuteurs non natifs de l’anglais seront à l’avenir les principaux acteurs de son usage, de sa perpétuation et de sa transformation, et qu’ils façonneront les idéologies et les convictions associées à cette langue.

8: qu’est-ce que l'”anglais international”?

L’expression “anglais international” peut être comprise comme une abréviation de “anglais langue internationale” (ALI). Ce dernier terme est plus lourd, mais plus précis, car il insiste sur l’usage international de l’anglais au lieu de sous-entendre, à tort, qu’il existe une variété bien définie qui s’appellerait “anglais internationale+”

McKay (2002), dans son ouvrage Enseigner l’anglais comme langue internationale, emploie elle aussi le terme abrégé et le définit ainsi:

“l’anglais international est utilisé par les locuteurs de l’anglais, natifs ou non, dans le cadre de la communication transculturelle. Il peut être utilisé au niveau local entre des personnes de langues et de cultures différentes, à l’intérieur d’un même pays , et au niveau mondial entre les locuteurs de pays différents (p. 132).

Ainsi, les représentants du “cercle en expansion” de Kachru ne sont pas les seuls à utiliser l’anglais comme langue internationale. S’y ajoutent ceux du “Cercle central” qui ont l’anglais pour langue maternelle (ALM)

9: ou l’anglais comme langue “native” (ALN)

Synonymes d’ALI: l’anglais comme lingua franca, l’anglais comme langue globale, l’anglais comme langue mondiale, l’anglais comme moyen de communication interculturelle

(Ces) divers qualificatifs du terme “anglais” montrent à l’évidence, que quelque chose oblige à signaler une différence par rapport à la définition “par défaut” d’une langue, c’est à dire le code et les conventions utilisés par ses locuteurs natifs. (…) Ils reconnaissent implicitement le fait que, lorsqu’on emploi l’ALI, on ne se trouve pas dans le mêmes conditions que lorsqu’on associe clairement l’anglais ses locuteurs natifs et à son lieu d’origine.

Un nouveau terme désignant l’ALI est apparu: l’anglais mondial (world English), cf. Brutt-Griffler, Janina. 2003. World English: A study of its development. Journal Language Policy 3 (October, 2003).

4 traits fondamentaux du développement d’une langue globale:

1) fonction économico-culturelle de la langue (l’anglais mondial est issu du développement d’un marché mondial et d’évolutions globales dans les domaines de la science, de la technologie , de la culture et des médias);

2) dépassement du rôle de lingua franca réservée aux élite (l’anglais mondial est appris à différents niveaux de la société et non uniquement par l’élite économique;

3) stabilisation du bilinguisme par la coexistence d’une langue mondiale avec d’autres langues dans des contextes du bilinguisme/multilinguisme (L’anglais mondial tend à s’établir parallèlement aux langues locales plutôt qu’à les remplacer; il contribue donc au multilinguisme plus qu’il ne le met en péril)

4) modification de la langue via les processus de convergence et de divergence linguistique (c’est avant tout parce que de nombreuses personnes apprennent l’anglais que l’anglais mondial s’étend et non parce que des anglophones émigrent vers d’autres territoires; on observe donc deux évolutions parallèles: création de nouvelles variétés et maintien de l’unité de la langue mondial

10: L’anglais dans la politique linguistique européenne

Lors de la conférence sur “Langues, diversité, citoyenneté: des politiques en faveur du plurilinguisme en Europe” organisée par la Division des politiques linguistiques (Strasbourg 13-15 novembre 2002), la question de la diversité et l’anglais a été examinée.

12: Le statut de “L’anglais langue internationale” (ALI) dans les programmes scolaires européens

Il semble y avoir au moins quatre façon pertinentes de considérer l’ALI:

* fonctionnelle: le rôle de l’anglais dans le monde. Ce rôle est généralement reconnu comme un fait, apprécié par certains, déploré par d’autres;

*conceptuelle: les points de vue et les opinions sur le rôle international de l’anglais. La question qui se pose ici est la suivante: les manières de réfléchir sur l’anglais sont-elles restées en phase avec l’évolution rapide des fonctions de cette langue?

* linguistique: à quoi ressemble et comment sonne l’ALI? Comment est-il parlé, écrit?

*pédagogique: que signifie enseigner l’ALI, en quoi est-ce différent de l’enseignement de l’anglais langue étrangère ou langue seconde.

24 Conclusion:

Il semble y avoir consensus là-dessus: pour être réalistes, les politiques en faveur du plurilinguisme en Europe ne doivent pas adopter une approche simpliste et quantitative visant à “maîtriser le plus de langues possibles”. En particulier lorsqu’il s’agit de l’anglais, la définition qualitative du plurilinguisme du Cadre européen commun de référence pour les langues : “on distinguera qu’il n’y a pas là superposition ou juxtaposition de compétences distinctes mais bien existence d’une compétence complexe, voire composite (Conseil, de l’Europe. 2001. Cadre européen commun de référence pour les langues: apprendre, enseigner, évaluer)

Abandonner l’objectif hors d’atteinte d’écrire et de parler comme un locuteur natif. Un objectif plus réaliste commence à s’imposer: atteindre une maîtrise interculturelle de la langue à travers un plurilinguisme qui intègre l’ALI au lieu de le rejeter.

Sénat, Mélodie. “Continuité territoriale.” In La Continuité. Universités de Cergy Pontoise et Paris VIII.

Senghaas, Dieter (1993), ‘Les conflits ethniques ou le retour des nationalismes’, in Union de l’Europe Occidentale (ed.), Guerre et paix: la prévention des conflits en Europe (Paris: Institut d’Etudes de sécurité).

Cité par Varennes (de), F. (1999). Les droits de l’homme et la protection des minorités linguistiques. Langues et Droit: Langues du droit, droit des langues. H. Guillorel and G. Kouby. Bruxelles, Bruylant: p. 140.

26: La seule approche constructive du nationalisme lié à la crainte d’une minorité d’être assimilée politiquement et culturellement à la majorité est la protection officielle des droits des minorités. Il importe, pour cela, de réunir au moins les conditions suivantes: protection active des minorités, destinée non seulement à encourager la tolérance, mais aussi à promouvoir activement leur identité; large autonomie culturelle dans le domaine de la langue, de l’éducation et des médias; droits spécifiques concernant la participation à la vie politique, grâce notamment au vote à la représentation proportionnelle, au droit de veto et au pouvoir de blocage; garanties procédurales et protection juridiques.

Shafak, E. (2002). Bonbon Palace (Bit Palas). Paris, Editions Phébus 10/18.

Exergue: Le Ghetto peut lui aussi être un endroit tranquille et sécurisant, mais ce qui fait de ce lieu un ghetto est l’obligation que nous avons d’y vivre. Maintenant que les murs ont commencé à s’effondrer, je pense que nous avons intérêt à franchir les décombres et nous confronter la ville qui est à l’extérieur. (Le Guin, U. K. Femmes, Rêves, Dragons.)

p. 31: Quant au cimetière orthodoxe arménien, il connaissait de son côté la même affluence (que le cimetière musulman). Avec une seule différence: la grande majorité des visiteurs venaient ici non pour régler le déménagement des teombes mais pour leur faire leurs adieux. Car même s’ils parvenaient à obtenir les autorisations de transfert, il ne savaient toujours pas dans quel recoin de ces cimetières orthodoxes d’autres quartiers de la ville, qui, au fil du temps, s’étaient réduits comme une peau de chagrin, ils pourraient enterrer leurs morts. Certaines familles influentes et certaines églises réussirent à transférer quelques tombes. Mais cela n’alla pas plus loin. Parmi les sépultures restantes, on trouvait aussi bien des tombes orphelines à l’abandon que les caveaux d’importants personnages issues de grandes familles; il y en avait aussi dont les enfants et petits-enfants étaient éparpillés au quatre coins de la terre, ou d’autres dont les descendants vivaient toujours à Istanbul; certaines abritaient des gens qui leur vie durant avaient voué un respect aveugle à l’Etat et un fidèle attachement à leur religion, et d’autres n’ayant jamais reconnu ni Etat ni Dieu…

Car ainsi va le monde. L’infortune d’appartenir à une minorité ne vient pas d’une infériorité numérique face à la majorité, mais d’une assimilation qualitative. En tant que membre d’une minorité, vous pouvez trimer comme une fourmi et vous tuer à la tâche, voire trouver le bon filon pour amasser des biens et vous constituer une fortune considérable, un beau jour, vous pouvez être mis dans le même panier et soumis au même traitement que des gens ayant passé leur vie dans l’oisiveté ou restés dans un état crasse depuis l’eau du premier bain donné par la sage-femme, pour la simple raison que vous êtes membre de la même communauté et le resterez à jamais. Jamais les riches issus de minorités ne sont assez riches, ni les puissants suffisamment puissants. Dans la Turquie des années 1950 notamment, ni un riche musulman voyant un musulman pauvre pouvait se dire qu’il ne lui ressemblait pas, un riche minoritaire considérant un pauvre de sa minorité voyait devant lui quelqu’un qui, en dépit du fait qu’il ne lui ressemblait pas, pouvait être tenu pour son semblable.

p. 94: Les gens des pays en voie de développement se plaisent à chérir ceux qui rejoignent leurs rangs après avoir vécu dans des pays développés, à fortiori s’ils en sont originaires. Djemal aussi, qui s’était converti à l’islam dès son retour à Istanbul, eut largement sa part de cette affection particulière vouée aux chrétiens, aux étrangers installés en Turquie, aux touristes qui chaque année viennent systématiquement y passer leurs vacances et surtout aux occidentales mariées à des Turcs et ayant consenti à donner un prénom turc à leurs enfants.

En réalité, il considérait l’Australie comme son pays et n’appréciait guère la Turquie ni les Turcs. Encore moins les Turques! Avec leurs épaules étroites, leur hanches larges, leurs proportions s’élargissant de manière inconsidérée du haut vers le bas, elles étaient autant de petites poires sans attrait et négligées (…). Non, vraiment, Djemal n’était pas enchanté d’être là. La seule raison qui le retenait de partir était son frère jumeau, resté cloué en Turquie.

p. 207-8: “Langue” est l’un des mots les plus aberrants du language. Même si ce terme englobe la somme des mots nécessitant une définition, il n’en reste pas moins un mot. S’il devait s’apparenter un autre vocable, le mot “langue” pourrait se rapprocher du mot “repas”. Regrouper sous l’appellation de “repas” la combinaison de divers comestibles (…) est aussi caduc et loin de la réalité que donner le nom de “langue” aux multiples combinaisons d’une expression émanent de tant d’instruments différents et constituée d’une infinie variété de styles. Je me dois d’ajouter qu’en faisant ce constat, je n’ai pas poussé l’analyse jusqu’à des distinctions “linguistiques” telles que la cuisine chinoise, la cuisine turque, la cuisine espagnole…et me suis uniquement fondé sur les différences existant dans la seule “cuisine nationale”.

p. 208: La langue est un sac poubelle rempli des mots que nous n’avons pas utilisés ou osé prononcer au cours de la journée (…). La langue est le résidu de l’attention, du tact et de la délicatesse dont nous avons fait preuve oralement ou par écrit, envers les autres.

p. 222: “Les gens de mon peuple” avait donné l’estoquade. (…). Chaque fois que deux personnes débattaient d’un groupe dont l’une était issue et l’autre pas, le doit de paente se trouvait subitement à l’ordre du jour: c’était la fin de la route, le noeud gordien des débats, la dernière scène avant la tombée du rideau. Après quoi, chacun retournait d’où il venait, la personne mariée dans ses foyers, le paysans dans son village….(….). Cela ne faisait aucune différence pour moi. Toutes deux, en même temps, étaient mes femmes.

p. 256: Depuis son arrivée en Turquie (…) elle ne réussissait pas encore à faire l’aşure comme elle le voulait. (…). C’est qu’à cette époque elle s’intéressait davantage à la légence de l’aşure qu’à la manière dont les Turcs le consommaient.

(…)A tout moment, on pouvait ajouter quelque chose. C’est pour cela que ce met est si particulier; contrairement à d’autres desserts, la liste des ingrédients n’est pas limitée, et leur proportions n’étaient pas rigoureuses. L’aşure était semblable à une cité cosmopolite qui ne refoule pas les étrangers de ses rues, et où les nouveaux venus se fondent rapidement dans la masse des autochtones. C’est l’illimité créé par des moyens limités, l’opulence engendrée par la pénurie, la diversité infinie surgissant là où finissaient les espèces.(…)

p. 258: Dans sa lettre, Son Epouse Nadya racontait que si un seul mets sur Terre pouvait ressembler à la Tour de Babel du livre de la Genèse, c’était bien l’aşure (…) Tous les ingrédients sur le feu bruissaient d’une seule voix mais chacun dans sa propre langue.

p. 426: Ici c’est la Turquie. Les Occidentaux en ont depuis longtemps terminé avec la Lune, ils ont déjà commencé diviser Mars en lots et pourront bientôt cloner les humains. Et nous, qu’est-ce qu’on fait pendant ce temps? Nous découvrons un saint dans notre jardin. Ce n’est pas un saint, c’est une plante miraculeusement sortie de terre en l’arrosant. Ensuite, on se plait que la Communauté européenne ne veuille pas de nous. Pourquoi voudrait-elle de nous? Le jour lù les Européens auront besoin de saints, alors là, il se dépêcheront de nous intégrer.

Shafak, E. (2007). The Bastard of Istanbul. London, New York, Penguin Books

A female Turkish bastard encounters an Armenian-American… or vice-versa…this controversial yet brilliant novel almost sent its author to jail

39: As she stepped into the next aisle Rose’s face contorted. International Food. She stole a nervous glance a the jars of eggplant dips and cans of salted grape leaves. No more patlijan! No more sarmas! No more weird ethnic food! Even the sight of that hideous khavourma twisted her stomach into knots. From now on she would cook whatever she wanted. She would cook real Kentucky dishes for her daughter. For one long minute Rose stood there racking her brain to find an example of the perfect meal. Her face perked up as she thought of hamburgers. Definitely! she assured herself. What’s more, fried eggs and maple-syrup-soaked pancakes and hot dogs with onions and mutton barbecue, yes especially mutton barbecue….And instead of that squechy yogurt drink that she was sick of seeing at every meal, they would drink apple citer! From now on she would choose their daily menu from Southern cuisine, hot spicy chili or smoked bacon…or…garbanzo beans. All she needed was a man who would sit across from her at the end of the day. A man who would truly love her, and her cooking. Definitely, that was what Rose needed: a lover with no ethnic luggage, no hard-to-pronounce names, and no crowded family; a fresh new lover who would appreciate garbanzo beans.
46: Mustafa knew he had to make it in America not because he wanted to attain a better future but because he had to dispose of his past.
48: “My daughter’s full name is Amy Tchakhmakhchian.
If the words had inspired any negative recognition, Mustafa’s face didn’t show it. So Rose felt the need to repeat, just in case it hadn’t been understood the first time “Armanoush Tchakh-makh-chi-an!”
It was only then that the young man’s hazel eyes flickered, though not exactly in the way Rose had anticipated.
“Chak-mak-chi-an…çak-mak-çi…! Hey, that sounds like Turkish!”he exclaimed happily.
53-54: “What will that innocent lamb tell her friends when she grows up? My father is Barsam Tchakhmakhchian, my great-uncle is Dikran Stambulian, his father is Varvant Istanbuoulian, my name is Armanoush Tchakhmakhchian, all my family ree has been Something Somethingian, and I’m the grandchild of genocide survivors who lost all their relatives at the hands of Turkish butchers in 1915, but I myself have been brainwashed to deny the genocide because I was raised by some Turk named Mustafa! What kind of a joke is that?….Ah, marnim khalasim!”
55: Auntie Varsenig continued: “Tell me how many Turks ever learned Armenian. None! Why did our mothers learn their language and not vice versa? Isn’t it clear who has dominated whom? Only a handful of Turks come from Central Asia, right? And then the next thing you know they are everywhere! What happened to the millions of Armenians who were already there?
Assimilated! Massacred! Orphaned! Deported! And then forgotten! How can you give your flesh-and-blood daughter to those who are responsible for our being so few and in so much pain today? Mesrop Mashtots would turn in his grave!”

56:”But they also say, ‘When two Armenians come together, they create three different churches’, ” said Cousin Kevork, taking a firm stand.
“Das’ mader’s mom’ri, noren koh chi m’nats” Dikran Stamboulian grunted, switching to Armenian as he always did when he tried to teach a young person a lesson, but failed.
Able to comprehend only house-Armenian but not newspapers-Armenian, Kevork chucked, a bit too nervously perhaps, as he tried to conceal the fact that he had understood the first half of the sentence but failed to get the rest.
“Oglani kizdirmayasin”. Grandma Shushan raised an eyebrow, speaking Turkish, as she always did when she wanted to directly convey a message to an elder in the room without the younger ones understanding”.
58: What I’m trying to say is that Rose had no multicultural background.” Barsam remarked. “The only child of a kind Southern couple operating the same hardware store forever, she lives a small-town life, and before she knows it, she finds herself amid this extended and tightly knit Armenian Catholic family in the diaspora. A huge family with a very traumatic past! How can you expect her to cope with all this so easily?”
68: “From this moment on I am going to cover my head as my faith requires.”
“What kind of nonsense is that?” Grandma Gülsum frowned. “Turkish women took off the veil ninety years ago. No daughter of mine is going to betray the rights the great commander-in-chief Atatürk bestowed on the women in this country.”
“Yeah, women were given the right to vote in 1934,” Auntie Cevriye echoed. “In case you didn’t know, history moves forward, not backward. Take that thing off immediately!”.
81: “Boredom.” the Dipsomaniac Cartoonist remarked when he had knowcked back his café latte. “Boredom is the summary of our lives. Day after day we wallow in ennui. Why? Because we cannot abandon this rabbit hole for fear of a traumatic encounter with our own culture. Western politicians presume there is a cultural grap between Eastern Civilization and Western Civilization. If it were that simple! The real civilization gap is between the Turks and the Turks. We are a bunch of cultured urbanites surrounded by hillbillies and bumpkins on all sides. They have conquered the whole city.
82 Where can were can we possibly escape to? We are not even a minority. I wish we were an ethnic minority or an indigenous people under the protection of the UN Charter.
134: With Petite-Ma and Grandma Gülsüm as disqualified members, that left only Autie Zeliha and Auntie Cevriye with enough English to move forward from beginner lever to an intermediate stage. That said, there was a stark difference between the two aunts’ command of the English language. Autie Zeliha spoke a daily-life English, woven with slang and idioms and argot, which she practiced almost every day with the foreigners visiting her tattoo parlor; while Auntie Cevriye spoke a graqmmar-oriented, frozen-in-time, textbook English taught at high schools and at high schools only. Concomitantly, Auntie Cevriye could distinguish simple, complex, and compound sentences, identify adverb, adjective, and noun clauses, even recognize misplaced and dangling modifiers in syntactic structure, but she could not talk.
201-202: She noticed many other things, including the fact that everyone at the table spoke English, although with an accent and grammatical flaws. Overall they seemed they seemed to have no trouble switching from Turkish to English. At first, Armanoush attributed such ease to their self-confidence, but by the end of the day, she suspected that the facilitating factor might be less their confidence in their English than their lack of confidence in any language whatsoever. They acted and talked as if no matter what they said or how they said it, one could not really fully express the innermost self and, in the end, language was only a reeking carcass of hollow words long rotten inside.
208: “Actually, Amy is short for Armanoush,” Asya interjected, still in a provocative mood. “She’s Armenian American!”
Now the word Armenian wouldn’t surprise anyone at Café Kundera, but Armenian American was a different story. Armenian Armenian was no problem-similar culture, similar problems- but Armenian Armenian meant someone who despised the Turks. All heads turned towards Armanoush now. Their stares revealed interest tainted with alarm.
254: “If they are oppressing you here, you can always come to America. There are many Armenian communities there who would be more than happy to help you and your family”.
Aram didn’t laugh this time. Instead he gave her a warm smile, warm but somewhat tired.
“Why would I want to do that, dear Armanoush? This city is my city. I was born and raised in Istanbul. My family’s history in this city goes back at least five hundred years. Armenian Istanbulites belong to Istanbul just like the Turkish, Kurkish, Greek, and Jewish Istanbulites do. We have first managed and then badly failed to live together. We cannot fail again.”(…) They fell into an awkward silence, taking a rare distant glimpse into each other’s position, realizing there could be more than geographical distance between them -he suspecting she was too Americanized, she construing he was too Turkified. The mordant gap between the children of those who have managed to stay and the children of those who had to leave.
263:Well, the truth is, dear Madame My-Exiled-Soul and dear A Girl Named Turk…some among the Armenians in the diaspora would never want the Turks to recognize the genocide. If they do so, they’ll pull the rug out from under our feet and take the strongest bond that unites us. Just like the Turks have been in the habit of denying their wrongdoing., the Armenians have been in the habit of savoring the cocoon of victimhood. Apparently, there are some old habits that need to be changed on both sides.

Shaffir, Stav (2012), ‘The Israeli Social Protest Movement’, J Street: Making History (Washington D.C.).

10% of Israelis followed the initial 10 tent demonstrators this summer. Inspiration isn’t enough to form a movement. We have to reach past resignation. Homeless people, Bedouins, Arab Israelis were together. Violence is the tool of old politics. Ladies and gentlemen, meet us, the new criminals of Israel. We committed the worst crime, we united. Young people leave Israel due to their lack of hope. According to OECD, we are second only to the USA in social inequality. For the first time, we didn’t look at the past with horror but at the future with hope. Calling for justice « the people demands social justice ». Our demonstration was equivalent to 19 million Americans demonstrated for one night at one place. The zionist dream of a safe shelter (home) dissolves into disunity. We don’t want to be the incarnation of our grandparents’ ghettos. We must build a vision to take back Israel and fight for our future. Our generation has learned to assimilate politics to a dirty word. We are fighting for our society’s values.

Israeli Activist and Organizer,Tents’ Protest Movement Rothchild Square in Tel Aviv’

Saturday, March 24th

one of the leaders of this summer’s housing protest movement in Israel. Shaffir spoke about the movement, including her arrest by Israeli police during an attempt to evict one of the movement’s protest camps. She urged conference goers to focus on Israeli society and its values. “Our future cannot be guided by threats alone,” Shaffir told an audience of roughly 2500, including 650 students. As she left the podium, some audience members began chanting enthusiastically the protest movement’s slogan: HaAm Doresh Tzedek Chevrati / The people demand social justice.

Shalev, Chemi, et al. (2014), ‘The conflict and peace- Views from the Diaspora’, paper given at Israel Conference on Peace, David Intercontinental, 8 July 2014.

earthquake in the US. Turbulent time for European Jewry with antisemitism. If things don’t change danger of existence of European Jewry.
Wexler, Robert
Ben-Ami, Jeremy: his father was on the Alta Lena.
Beinert, Peter, represents the enfant terrible of US Jewry.
Nizenstein, Flamma

Two events received a lot of exposure: horrific killing and beating of his cousin. Real sense of shock even among established jewry. Where is all of this going. Are we heading to a schism between those who become disaffected or alienated and stauch supporters.
Beinert acknowledges bomb sheltered israeli. The division is indeed deepening. American jews were around their communities. Now secular or very orthodox jews. Unprecedented growing number of unaffiliated jews. What anchored the consensus was that jews needed a state as refuge. Jews facing prosecution needed somewhere to go. No young american has seen jewish refugees and thus wonder why there would be a jewish state at all. The era of zionist consensus is decreasing. Some argue for some kind of binational state should be achieved. Incidents like the recent ones only deepen the gap.

in the 70s, Israel was the unifying code for US Jews. Now, some rabbis don’t dare speak about Israel and even at dinner table. Is it such a divising factor? Answer from Drexler, no! But the degree of unanimous view is exaggerated just as well as the division today. The vast majority believes deeply in the bond with Israel and the 2 state solution. Everyone refers to Israel as the jewish state in the US contrary to Europe. At a time of rocket fires, we should refrain from generalisation as Beinaert indicates. The basis of the bond is on shared values and interest. When some americans question the policies of particular head of government., the leap to quick conclusion of a growing divide is erroneous.
US presidents and Israeli prime ministers have always had disagreement. Obama would never do what Bush menaced to do in withdrawing funds.

Ben-Ami’s feelings about joining conference of presidents and March 88 statement of Shamir: Jews abroad have a moral duty to support the state of Israel. It’s hard to argue that there isn’t a division of opinion among US Jews. Within the US Jewish community consensus and argument. That’s in our Jewish nature. We are in a different world in 21st century. Ultranationalist right wing for personal occupation and you fighting them. Profound fight about who we are as a people. This argument is simply being echoed among the other 6 million jews, half the total of us in the diaspora.
Jewish community is liberal, progressive non-orthodox worshiping only the values on which it was raised. The right wing in this country has relationships with the one in US. We need to forge similar bonds. The future of jewish people is at stake.

Fiamma: I cannot participate in the US discussion. Having been in the Italian parliament when politics of Italy was close to Palestinian issue. Member of council of Europe. What I felt beyond the division was that European Jewry suffered from demonisation and criticism. Problem of antisemitism is about demonizing Israel. Deligitimisation on European Jews. Impossible amount of criticism to stand. IDF seen as an army that commits crimes and harms children. You must be very careful because your criticism can end up as an accusation of ethnic cleansing and apartheid. Do you think we can answer to this very legitimate criticism? Israelophobia. Europe was born on the ashes of WW2 against nation states, ethnic identities. So beyond traditional antisemitism, in European culture are the seeds of the rejection of Israel as a nation state. A little state in the middle of an ocean of Arab states having identity as the main point. Difficult from swallow from European point of view. Our legitimate discussions have to be brought upon so as not to nourish antisemitism.

People use Beinaert use his writing. Answer, nothing I’ll ever write is as bad as Tanach. Yet, this is what we stood for over centuries. Hateful and unfair criticism against Israel, especially in Europe, yet, its legitimacy is in its democratic and moral character. If you violate that, you deligitimize israel more profoundly and it makes the job of our ennemies easier. If we take pride to fight for human rights in the 60s, we have to send our children here to support Israel. This will have profound implication of how we see ourselves as Jews across the world.

Drexler: it’s clear that Israel needs to remain a democratic state. To do so, it needs a border which it doesn’t have. To answer only one side of the equation isn’t a legitimate discussion. We need the other part. Two state solution have been offered times and again and refused. This isn’t what the debate revolves around. Point is that even in the 50s and 60s America didn’t send arms to Israel as it does now. Congress reflects the views of US people. No other issue other than Israel where Democrats and Republicans agree upon.

Ben-Ami: how our JStreet views are accepted.. From our point of view, organisations have to close their doors to dissenters for fear that their funding be in danger. Tradition of preserving the worlds of both sides of the argument, of Hillel and Chamai. Institutional bias to a broad and open debate. Refusal to hear us is a disservice to the future of Jewry.

Best antidote for ideas that you don’t like is OTHER ideas. Why not having an open discussion. JStreet fights against BDS but we include these discussions within ourselves.

How endangered European Jewry is? Do you think it will exist in 10 years from now? Fiamma: in some places like France or Spain life might be difficult but Jews have been in Europe since 70 BC. We defend democratic institutions in Israel. Perez repeated twice Saudi Arabia’s Initiative. Abu Mazen thinks that in the middle of Sunni craziness and Chiite’s attacks, Israel is still a safe heaven. Peace must be seen from another perspective. Having a security worry is more than legitimate after what we saw Gaza.

We can’t end this before saying something about AIPAC? Is it only an arm of the I Government.

Drexler: despite the debate, the American Jewry is the best element in support of two-state solution. Both AIPAC and JStreet attract the degree of support they do. AIPAC has educated members of congress to support Israel. Both can exist.

Jeremy: AIPAC has achieved remarkable support of Israel. Its impact would be immense if it were to support a two-state solution. What’s vital for this country is to convince congress that the two state solution is the answer. By not doing so, AIPAC created the vacuum in which JStreet was created.

Fiamma: two state solution isn’t a messianic promise. I’d like it to be easy but the Palestinians have on their fatah website hatred messages. In Italy in May, football game beween Rome and Napoli. Rome has fascist supporters who shot a young boy. The Italian abducted the brutal people. But we didn’t identify with him, just catch him and put him in prison.

Obama was elected and reelected by same numbers of Jews on the idea of a consensus.

Sharoni, Nathan (2013), ‘The two state solution is the only solution.’ paper given at JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories, Tel Aviv.

Hope you’ll meet on a conference next year with Jewish communities from around the world to pressure to make the right move. Israel wants to make up its mind what country it wants to be. If it wants to remain a Jewish state and a democracy, we need two countries.
before to get the negotiation issue, we should deal with the Middle East ridge. Arab leaders in the countries where spring took place and others have now discovered that they have to listen to the voice of the street. Up to then tendency was the opposite way. Change to quite an extent and it affects us.
We have to have a negotiation with the Palestinians. It will decrease the negative public opinion in Arab countries vis-à-vis Israel. It doesn’t mean they’ll love us but it will reduce their level of hatred toward us. Israel with Suni Arab countries. Common threat to countries in the gulf: Iranian influence. King Abadallah is afraid of Syrian situation penetrating into Jordan. Enough commun interest between us and the Suni Arab countries.
Dangers: there is no risk of what is being called in America an intensive war between Arab countries and Israel. A Yom Kippour war’s chances are negligible if not 0. No such treat in the forseable future. Iran doesn’t have an expeditionary army to come and fight in our borders. Threat stands from groups: Hesbollah, Hamas, driven by AlQaida: missiles, rockets and terror. May cause dammage and casualty and money but not threat for existence.
Threat comes from Iranian nuclear capability. They have the capability to reach a nuclear weapon if they decide to do it. The issue is what is our estimation of whether they are going to use it or not. Personally, picking info where I can, I believe the Iranian leadership isn’t suicidal. It assumes that we do have a certain capability, by far larger then theirs and if they think of using a nuclear weapon against Israel, the retaliation will be of a magnitude that makes it impossible for them to use it. We have to be ready to deter the Iranians to use it. Attacking Israeli facilities from Israel, the glove is too big on our hand. America can do it. I hope that no one in Israel in a sane state of mind will launch that kind of attack as long as we don’t have a war declared against them. If we did so is that we open a war. With one missile a week they can paralyse Israel. No plane, no ships, no insurance in the world…When you open a war with a country 12 000 km away from us is a terribly risky issue. Wisdom of a very strong intelligence system and a wise leadership.
Strategic depth of the border. Palestinian State is no threat, will be demilitarized. Their airspace will be controlled by Israel. All this was discussed and agreed upon ever though not in writing. Major 4 issues are Borders, Refugees, Jerusalem and Security.
Security: with the interest of Palestinian Authority to exercise control over their population, things are being kept on a very low level.
Jerusalem issue I will not discuss.
Refugees: main interst for us to have a common denominator with Suni countries is to provide a backing for Palestinian leaders by Arab countries. These Suni countries will replace what Mubarak once represented for them.
We should put a time limit to negotiations. We have been talking to one another for 19 years. If we are not able to reach an agreement with the Palestinians to save ourselves from ourselves, we’ll need to make an unilateral withdrawal. But we have to maintain our integrity as a democratic and Jewish state.
By doing it and removing some of the settlements and moving the army from some of the territories, we will get a new legitimacy that if something goes wrong we’ll have the legitimacy to react.
How can you bring Abu Mazen to the negotiating table? Negotiations don’t take place out of love but out of necessity. We should trigger to create interest. He doesn’t believe us, we don’t believe him but we need an uncle who pushes us.
Unilateral Withdrawal: 25,000 families in all the territories incl. Jerusalem. So first we need a plan on how to move them from one place to another. A large number, with proper compensation, is ready to move. A small group won’t want to move, so don’t move, stay where you are! We have to think in terms of how the move will take place.
3 major blocks and one small block..
How about the Hamas: Hamas is basically a problem of Abu Mazen. Our problem is the activity of the Hamas. We already negotiated with the Hamas when we had to and when they had to. Hamas will never become zionist, but it had created a state in Gaza, with a government, with institutions. The tendency and interest is to keep governing, so to that end, they will move to the profit of Abu Mazen. If they become a problem, we’ll have to act: we could move into force into Gaza. Do we want to do it and does it help on a larger scale? How is it being perceived by Arab negociations? There isn’t a full proof solution and in many cases it’s a trial and error.
We’ll have to go step by step. Arab kingdoms are pouring money into terrorist organisation to protect themselves, but their interest is to stay strong against Iran.
It boiled down again to leadership.
It’s our job to convince the Israeli public. Even there, there is a split of opinion. You should ask to meet our leadership, talk to them about the diaspora feeling.
We will never recognize the right of return because that’s the end of Israel.
Token number as a sign of good will.

Sharp, Andrew (1990), Justice and the Maori: Maori claims in New Zealand political argument in the 1980s (Auckland: Oxford University Press).

Book cover abstract:

Should the Maori be compensated for past wrongs at the hands of the Pakeha? Should special programmes be set up which treat Maori and Pakeha differently? Or should there be one law, one mode of treatment, and justice for all? This book records New Zealanders’ asking some important questions. It surveys the recent history of the debate about what constitutes justice for the Maori people, who, aboriginal in the land, and still deeply affected by colonisation and modernisation, now account for ten percent of the population. “Justice and the Maori” is as much a book about justice as it is about contemporary Maori-Pakeha relations, but the particular conceptions of justice with which it is concerned are those of New Zealanders, and of institutions like the Waitangi Tribunal, Parliament, the Courts, and the New Zealand Maori Council. Yet political and social philosophers do not often consider New Zealand, and New Zealanders do not often consider things in a philosophical way. This book is unusual : it breathes New Zealand concerns and speaks the language of contemporary New Zealanders, Maori and Pakeha, as they decide among themselves what justice is. The author deals with matters that have been of vital concern to New Zealanders for many years, and have taken on a new urgency as we contemplate the events of the last 150 years and the country’s future

Table des matières
The Emergence of Māori Protest and Demands for Justice 3
Justice and Reparations A Conceptual Analysis 27
Its Nature and Virtues 34

References to this book:
Brookfield, F.M. (Jock). 2006. Waitangi and Indigenous rights: Revolution, Law and Legitimation (Oxford University Press: Auckland).

Shaw, George Bernard. 1903. Man and Superman (The Floating Press: Auckland).

The reasonable man adapts himself to the world; the unreasonable one persists in trying to adapt the world to himself. Therefore all progress depends on the unreasonable man.

Sheizaf, Noam ‘Court okays Citizenship Law, legalizing discrimination of Arabs’, [blog], (updated Thursday, January 12 ) <http://972mag.com/high-court-okays-citizenship-law-legalizing-racial-discrimination-of-arabs/32802/>, accessed 15 janvier 2012.

According to the 2003 law, Arab citizens of Israel who marry Palestinians will have to emigrate in order to live with their spouses.

Israeli Arab MK Ahmed Tibi famously said that “Israel is indeed a Jewish-democratic state: it is democratic for Jews and Jewish for all the rest.”

This rings truer than ever after Israel’s High Court of Justice rejected yesterday (again) the petitions against the Citizenship Law, one of the first measures to make racial discrimination against the Arab minority not just common practice, but part of Israel’s legal codex.

The High Court rejected the petitions against the Citizenship Law in a split, 6-5 decision. The incoming head of the High Court, Justice Asher Grunis, wrote in the decision that “human rights shouldn’t be a recipe for national suicide.” […]. Justice Edmond Levy, a religious and somewhat conservative judge, harshly criticized Grunis for his language, claiming he misled the public as to the nature of the citizenship law.

The Citizenship Law, which technically is a temporary order, came into effect in 2003. It determines that Palestinian non-citizens who marry Israeli citizens will not be eligible for Israeli residency or citizenship. The couple will only be able to unite outside the borders of Israel.

The practical meaning of the law is that Arab citizens of Israel who marry Palestinian non-citizens – something that happens quite often, since these are members of the same nation, and sometimes of the same communities – won’t be able to live with their wives or husbands. If they want to unite, they will have to leave the country. By doing so, the law achieves two (racist) objectives against members of the Arab minority:

(a) it prevents non-Jews from entering the country and applying for permanent residency or citizenship and

(b) it makes it harder for Israeli Arab citizens to build families in their own community or in their own country, thus encouraging them to leave Israel.

Arab Palestinians comprise roughly 20 percent of Israel’s population.

It is important to note that it is not the right of the non-citizen wife or husband that is being violated (since the state has no legal obligation towards them), but that of the citizen, who should enjoy the possibility to form a family and live with his loved one in his own community.

When the citizenship law came into effect, during the second Intifada, a security pretext was used to justify it, claiming that Palestinian terrorists could use marriage to become Israeli citizens. Yet this argument doesn’t hold: even without the law, the security establishment can veto any demand for citizenship or residency. It’s clear – and the public debate around the law doesn’t even try to conceal this fact – that “demographic” issues were the real motive for the legislation, and more specifically, the desire to limit, and ultimately even reduce, the number of non-Jewish citizens in the state.

Until the citizenship order, the only major piece of Israeli legislation that made a clear distinction between Arabs and Jews was the Law of Return, which makes it possible for Jews to immigrate to Israel and become citizens instantly, while non-Jews aren’t allowed to do so, even if their families originally hailed from this land. The 2003 law marks perhaps a new era, in which discrimination against the Arab minority is not only a common practice – for example, in the prevention of Palestinians from buying or building on state land, through the use of state agencies such as the JNF – but an explicit part of the body of laws that apply to the citizens of the state.

The new Nakba Law, which allows the state to penalize institutions that commemorate the Palestinian national disaster of 1948, is further evidence of this fact. The High Court also rejected petitions against the Nakab bill, just last week.

Read also:

High Court ruling on ‘Nakba Law’ reveals its waning power

2012: The year democracy ends

Shickel, Richard. 1984. D.W. Griffith: An American Life. New York: Simon and Schuster.

Quoted by Bogdanovich, Peter 1984. ‘The Maker of the Medium ‘, New York Time, April 8, 1984, section 7.

Shirley, Graham. 1994. Australian cinema: 1896 to the renaissance. In Australian Cinema, edited by S. Murray. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin.

Shlesinger, Miryam. (2010). Interpreting as Human Rights: sign-language interpreting as a case in point “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Shu, Jing, Siew Ean Kho, Andrew Struik, and Fiona McKenzie. 1993. Australia’s Population, Trends and Prospects 1993. Canberra: Bureau of Immigration and Population Research.

Shuy, Roger, ed. 1964. Social Dialects and Language Learning. Champaign, Illinois: National Council of Teachers of English.

in bibliography of Baugh, J. (1999). Out of the Mouths of Slaves: African American Language and Educational Malpractice. Austin, Texas, University of Texas Press.

Shuy, Roger, Walter Wolfram, and William K. Riley. 1967. a Study of social dialects in Detroit. Washington, D.C.: Office of Education.

in bibliography of Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press.

Sigaud, Paul. 1997. Dans les écoles de Brooklyn, les professeurs font face au défi quotidien du multiculturalisme. Journal de Genève et Gazette de Lausanne, 1er-2 novembre, 7.

Silverstein, Michael (2003 ), ‘Indexical order and the dialectics of sociolinguistic life’, Language and Communication 3-4 (23), 193-229.

theory of the indexical order

Simon, Bernard (1996), ‘Ottawa protège sa culture: le protectionisme canadien agace les américains’, Financial Times, repris par Courrier International, 29 février 1996, p. 17-18.

Les Canadiens partagent beaucoup de choses avec lerus voisins américains. Les deux peuples parlent la même langue, se passionnent pour les mêmes sports, regardent généralement les mêmes films et programmes télévisés et lisent les mêmes best-sellers. Mais les Canadiens ont pleinement conscience de leur différence, comme en témoigne la série de litiges commerciaux qui opposent les deux pays. Selon un membre du gouvernement d’Ottawa, les contentieux qui portent sur la presse périodique, la télévision cablée et la distribution du livre, trouvent leur origine dans une appproche philosophique différente. “les Américains considèrent ces secteurs comme des industries de services et de loisirs. Pour nous, ils font partie intégrante de notre culture”.(…) Lors de la signature de l’ALENA (Accord de libre-échange nord-américain), Ottawa a obtenur que lui soit accordée une “exception culturelle” incluant la distribution des livres. En conséquence, les acquisitions dans les secteurs de la culture restent soumises à l’aval despouvoirs publics. Les litiges se multiplient entre les deux pays aqlors qu’un nombre sans précédent d’écrivains, de chateurs, de cinéastes et d’autres artistes canandiens ont réussi à l’imposer hors de leur pays, de Carol Shields, lauréate du prix littéraire Pullitzer, à deux chanteuses de coutry très populaires, “kd lang et Michele Wright. Leurs succès à l’étranger tendent à prouver que, pour s’épanouir, les vrais talents n’ont guère besoin de taxes, subventions et autres réglmentations. Mais les Canadiens sont nombreux à penser qu’ils n’auraient sans doute pas été découverts ni n’auraient mûri sans l’aile protectrice de l’Etat.

Simpson, Richard. 1689. Voyage to the Straits of Magellan & S.Seas.

quotation from Casey, J.W. 1998. ‘The Ebonics Controversy: Critical Perspectives on African-American Vernacular English’. The Keiai Journal of International Studies 1: 179-214.

Singh, K.S (1993), Peoples of India (Delhi: Oxford University Press).

Singler, John V. 1989. Plural marking in Liberian Settler English, 1829-1980. American Speech (64):40-64.

Sinoué, Gilbert (2010), Inch’Allah1, Le Souffle du Jasmin, 2 vols. (1; Paris: Flammarion) 478.

Citations:

146 (exergue du chap.13): Puisque le peuple vote contre le gouvernement, il faut dissoudre le peuple. Bertold Brecht

205 (exergue du chap. 18): Aucune carte du monde n’est digne d’un regard, si le pays de l’utopie n’y figure pas. Oscar Wilde.

163: – Tu l’as échappé belle, maideleh. J’espère qu’on aura attrapé le sale bonhomme qui t’a fait ça.

– Maideleh

– C’est du yiddish, expliqua Irina.

– Du yiddish? s’étonna Soliman. Vous vendez donc du même pays que M. Marcus?

– Non, expliqua Jacob. Lui est né en Pologne, moi à Leipzig. Une ville d’Allemagne.

– Et vous parlez la même langue?

Jacob Mahler se mit à rire.

– Pas vraiment. Je parle allemand, et lui, le polonai. Le yiddish, c’est notre dialecte commun. Un mélange d’allemand, d’hébreu et de slave.

– Et vous êtes nombreux à parler ce…dialecte?

– Oh oui! lança Irina. Plusieurs millions?

Soliman répéta, comme abasourdi:

– Elle dit vrai?

– Peut-être huit ou neuf millions. A vrai dire, nous n’en savons rien. Pourquoi cet étonnement?

– Heu…enfin, je ne pensais pas qu’il y avait autant de Juifs dans le monde. Vous croyez qu’il vont tous s’installer ici en Palestine?

– Qu’est-ce que tu vas imaginer! Pourquoi viendrait-ils? Ils ont leur pays. La plupart n’ont aucune envie de le quitter. Ils sont très bien chez eux.

L’adolescent faillit rétorquer: “Pourtant, vous et M. Josef êtes bien venus?” mais pensa que ce serait discourtois. D’ailleurs, comme le lui avait expliqué son père, les immigrés qui choisissaient de s’installer en Palestine avaient de “sérieuses raisons”.

369-370: Ce 1er juin (1941) était Shavouot, jour de fête juive. Les premiers troubles avient commencé lorsqu’un groupuscule de partisans d’El-Keylani et du mufti avait pris à partie des représentants de la communauté juive qui traversaient le pont El-Khour pour aller rendre hommage au régent réinstallé dans son palais. En quelques minutes, ce fut l’embrasement. Le quartier juif avait été pris d’assaut aux cris furieux de “Palestine libre!” et “Vive le mufti!”

Le soir, on estima à deux cents le nombre de Juifs morts, parmi lesquels de nombreux enants, des milliers de blessés, neuf cents boutiques détruites.

Ce fut le début de l’exode d’une communauté présente en Irak depuis vingt-six siècles et qui comptait 135 000 âmes.

Quelqu’un entendit Balfour ricaner dans sa tombe.

Sitbon, Shirli. 2020. ‘Badly Hit by Coronavirus, French Jews Fear Worse News on Passover’, Haaretz.

The goal (…) is to limit the risks of new contamination – something France’s Jewish community has so far struggled to do. There is no official data about the number of affected Jews, but doctors say there’s a significant number among the infected: AMIF, the French association of Jewish doctors, says the number of sick Jews seems higher than their overall percentage in the French population. (There are about half a million Jews in France, less than 1 percent of the French population.) As of Sunday morning, 68,605 people currently have COVID-19 and there have been 7,560 deaths. It is a similar problem to the one affecting the Jewish community to the north in the United Kingdom.
Community leaders are among the casualties and victims. (…) Strasbourg and Paris. Another is that, like France’s national authorities, the Jewish community underestimated the threat initially and took risks, especially after the first cases were reported in earnest last month.
“The fact that the outbreak started around the time of Purim played a significant role,” says Dr. Bruno Halioua, head of the French Jewish doctors’ association. “Many synagogues maintained their parties and community celebrations, and a great number of infections are believed to have happened then,” he says.
Crif’s Kalifat defends the community’s actions during the holiday, which fell on March 9-11 this year, saying that “no one could imagine at that time how fast the virus would spread and how devastating it would be. Jewish organizations sent precautionary instructions pretty fast considering the circumstances.” His own organization had already postponed its annual dinner scheduled for March 4 in Paris.
(…)“Many people thought that if the French authorities believed it was safe to vote, then it was also safe to attend a Purim megillah reading,” Goldman says. France was not under lockdown and the number of people infected at the time was estimated at several hundred across the whole country. (…)
“This Passover will be different for Jews across the world, here like in Israel,” Kalifat concurs. “It will be difficult, but we all have to abide by the rules so we can eradicate this disease. Next year, we’ll all celebrate Passover with our families and we’ll have other holidays until then – but we have to remain confined this year,” he says.

Skali, Faouzi (2009), ‘Women, Islam and Development’, in Benjamin Barber (ed.), Interdependence Day: Art, Religion, and the City in the Developing World of Interdependence (Istanbul).

Rather boring session

Soufi culture: female values are very important. Religion is a part of culture taken from a macro perspective. Very important force and factor. Looking at history of the 3 monotheist religion, they were born in the Middle East. Very strongly patriarchal in the 3 religions. In terms of social institution, religion is often used by politicians to legitimize inequality based on patriarchy. No religion doesn’t privileged men…As long as there is no clear divide between religion and government, there cannot be true emancipation.

Sklar, Robert. 1994. Movie-Made America. 2nd edition, revised and updated ed, Vintage Books. New York: Random House.

Skrentny. 1996. The Ironies of Affirmative Action. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Skuttnab-Kangas, Tove. (1988), ‘Multilingualism and the education of minority children’, in T. Skutnabb-Kangas and J. Cummings (ed.), Minority education: from shame to struggle (Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd).

___1994. Linguistic Human rights, past and present. In Linguistic Human Rights: Overcoming Linguistic Discrimination, edited by T. Skuttnab-Kangas and R. Phillipson. Berlin-New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

71:We will provisionally regard linguistic human rights in relation to the mother tongue (s) as consisting of the right to identify with it/them, and to education and public services through the medium of it/them.

Mother tongues are here defined as “the language(s) one has learned first and identifies with” (…).

In relation to other languages we will regard linguistic human rights as consisting of the right to

learn an official language in the country of residence, in its standard form.

Speakers of more than 6000 languages are not entitled to education, nor to the administration of justice or public services through the medium of their mother tongue.

This is true of most indigenous minorities and almost universally of migrant/immigrant and refugee minorities. By contrast, some well established “national” or “regional” minorities (e.g.( …)Canada)

are empowered to exercise most or at least some of their linguistic human rights

Ethnolinguistic minority children, indigenous and immigrant, often attend pre-schools and schools where no teachers understand their language and where it is not used, either as a subject or as a medium of education. The school has been and still is the key instrument, on all continents, for imposing assimilation (forced inclusion) into both the dominant language and the dominant culture.

72:The narrowing of focus from linguistic human rights in general to educational linguistic human rights for minorities acknowledges the fact that linguistic rights are more urgently needed for minorities than for majorities, and that formal education, where it exists, plays a decisive role in the maintenance and development of languages – or in their demise.

Many minority children are still punished for speaking their mother tongue, both physically (…) and psychologically and economically (…). In fact, formal education through the medium of majority

languages has extremely often forced minority children to assimilate and change identity. We are reminded of the definition of genocide, where one of the acts counting as genocide is “forced transfers of children
73:to another community or group” (which in such Criminal Codes as Portugal’s “shall be punishable by imprisonment for 10 to 25 years” (Art. 189d), U N 1991 May, 145). This transfer can, of course, be either physical or psychological or both.

The charters of human rights formulated after the American and French Revolutions are forerunners of the post-1945 conventions on human rights, but they made no claim to universal validity and could in no sense be regarded as part of international law. These charters did not contain clauses on the rights of minorities, and they certainly did not guarantee minorities any linguistic rights

75-77:The formulation of linguistic human rights in international texts can be regarded as falling roughly into 5 periods :

· The fist phase is pre-1815. Language rights were not covered in any international treaty, other than in bilateral agreements. Rights concerning minorities were primarily to be found in agreements covering religious but not linguistic minorities;

· The second period begins with the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna 1815, It was « the first important international instrument to contain clauses safeguarding national minorities, and not only religious minorities »;During the 19th century, several national constitutions and some multilateral instruments safeguarded national linguistic minorities, however;

· During the third period, between the 2 WW, the Peace Treaties and major multilateral and international conventions worked out under the auspicies of the League of Nations contained clauses protecting minorities, and many national constitutions stipulated the rights of linguistic minorities.

· The fourth period, from 1945 to the 1970s, saw a wish on the part of the victors of the second WW to prevent the abuses against human rights perpetrated by fascist regimes. However, the thrust of promoting the full gamut of human rights resulted in the relative neglect of the protection of minorities, with the exception of broad formulations outlawing discrimination

· The fifth period saw a renewed interest int he rights of minorities, including linguistic rights, and work began on the formulation of several multilateral declarations

84: American declaration of the rights and duties of man, 1948, states, in addition to the usual general non-discrimination prescription (art. II) and right to education (art. XII, where language is not mentioned, i.e. there is covert toleration). Likewise the article on the rights to the benefits of culture (art. XIII) stresses the right to:”participate in the benefits that result from intellectual progress, especially scientific discoveries”

It is also “the duty of every person to acquire at least an elementary education”

The European, African and American conventions are thus similar to the UN conventions in being silent on languages in the education clauses.

97:The recent UN Draft Universal Declaration on Indigenous Rights (as contained in document E/CN.4/Sub.2/1988/25; quoted from First RevisedText, in IWGIA Yearbook 1989, 199O: 156-158) establishes as fundamental human rights that indigenous peoples have

9. The right to develop and promote their own languages, including an own literary language, and to use them for administrative,  juridical, cultural and other purposes.

10. The right to all forms of education, including in particular the right of children to have access to education in their own languages,  and to establish, structure, conduct and control their own educational systems and institutions.

23. The (collective) right to autonomy in matters relating to their own internal and local affairs, including education, information, culture, religion, health, housing, social welfare, traditional and other economic activities, Land and resources administration and the environment, as well as internal taxation for financing these  autonomous functions.

104-105:When, for various reasons, biologically argued racism became untenable, it was necessary to find other criteria which could continue to legitimate the unequal division of power and resources. In most countries, biologically argued racism is in the process of being replaced by more

sophisticated forms of racism, ethnicism (Mullard 1988) and linguicism (Skutnabb-Kangas 1988a). These use the ethnicities, cultures and languages of different groups as defining criteria and as the basis for hierarchization. It is no longer being claimed (al least not openly except in populistic right wing anti-immigrant discourse) that certain “races” are fitter to rule than others. Now it is certain ethnic groups, cultures and languages which are claimed to be fitter to rule, expand, and be emulated by others. In a new social darwinist dress the argument is that the ethnies, cultures and languages which are to survive and expand will do so because they are more adapted to modern technological life, to market economies and democratic forms of government, more developed or useful, or have more potential than others. The hegemony of the dominant group then ensures that the other ethnies, cultures and languages are deprived of resources and a fair chance to survive. Central in this process are institutionally controllable measures such as education. Somehow it always turns out to be majority languages and cultures which are the fittest survivors. This empirical fact tends then to be used as proof of their being the fittest.

While monolingualism (plus a selective learning of foreign languages in schools) is a central ideological pillar of the nation state, there is a similar hierarchisation internationally. English has become the dominant language in much scientific discourse, international politics and business, the media, etc. The progressive spread of this language internationally has implications nationally for the role assigned to English in education systems and fi,r an increasing number of domestic functions (Phillipson 1′)’)2). If English is used as the medium of higher education (as it is in countries formerly under British colonial rule, and increasingly in Western countries such as Denmark), does this involve a downgrading and displacement of the national language? If proficiency in English is essential for success in the education system and the job market, does this mean that learning English is a human right in the contemporary world? (We suggest possible answers to such questions in the previous section, in our article on language rights in post-colonial Africa in this volume and in Haberland – Henriksen – Phillipson – Skutnabb-Kangas 1991).

Slama, Alain-Gérard. 2003. Quelle culture veut-on défendre? Le Figaro, 17 novembre 2003, 15.

Que les cultures européennes soient sur une position défensive est incontestable. Sinon, les protestations des intermondialistes ne seraient pas accueillies de façon aussi favorable, non seulement par les damnés de la terre, mais par les élites et les classes moyennes cultivées. Encore faudrait-il savoir contre quel danger ces cultures se “défendent”. La confrontation oppose-t-elle l’exception culturelle, nationale ou identitaire, a priori toujours bonne, d’un côté, et le modèle américain, matérialiste, consumériste, intrinsèquement uniformisateur, de l’autre?

C’est ce dont les intelligentsias d’Europe, d’Amérique latine et d’Afrique sont de plus en plus convaincues. Les apparences, il est vrai, plaident dans ce sens. Mais cette symétrie paraît bien fragile, dès qu’on s’interroge sur le contenu qu’il convient de donner à la notion de culture.

Quelle culture veut-on défendre? Il n’est pas besoin d’être hégélien pour vérifier qu’une culture est un ensemble de croyances, de codes, d’oeuvres de l’esprit, de représentations et des moeurs, façonné par cet autre ensemble d’institution, d’événements, d’actions individuelles et d’échanges qu’on appelle l’histoire. Chaque nation a son modèle, dont elle ne sort pas sans briser le système de références communes qui noue entre ses membres les solidarités nécessaires.

Chaque nation a également sa façon, complexe, de vivre ce modèle et de le penser: la tentation de chaque culture est de simplifier l’autre, de n’en retenir qu’un stéréotype. Une autre tentation est le repli sur soi, le refus du choc des événements, des actions individuelles et de la confrontation avec les autres qui évide de se figer, de sombrer soi-même dans le stéréotype.

Ces remarques peuvent paraître très générales. Elles devraient pourtant guider toute politique culturelle: adopter en la matière une position purement défensive est le meilleur moyen de sortir de l’histoire. Certes, les relations culturelles sont, comme tous les rapports économiques et sociaux, des rapports de forces. Mais ce ne sont pas des rapports de puissance! A l’opposé de la thèse marxiste, un vaincu, comme la Grèce, a pu vaincre culturellement son farouche vainqueur. La force, en l’occurence, est celle de l’âme. Gagne celui qui utilise les outils forgés par sa culture avec le plus d’intelligence.

Cohérence avec soi-même et ouverture aux autres -ce programme est sans doute plus difficile à mettre en oeuvre face à un géant économique comme les Etats-Unis, (…)Mais n’oublions jamais la Grèce. A trop surestimer le danger, l’Europe finit par succomber.

L’Amérique censée imposer sa civilisation au reste du monde, au risque d’uniformiser la civilisation planétaire, ne se situe pas en effet outre-Atlantique, elle est en nous. Le vrai danger contre lequel nous devons nous défendre, est le mouvement interne qui conduit les nations européennes à ne plus pouvoir supporter le choc des événements, des actions individuelles et de la confrontation avec les autres. Cette affaiblissement de la volonté conduit ces nations à renoncer d’elles-mêmes à leurs propres projets historiques, à leur propre modèle de croyances, de codes, d’oeuvres de l’esprit, de représentations et de moeurs.

Le vrai défi culturel n’est opposé ni par Sheraton ni par MacDonald, ni par MM. Arnold Schwartzenegger et Bruce Willis dont le “grand public” regarde les fils avec plus de plaisir que les délectations moroses de Mme Cathrine Breillat. Ou bien en effet ces symboles de l’Amérique conquérante reste typiquement américains, et ils seront condamnés à avoir peu de succès chez nous, comme en témoigne, entre autres, la pesante adaptation des Visiteurs à la mode hollywoodienne. ou bien ils traitent de personnages et de mythes universels, ce qui renvoie à un imaginaires dont nous participons autant que les Etats-Unis. Ou enfin ils se plient aux goûts de leurs différents publics, comme les De Luxes francisés de McDonald, et dans ce cas ils nous opposent surtout une concurrence économique. En termes culturels, il représentent plutôt un hommage rendu par le vice à la vertu.

Le mal n’est pas à chercher ailleurs qu’en nous. Singulièrement en France, où l’éclatement du modèle culturel républicain en communautés identitaires et en corporatismes intraitables remet en question le principe universaliste d’autonomie de l’individu, et la logique de la séparation des ordres (Dieu et César, public et privé, morale et politique etc..) qui ont été les moteurs du développement de la France depuis deux siècles. Non seulement cete réduction de la France à des miettes de société fait régresser la démocratie vers un ordre identitaire et organiciste moyenâgeux ; mais elle empêche notre pays d’opposer une résistance convenable à l’invasion des produits audiovisuels américains.

Un bon exemple de ce dysfonctionnement est donné par le cinéma. Il vient d’être mis en évidence par Jean Cluzel (…) (Cluzel, J. (2003). Propos impertiments sur le cinéma français. Paris: PUF.) de façon éclatante. En dépit des cris de victoire, la défaite est totale. Sur les 180 à 200 films produits chaque année, 15 à 20 seulement font recette dans les salles, où près de 50% du public va voir les films américains. En contre-partie, dirat-t-on, les Américains se protègent contre nos films de façon déloyale. Sans doute. Mais la part du film frnaçais en Europe n’est guère plus brillante, 6,1% en Italie, 1,6% en Allemagne, presque rien en Angleterre.

Le tombereau d’ennui déversé par une majorité de films français (à quelques exceptions près, où souffle l’inévitable Amélie Poulain) est le fait d’un corporatisme caricatural, où la profession, réunie entre soi, pratique l’avance sur recettes à fonds perdus, sans souci du public, avec une totale indifférence aux scénarios et un total mépris pour es efforts des distributeurs et des diffuseurs.

La pression des groupes identitaires ajoute au malaise: même aux Etats-Unis, le politiquement correct des communautés ethniques, religieuses et sexuelles pèse moins sur les sujets des films. C’est dire que la politique culturelle donne la mesure de la politique tout court. Dis-moi quel est ton cinéma, ton théâtre, ta chanson etc., je te dirai quelle est ta société.

Slawson, John, and Vosk Marc. 1979. Unequal Americans: Practices and Politics of Intergroup Relations. Westport: Greenwood.

Sliema, Aldo (2010), ‘Malta Family history’, <http://website.lineone.net/~remosliema/Jewish%20Residents.htm> , accessed 29 july 2016.

Jewish Residents since 1800

After the French surrender in September 1800, the Maltese asked King George III of England for protection, and Malta came under British control. Trade follows the flag, and Sir Alexander Ball, the British Commissioner, set out to develop Malta’s trade connections. Jewish traders were active in many Mediterranean ports, especially Gibraltar which was already a British colony, and families from there were amongst the earliest to arrive in Malta.

Others came from North African countries which at that time were part of the Ottoman Empire and from the Levant. Most were of the Sephardic tradition, since the Jews who were expelled from Spain in 1492 dispersed to various parts of the Ottoman Empire around the Mediterranean.

The Abeasis family from Gibraltar and the Borges da Silva family from Portugal were amongst the earliest arrivals. Both families played important roles in the development of trade and the life of the Jewish Community in Malta throughout the 19th Century.

Abraham A. Correa, was born in England, he was a school teacher and arrived in Malta around 1809. He did his best to help not only the other Jewish residents but also Jewish visitors from overseas. In 1832 he was the Hon. Secretary of the British Jews Committee, with Jacob Borges da Silva as President.

The major event in the history of Jewish residency in Malta was the arrival from Tripoli in 1846 of Rabbi Josef Tajar with his wife Esmeralda and their children. The family took up residence at 155 Strada Reale, Valletta, where the Synagogue was located. As a part time Rabbi, he needed an income from other activities to support his family so he went into business.

In 1851 he became the full time Rabbi and was responsible for the school teaching Jewish children. He had Abram Masliah as deputy Rabbi. The business he had established was placed in the hands of his sons Saul, Jacob and Cesare. All three sons had been born in Tripoli but had made Malta their home. Rabbi Joseph Tayar died in 1863, and his wife Esmeralda in 1874. Both were buried in the Jewish Cemetery at Ta’ Braxia.

Gravestone of Esmeralda Tayar.

It is a Jewish custom for visitors to a grave to place a small stone on the headstone.

After the death of Rabbi Joseph Tayar in 1863, Sion Attias from Tripoli became Rabbi, followed by Rabbi Fragi Nimni in 1878. He was still at the Strada Reale Synagogue in 1893.

The last Rabbi to be appointed was Rabbi Nissim Ohayon in 1934. He was born in Morocco but lived in Portugal with his wife and children. He accepted the post of Rabbi in Malta and the family settled down on the island, where he served until his death in 1956. Nowadays his descendants are the largest resident family.

During 1851 the Governor Sir William Reid asked the Commissioner of Police to list the Jewish families then living in Malta, and to report on their financial circumstances, since aid had been requested to provided a Synagogue. At that time the leadership of the Jewish community was provided by Jacob Abeasis, Raffaele Bismot and Riccardo Pariente.

Frederick Sedley provided the Governor with the information that none of the Jewish families were without means of support. The Borges da Silva and Sonnino families were shown as very wealthy, whilst others had a comfortable and decent lifestyle. Sir William Reid in consequence informed London that the British Government did not need to give any assistance to the Jewish community.

They were mainly in Commerce or Finance, working as Agents and Brokers, whilst some were shopkeepers and traders.

In 1881 the break down of Jewish Residents was recorded as:

British 79 – Turkish 48 – Italian 9 – Portuguese 4 – Tunisian 3 – German 2 = 145 total

The category British included those born in the United Kingdom, Gibraltar and Malta, whilst Turkish covered those people born in countries within the Ottoman Empire.

The Jewish population in Malta since 1800 has fluctuated but never exceeded a total of 200 men, women and children. With a shortage of females of marriageable age young Jewish men would often have to travel to Italy or North African countries to find a bride.

The Jews on Malta are from both Sephardic and Ashkenazi roots, and there have been occasional instances of marriages to Roman Catholic brides/bridegrooms and vice versa.

In 1948 the total number of Jews living in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, was around 600,000 but by 2002 this number had fallen to between 7,000 and 8,000. The majority had emigrated to Israel which was created as a Jewish homeland on 14th May 1948. Israel also attracted Jewish immigrants from all over the world and by 2002 the population had grown to over five million.

In the 1930’s the growth of the Nazi Party in Germany led to anti-Jewish laws and persecution. Such discriminatory laws and persecution spread to Austria after the Anschluss on 13th March 1938. The rise to power of Mussolini in Italy meant that during the second half of the 1930’s anti-Jewish Laws were being enacted in Libya and in 1939 the country was formally annexed to Italy.

Jews living in these areas found daily life getting more and more threatening and unbearable and decided to emigrate and some families selected Malta for their new home.

After the Second World War the new Jewish settlers in Malta were mainly British looking forward to enjoying their retirement in English speaking country with a relaxed environment and sunshine most of the year.

Achille Tayar was President of the Jewish Community during World War One and continued at its head until his death in 1944. He was succeeded as President by Fortunato Habib who held the position until his death in 1963, when George Tayar took over. Upon George Tayar’s death in 1994 Abraham Hayim Ohayon, the son of Rabbi Nissim Ohayon, was elected as the President.

From 155 Strada Reale the Synagogue moved during the second half of the 19th Century to 9 Strada Sperone (Spur Street) opposite Lower St. Elmo Gate. It was still there at the time of the First World War under the control of Major Michael Adler DSO, Senior Jewish Chaplain to the Forces.

The building was demolished in 1979 as part of slum clearance and road widening scheme, and the community were without a Synagogue until 1984 when on Rosh Hashana 5745, a new Synagogue was inaugurated in 182 Strada San Ursola. This served the Jewish Community until 1995 when a bulldozer working on an adjacent building site undermined the foundations causing the building containing the Synagogue to collapse.

The three earlier Synagogues were in rented accommodation and Mr. Abraham Ohayon felt it was time to have one owned by the Jewish Community. In 1998 he made an appeal for funds which was met with a generous response not only from the Maltese Community but also from the USA and Britain. The total amount of money received was sufficient to purchase a flat in Ta Xbiex and convert it into a Jewish Centre and Synagogue. It opened in January 2000.

One of the indications that Jews were present on Malta many centuries before 1800 is the fact that some of the commonest Maltese surnames have evolved from Semitic origins. Azzopardi (sephardi jew), Borg (castle), Buttigieg (poultry man), Farrugia (chicken), Micallef (judge), Xerri (rascal) are examples. The history of the Jews in Malta during the Middle Ages can be found in the published works of Dr. Cecil Roth and Professor Godfrey Wettinger.

There are three cemeteries still in existence, Kalkara Jewish cemetery now closed but used until about 1833, Ta Braxia Jewish cemetery now closed but used from 1836 until about 1891, and Marsa Jewish cemetery which opened about 1887 and is still in use today.

Tablet over the entrance to Kalkara Cemetery

Abram ABEASIS, English subject, married in Malta on 30th March 1866 to Ester NAHUM, aged 18 years, English subject, the daughter of Nessim and Rebecca Nahum

David ABEASIS, born in Valletta, the son of Giacobbe and Anna Abeasis, nee ABEASIS. He married Marietta MAMO, and died in Attard, Malta, on 11th August 1927, aged 67 years

Esther (Stella) ABEASIS, died in Malta on 28th October 1856, aged 45 years, the wife of Jacob Abeasis, and daughter of Josef MAMO

Ester ABEASIS, born in Valletta on 23rd March 1859, the daughter of Meriam and Moise Abeasis, English subject. She died in Malta on 8th June 1860, aged 15 months

Fortunato ABEASIS, born in Malta on 21st October 1846, the son of Ester and Abram Abeasis, English subject

Giacomo (James) ABEASIS, born in Valletta on 28th June 1862, the son of Meriam and Moses Abeasis, English

Giuseppe ABEASIS, born in Malta on 28th April 1864, the son Mary and Moses Abeasis, English subject. He died in Malta on 26th July 1865, aged 16 months

Israel ABEASIS, died in Malta on 26th October 1856, aged 6 years 6 months, the son of Jacob and Stella Abeasis

Jacob ABEASIS, in 1851 living in Malta with his wife and three children, a Merchant

Jacob ABEASIS, the son of Moses and Meriam Abeasis, died in Malta on 20th April 1872, aged 10 years

Jacob ABEASIS, died in Malta on 12th February 1887, aged 16 months

Joseph ABEASIS, died in Malta on 26th July 1846, the second son of Jacob Abeasis, aged 5 years 4 months

Joseph Mordecai ABEASIS, born in Malta on 18th March 1848, the son of Ester and Jacob Abeasis, English subject

Luna ABEASIS, died in Malta on 31st July 1865, aged 21 years, the daughter of Jacob and Ester Abeasis, in the cholera epidemic of 1865, which claimed more than 1500 lives

Moise ABEASIS, living at 44 Strada Ponente, Valletta, in July 1860

Moses ABEASIS, married in Malta on 28th October 1857, to Meriam BORGES DA SILVA, aged 18 years, English subject, the daughter of Jacob and Zolli Borges da Silva

Rachella ABEASIS, aged 22 years, English subject, the daughter of Jacob and Ester Abeasis, married in Malta on 27th May 1857 to Israel NAHUM, English subject

Rebecca ABEASIS, died in Malta 24th December 1831

Rebecca ABEASIS married Nessim NAHUM

Vita (Hayim) ABEASIS, born in Malta the third son of Meriam and Moses Abeasis. He died in Malta on 2nd April 1872, aged 2 years

Zollina ABEASIS, native of Tunis, the daughter of Meriam and Moses Abeasis. She died in Malta on 24th July 1868, aged 15 months

James ABEBILY, married in Malta on 21st March 1883, to Emilia BORGES DA SILVA, aged 22 years, English subject, the daughter of Abram Vita and Anna Borges da Silva

Aida ABITBOL, born in Lisbon in 1879, the daughter of Mary Abitbol. In 1891 living with her mother in Leman Street, Whitechapel, London

Mary ABITBOL, born in Morocco. In 1891 a widow, aged 35 years, living in Leman Street, Whitechapel, London

Shalom ABITBOL, died in Malta about 1840

Biliya ABOAB, died in Malta on 19th April 1849

David ACCO, born in Malta on 8th September 1864, the son of Jeuda and Consola Acco, Hellenic subject

Donna ALMOSNINO, born in Malta on 21st April 1848, the daughter of Sintia and Israel Almosnino, Austrian subject

Donna ALMOSNINO, born in Malta 12th January 1849, the daughter of Sintia and Israel Almosnino, Austrian subject

Rabbi Israel ALMOSNINO, Austrian subject, married in Malta on 23rd February 1848 to, Sintia SARFATI, aged 25 years, English subject, the daughter of R. and E. Sarfaty

Rabbi Israel ALMOSNINO, in December 1851 living with his wife and one child, a subject of Russia

Fortunata AMARILLO, aged 20 years, Ottoman subject, the daughter of B. and Samuel Amarillo, married in Malta on 31st March 1882 to Rabbi Fragi NIMNI, English subject

Anna Sara AMBRON, died in Malta in 1837

Achille Raffaele ARBIB, born in Livorno, Italy, the son of Vittorio and Fortunata Arbib. Died in Balzan, Malta, on 10th November 1890, aged 19 years

Claire AROYO, the wife of Marco Aroyo, born in Bulgaria. They lived in Malta for more than fifty years, and their three children were born in Malta. She left the island with her husband after 1988 for England and died there in 2000 aged 92 years

Marco AROYO, was born in Bulgaria. The husband of Claire Aroyo. He lived in Malta for more than fifty years and his three children were born there. He left the island with his wife after 1988 for England where he died in 2004 aged 96 years

ATTIAS, born in Malta on 31st July 1883, a son of Diamantina and Rabbi Sion Attias, Ottoman subject

Elisa ATTIAS, born in Malta on 4th October 1880, the daughter of Diamantina and Rabbi Sion Attias, Ottoman subject

Fortunata ATTIAS, born in Malta on 14th December 1877, the daughter of Diamantina and Rabbi Sion Attias, Ottoman subject

Sarah ATTIAS, born in Malta on 19th October 1874, the daughter of Diamantina and Rabbi Sion Attias, Ottoman subject

Smeralda ATTIAS, native of Tripoli, the daughter of Diamantina and Rabbi Sion Attias. She died in Malta on 19th July 1870, aged 18 months

Nissim BAHOBSA, born in Malta on 26th July 1864, the son of Abram and Luna Bahobsa, French subject

Simha BAHUBSA, born in Malta on 7th August 1864, the daughter of Hay and Hanna Bahubsa, French subject

Robert Philip BAKER-BYRNE, Captain, died on 27th July 1964 in the King George V Hospital, Malta, aged 54 years. He left a widow Vera and a daughter

Menahem BENADY, died in Malta 11th February 1825

Ester BENDAHAM, nee BENZACAR, died in Malta on 22nd July 1865, aged 80 years, native of Gibraltar, the widow of Juda Bendaham

Juda BENDAHAM, died in Malta on 2nd February 1858, aged 94 years, native of Gibraltar and husband of Ester Bendaham

Juda BENDAHAM, in December 1851 lived in Malta with his wife and three children, a subject of Great Britain, a Merchant

Giuseppe BENDHAM, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and five children, a subject of Great Britain, a Merchant

J. BENDHAM, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, a subject of Great Britain, a Merchant

Lazzaro BENDHAM, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife, a subject of Great Britain, a Merchant

Lazzaro BENDHAM, lived at 9 Strada San Ursola, Valletta, from July 1857 to May 1870, then at 7 Strada Torre, Sliema, from February 1872 to February 1877. A Sworn Broker

Elisa (Lea) BENHAMU, born in London, the daughter of Abramo and Rebecca Benhamu. She died in Malta on 13th April 1864, unmarried, aged 84 years

William BENJAMIN, died in Malta on 12th January 1900

Abraham BENSILUM, born in Malta about 1850, the son of Esther and Joseph Bensilum. In 1861 living at 21 Spital Square, Norton Folgate, London, with his parents and family

Amelia (Annette) BENSILUM, born about 1857, the daughter of Esther and Joseph Bensilum. In 1881 living in Bloomsbury, London, with her parents and family. Married at 27 Torrington Square, Bloomsbury, 27th June 1883 to Moise LUGASY, aged 30 years

Ann BENSILUM, born in Malta about 1852, the daughter of Ester and Joseph Bensilum. In 1861 living with her parents and family at 21 Spital Square, Norton Folgate, London

Annetta (Hannah) BENSILUM, born about 1841, the daughter of Haim Jacob Bensilum. Married in London 6th July 1859 to, Isaac GENESE, aged 20 years

Isaac BENSILUM, of Gibraltar, married in Malta on 17th April 1848, to Rachele CORREA, aged 25 years, English subject, the daughter of Sara and Abram Correa

Jacob Vita BENSILUM, born in Valletta on 24th January 1857, the son of Ester and Giuseppe Bensilum, English subject

Josef BENSILUM, English subject, born in Gibraltar, aged 22 years, married in Malta on 8th March 1848, to Ester CORREA, aged 25 years, English subject, the daughter of Sara and Abram Correa. In 1861 living at 21 Spital Square, Norton Folgate, London, with their children born in Malta and London

Joshua BENSILUM, born in Malta about 1849, the son of Ester and Josef Bensilum. In 1861 living with his parents at 21 Spital Square, Norton Folgate, London

Victor Jacob Haim BENSILUM, born about 1857, the son of Esther and Joseph Bensilum. In 1881 he was living with his parents and family in Bloomsbury, London. He married Miriam (Mary) OHAYON, aged 19 years, born in Lisbon, the daughter of Haim Ohayon, when he was 25 years old at Bevis Marks Synagogue, London, on 8th November 1882. He died in 1923

Isaac BENZIMRA, born in Malta in 1815, the son of Esther and Solomon Benzimra

Rebecca BENZIMRA, born in Malta in 1819, the daughter of Esther and Solomon Benzimra

Samuel BENZIMRA, born in Malta in 1812, the son of Esther and Solomon Benzimra

Solomon BENZIMRA, married Esther BENZACAR, the daughter of Isaac Benzacar of Gibraltar and his English wife Rachel, about 1809

Zara BENZIMRA, born in Malta in 1810, the daughter of Esther and Solomon Benzimra. She married Solomon Levy in 1832, and was the mother of five children. She died in 1904

Lisl BERGER, born in Vienna in 1924, the daughter of Helene and Hirsh Herman EDER. Married Sidney Berger, who was in the Royal Air Force. She died in Malta on 13th August 1996

Adolph BERHEIMER, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, a subject of Austria, a Merchant

Klara Ernestine BERLSTEIN, died in Malta on 16th November 1938

Menahem BENADY, from Gibraltar, died in Malta on 11th February 1825

Israel BERNAR, died in Malta

Moise BERR, died in Malta 12th January 1852, aged 27 years, married, subject of Russia

Giacomo BESCINSKY (Jacob Benziscki) (Yakov Ze’ev ben Avraham Yitzhak Beztzinski), native of Russia, the son of Isaac Benziscki. He died in Malta on 16th December 1871, aged 26 years

Joseph de Yitzhak BESIS, died in Malta on 16th July 1864, aged 30 years, native of Sousse, Tunisia

Zinia BETTEBBI, native of Sfax, Tunisia, the daughter of Sion Bettebbi. She died in Malta on 11th August 1881, aged 10 years

Annetta BETTITO, married in Malta on 6th August 1882 to, Benjamino GATTEGNO

Elia BIGIANI, a native of Tunis, died in Malta on 13th September 1879, aged 30 years

Alfredo BISMOT, died in Malta on 10th June 1848, aged 5 years 6 months, the son of Annina and Raffaele Bismot

Costanza BISMOT, born in Malta on 31st July 1851, the daughter of Raffaele and Annina Bismot, subject of Tuscany. She married in Malta on 29th May 1881, aged 30 years, to Giuseppe NIVES NANI, Italian subject

Ortensia BISMOT, died in Malta on 3rd March 1891

Palmira BISMOT, born in Malta on 25th December 1848, the daughter of Annina and Raffaele Bismot, subject of Tuscany. She married in Malta on 2nd April 1865, aged 17 years, to Adolfo PARDO, Italian subject

Raffaele BISMOT, born in Livorno, Italy, the son of Jacob and Rachela Bismot, nee LATTET. His wife was Anna Bismot, nee SCERRI. A Merchant, he died in Malta on 11th October 1871, aged 65 years

Raffaele BISMOT, in December 1851, living in Malta with his wife and three children, a subject of Tuscany, a Merchant

Abram BORGES DA SILVA, died in Malta on 19th January 1849, aged 95 years, native of Portugal

Abram BORGES DA SILVA, native of Lisbon, the son of Abram and Anna Borges da Silva. He died in Malta on 20th July 1877, aged 76 years

Abram D’Is. BORGES DA SILVA, Portuguese subject, married in Malta on 15th May 1866, to Ester BORGES DA SILVA, aged 22 years, English subject, the daughter of Jacob and Zolli Borges da Silva

Abram Vita BORGES DA SILVA, married in Malta on 8th June 1853 to his cousin, Annetta BORGES DA SILVA, aged 22 years, English subject, the daughter of Nina and Jacob Borges da Silva

Abramo Vita BORGES DA SILVA, born in Tripoli, Libya, the son of Sarina and Aronne Borges da Silva. He died in Malta on 2nd September 1879, aged 48 years

Anna Sarah BORGES DA SILVA, native of Trieste, the wife of Aron Borges da Silva. She died in Malta on 18th September 1867, aged 67 years

Annetta BORGES DA SILVA, aged 22 years, English subject, the daughter of Nina and Jacob Borges Da Silva, married in Malta on 8th June 1853 to her cousin, Abram Vita BORGES DA SILVA. She died in Malta on 27th April 1863, aged 32 years

Aron BORGES DA SILVA, born in Lisbon, Portugal, the son of Abram and Anna Borges da Silva. He was a Merchant, and died in Malta on 20th July 1877, aged 76 years

Aron Cesare BORGES DA SILVA, born in Valletta on 12th March 1858, the son of Abram Vita and Annetta Borges da Silva, English subject. He died in Malta on 24th February 1860, aged 2 years

Diamantina BORGES DA SILVA, born in Tripoli, the daughter of Aron Borges da Silva and Anna Sara Borges da Silva, nee CAMPOS. The wife of Giuseppe TOLEDANO. She died in Malta on 13th August 1878, aged 49 years

Emilia BORGES DA SILVA, aged 22 years, English subject, the daughter of Abram Vita and Anna Borges da Silva, married in Malta on 21st March 1883 to James ABEBILY

Ester BORGES DA SILVA, aged 22 years, English subject, the daughter of Jacob and Zolli Borges da Silva, married in Malta on 15th May 1866 to Abram D’Is. BORGES DA SILVA, Portuguese subject

J. BORGES DA SILVA, a Merchant, living at 53 Strada San Giuseppe, Valletta, in 1857

J. BORGES DA SILVA, December 1851, living in Malta with six children, a subject of Portugal, a wealthy Merchant

Jacob BORGES DA SILVA, born in Lisbon, Portugal, the son of Abramo and Anna Borges da Silva, nee DESA PEREIRA. A Merchant, the widower of Zolli. He died in Malta on 2nd December 1874, aged 75 years

Jacob BORGES DA SILVA, died in Malta on 2nd September 1902

Joseph (Giuseppe) BORGES DA SILVA, born in Malta on 24th July 1847, the son of Zolli and Jacob Borges da Silva, Portuguese subject. He died in Malta on 17th September 1859, aged 12 years 3 months

Marietta BORGES DA SILVA, born in Valletta on 28th February 1863, the daughter of Abram Vita and Annetta Borges da Silva, English subject. She died in Malta on 30th January 1877, aged 14 years

Meriam BORGES DA SILVA, aged 18 years, English subject, the daughter of Jacob and Zolli Borges da Silva, married in Malta on 28th October 1857, to Moses ABEASIS, English subject

Nina Emilia BORGES DA SILVA, born in Valletta on 28th January 1861, the daughter of Abram and Annetta Borges Da Silva, English subject

Rebecca BORGES DA SILVA, aged 19 years, English subject, the daughter of Nina and Jacob Borges da Silva, married in Malta on 10th September 1851 to Giuseppe D’Isaac LUMBROSO, of Naples

Sale BORGES DA SILVA, died in Malta on 13th August 1848, aged 29 years, the wife of Jacob Borges da Silva

Sara Giulia BORGES DA SILVA, born in Malta on 3rd October 1854, the daughter of Abram and Annetta Borges Da Silva, English subject

Scialom BUSNACK, died in Malta on 21st September 1846, aged 23 years, native of Tripoli

Jacob CARDOSO, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, a subject of Tunis, a Merchant

Jn. CARDOSO, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, a subject of Tunis, a Merchant

Elia CARMONA, born 2nd November 1934, the son of Eliza and Emile Nathan Carmona. He died in Malta on 4th September 1935

Eliza CARMONA, born in Constantinople, the wife of Emile Nathan Carmona. She lived in Malta with her husband from the 1930’s and throughout World War II. After the War she moved to England with her husband and children

Emile Nathan CARMONA, born in Constantinople. He lived in Malta from the 1930’s and throughout World War II. After the War he moved to England with his wife and children, and he died in London in February 1984, aged 81 years

Pearl CARUANA, nee BLOOM, died 2nd March 2007 in Malta, aged 95 years. The owner of a ladies fashion shop called Pearl’s Gowns

Moise CAVA, died in Malta on 17th November 1858, aged 40 years, native of Livorno, Italy

Nina CHIEFALINO, born in Costantini, died in Malta on 14th March 1895

Harry CLAFF, died in Malta

Clara COEN, native of Gibraltar, the daughter of Maria and Lazzaro BENZACHAR. The widow of Guido Coen, died in Malta on 7th January 1870, aged 75 years

Elia COEN, Hellenic subject, married in Malta on 18th August 1869 to Diamantina CURIEL, aged 19 years, Italian subject, the daughter of Abram and Allegra Curiel

Fortunata COEN, died in Malta aged 57 years

Jacob COEN, native of Morocco, he died in Malta on 14th January 1878, aged 40 years

Joseph COEN, died in Malta on 8th July 1864, aged 30 years, native of Sousse, Tunisia

Luna COEN, nee ABEASIS, born in Malta, the daughter of Jacob and Ester Abeasis. She died in Malta on 31st July 1865, aged 20 years

Jusef COHEN, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and child, a subject of Russia, Broker

S. COHEN, living in Malta, November 1851

Abram Alves CORREA, died in Malta on 2nd October 1846, aged about 68 years. Born in England c.1778, he worked as a school teacher in Valletta at 31 St. Lucia Street, in 1809/1810, and 55 Zachary Street from 1810 till 1819. He was Secretary of the Synagogue around 1830’s. His son emigrated to Barbados, and his two daughters married into the Bensilum family from Gibraltar

Ester CORREA, aged 25 years, English subject, the daughter of Sara and Abram Correa, married in Malta on 8th March 1848 to Josef BENSILUM, English subject, native of Gibraltar

Rachele CORREA, aged 25 years, English subject, the daughter of Sara and Abram Correa, married in Malta on 17th April 1848 to Isaac BENSILUM, of Gibraltar

Sara CORREA, died on 14th April 1846, the wife of Abram Alves Correa after a protracted and painful illness. She left a husband, son and two daughters

Giulio COSTA, native of Sfax, Tunisia, the son of Hai and Rachel Costa. He died in Malta on 12th August 1865, aged 1 year 6 months

Hai COSTA, from Tunisia, married in Malta on 8th April 1857 to, Rachella NAHUM, aged 19 years, English subject, the daughter of Nissim and Rebecca Nahum

Reuben CRIGER, died in Malta on 4th June 1931, aged 40 years, unmarried

Diamantina CURIEL, aged 19 years, Italian subject, the daughter of Abram and Allegra Curiel, married in Malta on 18th August 1869 to Elia COEN, Hellenic subject

Elvira CURIEL, born in Malta on 2nd January 1872, the daughter of Giacomo and Elena Curiel, English subject

Isacco CURIEL, born in Malta on 6th February 1868, the son of Giacomo and Elena Curiel, English subject

Moise CURIEL, born in Malta on 15th June 1869, the son of Giacomo and Elena Curiel, English subject

Palmira CURIEL, born in Malta on 12th January 1866, the daughter of Giacomo and Elena Curiel, English subject

Beila CUSIRINZON, was born in Romania, the daughter of Bela Troika MARGULIS. She married David Cusirinzon, who predeceased her. She died in Attard, Malta, on 17th November 1988, aged 76 years

David DAVID, died in Malta

Rita DAVIS MBE, born 16th June 1924 in Glasgow, she came to Malta in 1969 with her husband Stanley, and took a leading part in the British Residents Association. She had the honour of being presented to Pope John Paul II during his visit to Malta in May 1990. She died on 29th September 2001

Stanley DAVIS OBE, born 27th August 1917. He came to Malta with his wife Rita in 1969, and is credited with establishing the British Residents Association, and was the Secretary for many years. He was also Hon. Secretary of the Jewish Community for many years. He died on 29th January 2003

Estere DAYAN, died in Malta on 27th June 1852, aged 28 years, the daughter of Prospero Dayan

Prospero DAYAN, died in Malta on 2nd July 1847, aged 54 years, native of England, the husband of Sarah Dayan, nee BENHAMU

Sale (Sarah) DAYAN, nee BENHAMU, died in Malta on 22nd March 1852, the widow of Prospero Dayan

Helene EDER, the wife of Hirsh Herman Eder, from Vienna. Arrived in Malta in 1938 with her husband and family. Died on 3rd December 1985, aged 91 years

Hirsh Herman EDER, from Vienna, moved to Malta in 1938 and died on 10th March 1977, aged 93 years

Netty EDER, nee BARNSTEIN, born in Greece. Married Robert Eder in 1947. She died in Malta on 20th January 2002

Rudolf Bruce ADLER (EDLER), born 17th August 1903 in Germany, the son of Philip and Emma Alder nee HOFMAN. He died in the Boffa Hospital, Malta, on 22nd February 1991. He was unmarried, and a retired Lawyer

Elias SALIM, died in Malta

Solomon EPSTEIN, 1905 – 1969. Died in Malta

David ERRERA, born in Malta on 19th October 1864, the son of Benedetto and Enrichetta Errera, Italian subject

Josef Haim FELLUS, born in Hamrun on 1st July 1864, the son of Aron and Yasmina Fellus, subject of Tunisia

Isacco FERRO, born in Corfu, the son of Raffaele and Fortunata Ferro. The husband of Esther COEN. A Merchant he died in Malta on 12th August 1865, aged 40 years

FIORENTINO, a daughter of Elia and Ester Fiorentino, died in Malta 11th July 1867

Anselmo (Ascer) FIORENTINO, born in Livorno, Italy, the son of Raffaele and Allegra Fiorentino, nee SERUSI. The husband of Anna Fiorentino, nee BISMOT. In December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and three children, a subject of Tuscany, a Merchant. He died in Malta on 21st April 1864, aged 54 years

Enrichetta FIORENTINO, the daughter of Elia and Allegra Fiorentino, married in Malta in 1851 to Giacomo LUMBROSO, native of Tunisia

Fortunata FIORENTINO, died on 9th December 1867, aged 23 months, born in Senglea, the daughter of Paolo Fiorentino and Vincenza Fiorentino, nee BONETT

Josef FIORENTINO, born in Malta on 14th February 1852, the son of Allegra and Elia Fiorentino, of Alexandria, Egypt

Moise FLAH, born in Malta on 16th October 1864, the son of Aron and Sara Flah, Italian subject

FRANCO, born in Malta on 28th October 1871, a daughter of Leone and Emilia Franco, English subject

Leslie FREEDMAN, born in 1921. He died in Malta in 1996, leaving a wife Marion and two sons

Abram GARGHIR, died in Malta on 26th March 1882, aged 25 years

Benjamino GATTEGNO, married in Malta on 6th August 1882 to, Annetta BETTITO

Seraphine GERDENCE, born in Vienna, the daughter of Franz and Mary Ann Gerdence, nee MALDWALD. She died unmarried in Luqa, on 10th September 1979, aged 69 years

Josef (Joseph) Herman GILBERT, born in Germany, the son of Hirsh and Ernestine GELBART, nee MUENZER. The husband of Winifred Gilbert, he died in St. Julians, Malta, on 7th March 1973, aged 72 years.

Emelia GOLDSELLER, born in Malta c1883, the daughter of Julius and Ledicia Goldseller. In 1901 living with her parents and family at 407 Cheetham Hill Road, Manchester. Ledicia died in 1914 and Julius in 1924 in England

Melita GOLDSELLER, born in Malta on 23rd April 1881, the daughter of Julius and Ledicia Goldseller. In 1901 living with her parents and family at 407 Cheetham Hill Road, Manchester

Estrella (Stella) GOLDSELLER, the eldest daughter of Julius and Ledicia Goldseller, nee LAREDO, was born in Manchester on 1st March 1878, and died in Malta on 1st October 1884 from diphtheria

Leah (Lily) GOLDSELLER, born in Malta on 10th August 1879, the daughter of Julius and Ledicia Goldseller, English subject. In 1901 living with her parents and family at 407 Cheetham Hill Road, Manchester

Linda Fortunata GOLDSELLER, born in Malta on 14th July 1882, the daughter of Julius and Ledicia Goldseller, English subject. In 1901 living with her parents and family at 407 Cheetham Hill Road, Manchester

Eva GOLDSTEIN, born in Malta on 30th July 1883, the daughter of Samuel and Rebecca Goldstein, Austrian subject

Alan Stephen GOMM, Corporal, Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers (R.E.M.E.), British Army. Born in Brentford, Middlesex, the son of Mr and Mrs Gomm, nee JACOB. When his wife returned to their residence in Frederick Street, Valletta, she found him dead. The police were called and reported: “It was apparent that Gomm died through electrocution. A lampstand was found clutched in his hands which were burnt. The flexible wire connecting the pin plug was not earthed” He died 30th July 1959, aged 27 years. His funeral took place with full military honours

Arnold Simon GOODMAN, died in Malta on 9th May 1945, aged 20 months

Abram GORGHIR, died in Malta on 26th March 1882, aged 25 years

John GRANARD, 1053026, Corporal, Royal Air Force, died in Malta 3rd January 1942, aged 34 years. The son of Seymour and Leah Granard

Commonwealth War Grave of Cpl. J. Granard

Barnett GREENBERG, born in Odessa, Russia, the son of Joseph and Esther Greenberg.

The husband of Martha Greenberg, he died in Rabat, Malta, on 16th December 1936, aged 53 years

Emmanuele GUTTIEN, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and five children, a subject of Tuscany

Daphne HABIB, born in Malta 1928 the daughter of Lydia and Fortunato Habib. She married Abraham BOLOTIN in 1952 in Malta, and moved to Israel where she died

Fortunato HABIB, born in Tripoli, Libya, in 1885, the son of Abraham and Sassia Habib. He went to Tunis in search of a bride, where he met and married Hilda Lydia Attias. After the wedding the couple returned to Malta where their son and daughter were born in 1928 and 1929. He died in Malta on 14th April 1963, aged 78 years, leaving his widow Lydia, and their two children

Lydia Hilda HABIB, nee ATTIAS. 1900 – 1971. Died in Malta, the widow of Fortunato Habib

Mohamed Ben HABIB, born in Morocco. In 1891, aged 42 years living in Leman Street, Whitechapel, London, with the Abitbol family

David HACKOUNE, born in Malta 28th February 1853, the son of Aron and Sara Hackoune, Francese

Elias HACKOUNE, born on 20th December 1854, the son of Aron and Sara Hackoune, French subject

Rachela HACKUN, aged 18 years, French subject, the daughter of Aron and Zahra Hackun, married in Malta 5th October 1864, to Juda NAIM, Tunisian subject

Aghzila HADDAD, born in Malta on 29th July 1876, the daughter of Meir and Rachel Haddad, subject of Tunisia

Halifa HADDAD, died in Malta on 24th August 1911, aged 57 years

Meir HADDAD, native of Tunis, the son of Halifa and Ester Haddad. He died in Malta on 28th June 1878, aged 33 years

Giuseppe HADIDA, born in Malta on 25th March 1851, the son of Giulia and Jeuda Hadida, Inglese

Henry HADIDA, born about 1817, in Gibraltar. In 1881 living in Liverpool, with his wife Mary Ann Hadida who was born in Chatham, Kent, about 1819, and their son Henry born in Malta about 1859. Mary Ann Hadida died in Cheltenham, Gloucestershire, at the beginning of 1907

Henry HADIDA, born in Malta about 1859, the son of Mary Ann and Henry Hadida. In 1881 living in Liverpool with his parents. By 1891 he was married to his wife Florence, born in Huddersfield, and living in Hoylake, Cheshire. His occupation was South American merchant. The couple moved to London by 1901 and were living in Wood Green, North London

Isaac HADIDA, born in Malta in September 1847, the son of Giulia and Jeuda Hadida, Inglese

Jacob HADIDA, born in Tangiers, Morocco. In 1861 living in Whitechapel, London, with his wife and family

Jeuda HADIDA, of Gibraltar, married in Malta on 23rd December 1846 to Guilia MAMO, aged 25 years, English, the daughter of Meriam and Josef Mamo

Judah HADIDA, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and three children, a subject of Great Britain, a Merchant

John HADIDA, though Jewish attended the Malta Protestant College in 1862, born in Gibraltar

Mary Luna HADIDA, born in Malta about 1850, the daughter of Henry and Mary Ann Hadida. In 1871 she was working as a Governess in the family of Edward Stanley, a Farmer in Upper Newton, Lancashire. By 1881 she had moved and was working as a Governess in the household of J.H. Atterbury, in Welford, Northamptonshire. She was living with her widowed mother in 1901, in Cheltenham, Gloucestershire, where she died at the end of 1925

Samuel HADIDA, though Jewish attended the Malta Protestant College in 1862, born in Gibraltar

Suilma HAGGIAG, married on 4th June 1890 to Samuel MAMO

Elia HAKOUN, aged 18 years, Ottoman subject, married in Malta on 6th April 1860 to Sara NAHUM, Ottoman subject, the daughter of Benjamin Nahum

G. di D. HAMMUN, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, a subject of Tuscany, working as a Servant

Elia HARLAFY, native of Tripoli, he died in Malta on 15th October 1879, aged 35 years

Benjamin HASSAN, born about 1866. In 1881 studying in Marylebone, London, at the school of Abraham P. Mendes, Schoolmaster and Jewish Preacher

Esther HASSAN, born in Malta on 29th July 1875, the daughter of Isaac and Meshouda Hassan, Italian subject

Hain HASSAN, born in Malta about 1876, the son of Isaac and Fortunata Hassan both from Tripoli. In 1901 he was living in Paddington, London, with his parents, sister Emelia born about 1881 in Livorno, Italy, and Surian born in London about 1884. His occupation was Ostrich Feather manufacturer

Isacco HASSAN, born in Malta on 12th February 1880, the son of Sion and Diamantina Hassan, Ottoman subject

Joseph (Giuseppe) Aronne HASSAN, born on 28th November 1878 in Valletta, the son of Isaac and Meshouda Hassan, nee HALIFI, Italian subject. He died in Malta on 1st January 1880, aged 13 months

Maurice HASSAN, born in Malta about 1877. In 1901 he was visiting England, staying in Paddington, London. Though married he was alone, and his occupation was Cotton Merchant

Meir HASSAN, born in Malta on 27th December 1873, the son of Isaac and Meshouda Hassan, Ottoman subject

Moise Vita Raffaelo HASSAN, born in Malta on 25th January 1877, the son of Isaac and Meshouda Hassan, Italian subject

Samuel Moise HASSON, born in Salonika, died in Malta on 5th February 1917, aged 23 years

Aron M. HAZAN, born in Alexandria, Egypt, the son of Moise and Tamar Hazan, nee HERRERA. A Merchant he died in Sliema, on Sunday 9th April 1922, aged 47 years. He left a widow Ester and a son Maurizio

Jafa L. HAZAN, died in Malta on 11th July 1909, aged 50 years

Moise HAZZAN, died in Malta on 10th January 1930

Sarah L. HAZAN, born in Salonika, the daughter of Mose Hazan and Jafa Hazan. She died in Sliema, on 28th September 1916, aged 35 years, unmarried

Scelomo HAZZAN, died in Malta in 1856, native of Alexandria, Egypt, Chief Rabbi in Alexandria

Juda HELIFI, native of Tripoli, French subject, married in Malta on 14th July 1875 to Regina OSMO, aged 17 years, Hellenic subject, the daughter of Raffaele and Ventura Osmo

Meriam HELIFI, native of Tripoli, the daughter of Juda and Regina Helifi. She died in Malta on 23rd July 1876, aged 6 months

Abramo ISRAEL, born in Valletta on 4th May 1873, the son of Jacob and Zula Israel, nee ZANZURI, Hellenic subject. He died in Malta on 7th June 1877, aged 4 years

Clemente Vita ISRAEL, born in Malta on 17th July 1880, the son of Jacob and Zula Israel, Hellenic subject. He married Georgina MEDINA, and after her death Pepita VASQUEZ. He died in 1971

Daniel ISRAEL, born in 1893, the son of Julia and Jacob Israel. He studied medicine in Rome, and lived in Tunis. He married Estelle ABOHAF, and after her death re-married

Elise ISRAEL, born in 1891, the daughter of Julia and Jacob Israel. She married Guillaume ISACHAAR, and settled in Paris

Emilia ISRAEL, born in 1895 the daughter of Julia and Jacob Israel. She married Jacques BENMUSA, and lived in Lyons, France. She died in 1980

Ester ISRAEL, the daughter of Jacob Israel, born in April 1897, died in Malta in October 1897

Giuseppe ISRAEL, born in Malta on 2nd November 1878, the son of Jacob and Zula Israel, Hellenic subject. He died in Malta in August 1879, aged 10 months

Jacob ISRAEL, born in Corfu, aged 34 years, married in Malta on 26th August 1868 to Zula ZANZURI aged 16 years, born in Sfax, Tunisia, the daughter of Rabbi Samuel and Rachel Zanzuri. They had several children. Two sons went to live in South America

Mary ISRAEL, born in 1888, the daughter of Julia and Jacob Israel. Married Jonas BOUHNIK, and settled in Sfax. She died in 1957

Rachele ISRAEL, the daughter of Julia and Jacob Israel, born on 1st April 1886. She married Abramo TAYAR, and died in 1984

Raphael ISRAEL, born in 1887, the son of Julia and Jacob Israel. He married and died in 1925

Rebecca ISRAEL, born in Malta on 2nd July 1876, the daughter of Jacob and Zula Israel, Hellenic subject. She married Isaac BUENO

Samuel ISRAEL, born in Malta on 29th July 1870, the son of Jacob and Zula Israel, Hellenic subject. He married Rachele ZANZURI (1890 – 1917)

Angelo JUNES, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, subject of Tunis, a Merchant

Jacob JUNES, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, subject of Tunis, a Merchant

Philip KANTER, Private, 7393158, Royal Army Medical Corps, 90 General Hospital, British Army. Born in Stepney, London, in 1910, he died in Malta on 24th September 1942, aged 32 years, leaving brothers and sisters in London

Nissim LABI, married in Malta on 17th April 1872 to Diamantina TAJAR, aged 19 years, English subject, the daughter of Rabbi Josef and Smeralda Tajar

Victor LANDAU, 1910 – 1977. Died in Malta

Behor LEVI, a native of Egypt, died in Malta on 29th December 1847, aged 30 years. Only arrived in Malta on the 14th December

Elisa LEVI, aged 24 years, English subject, the daughter of Moise and Marianna Levi, married in Malta on 19th September 1880 to Colombo TOLEDANO, Italian subject

Ersilia LEVI, aged 29 years, English subject, the daughter of Moise and Marianna Levi, married in Malta on 20th March 1880 to Abramo TOLEDANO, Italian subject

Marco E. LEVI, born in Malta about 1839. In 1881 living at 160 Bury New Road, Salford, Lancashire with his English wife Clara who was born in Manchester and their 12 year old son Ernest who was born in Machester

Sofia LEVI, born in Malta on 25th January 1871, the daughter of Moise and Marianna Levi, English subject

Leon LEVSON, born 20th January 1883 in Rogovo, Lithuania, the son of Joshia and Shena Lewinsohn. He died in Malta on 26th January 1968

Attilio Benjamin LEVY, born in Malta on 5th May 1874, the son of Moise and Marianna Levy, English subject. He died in Malta on 6th August 1875, aged 15 months

Marianna LEVY, died in Malta aged 61 years

Mark Moses LEVY, born about 1846. His wife Regina was born in Corfu about 1846. In 1881 the couple were living in Manchester

Moise DI S. LEVY. Died in Malta

Eric LINCOLN, died in Malta 16th June 1976, aged 64 years

Eliezer LIVI, born in Malta on 3rd April 1881, the son of Raffaele and Sara Livi, Ottoman subject

Josef LIVI, born in Malta on 26th February 1881, the son of Aron and Cardo Livi, Ottoman subject

Benedetto Bernard LOPOVITZ, born 14th June 1913 in Brascio, Hungary, the son of Rahmin Lopovitz. He died in Malta on 5th July 1914

Elia LORIA, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, subject of France, a Merchant

Bela LOWINGER, born 12th January 1906. He died on 24th January 1994 aged 88 years at his residence in St. Julians, Malta. He left a wife Helen, a son, a daughter and grandchildren

Jacob LUCENA, died in Malta on 14th October 1831

David LUMBROSO, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and child, subject of Sardinia, a Merchant

Emira LUMBROSO, born in Malta on 5th June 1853, the daughter of Sara and David Lumbroso, subject of Tuscany

Giacomo LUMBROSO, from Tunisia, married in Malta in 1851 to Enrichetta FIORENTINO, the daughter of Elia and Allegra Fiorentino

Giuseppe D’Isaac LUMBROSO, subject of Naples, married in Malta on 10th September 1851, to Rebecca BORGES DA SILVA, aged 19 years, English subject, the daughter of Nina and Jacob Borges da Silva

Maria (Marietta) LUMBROSO, was born in Mehdia, Tunisia, the daughter of Giuseppe and Rebecca Lumbroso, nee BORGES DA SILVA. Her mother Rebecca embarked at Mehdia with baby Maria, and her other children Nina Lumbroso, Arturo Lumbroso and Giacometto Lumbroso, accompanied by their Tunisian servant Mohamet. The baby died on 6th May during the voyage on the English ship Norma about 70 miles from Malta, and was buried in Malta on 9th May 1864

Nina LUMBROSO, born in Malta on 22nd August 1852, the daughter of Giuseppe and Rebecca Lumbroso, subject of Naples

Jacob MAJINE, infant, died in Malta 5th March 1900

Abram MAMO, died in Malta on 26th October 1862, aged 41 years, the son of Joseph and Miriam Mamo, and husband of Soly Mamo, nee NAHUM

Esther MAMO, born in Valletta on 29th May 1863, the daughter of Salomone and Mary Mamo, English subject. She died in Malta on 5th August 1865, aged 2 years 3 months

Giuseppe MAMO, born in Malta on 28th February 1853, the son of Abram and Sale Mamo, nee NAHUM, English subject

Giuseppe MAMO, born in Valletta on 25th September 1861, the son of Mary and Salomone Mamo, English subject. He died in Malta on 29th November 1862, aged 14 months

Guilia MAMO, aged 25 years, English subject, the daughter of Meriam and Josef Mamo, married in Malta on 23rd December 1846 to Jeuda HADIDA, of Gibraltar

Hanan MAMO, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and child, a subject of Great Britain, a Broker

Hanan MAMO, born in Valletta, the son of Josef and Maria Mamo, nee NAHUM. The widower of Maria Mamo, nee NATAF, he died in Malta on 4th April 1865, aged 55 years, from apoplexy. A Broker

Josef MAMO, born in Malta on 24th November 1851, the son of Meriam and Hanan Mamo, English subject

Miriam MAMO, died in Malta in 1840, the wife of Joseph Mamo

Nissim Rafael MAMO, born in Valletta on 11th August 1858, the son of Abram and Zolli Mamo, English subject

Raffaele MAMO, born in Malta, the son of Abram and Zolli Mamo. He died in Malta on 28th September 1871, aged 13 years

Rub MAMO, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, a subject of Great Britain, a Broker

Salamone MAMO, married in Malta on 26th December 1860 to, Mary NAHUM, aged 19 years, English subject, the daughter of Nessim and Rebecca Nahum

Salomon MAMO, born in Malta and died in Malta on 14th November 1867, aged 37 years, the son of Giuseppe and Meriam Mamo

Salvatore MAMO, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, a subject of Great Britain, a Broker

Samuel MAMO, born in Malta on 26th October 1856, the son of Hanan and Meriam Mamo, English subject

Samuel MAMO, married on 4th June 1890 to Suilma HAGGIAG

Norman MANDELSON, Flight Lieutenant (Pilot), 133404, 162 Squadron, Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve, from Liverpool. Born 16th November 1919 the son of Samuel and Rose Mandelson, of Mold, Flintshire. He died in Malta on 19th November 1945, aged 26 years

Abram MASLIAH, living in Malta 1852

Abram di M. MASLIAH, living in Malta 1852

Elia MASLIAH, living in Malta in June 1864, aged 19 years.

Jeuda MASLIAH, born in Malta on 25th May 1867, the son of Abram and Donna Masliah, English subject

Mose Vita MASLIAH, born in Malta on 17th July 1851, the son of Abram Masliah, English subject

Moise Vita MASLIAH, born in Valletta on 21st March 1862 the son of Abram and Donna Masliah, English subject

Salomone MASSIAK, born on 21st April 1848, the son of Meriam and Abram Massiak, English subject

Owen Stirling MELHADO, 2nd Lieutenant, 6th Battalion, Princess of Wales’s Own Yorkshire Regiment. He was born in Jamaica on 3rd June 1892, the son of Reginald and Irene Melhado, of Devon House, Half Way Tree, Jamaica. He was serving with the Yorkshire Regiment when he received gunshot wounds in his right shoulder and back at Suvla Bay, Gallipoli, on 19th November 1915. On 26th November the Hospital Ship Soudan docked at Malta and he was taken to Cottonera Hospital but his condition deteriorated and he died from his wounds on 7th December 1915. He was unmarried

Vittoria Diamante MENASSE, born in Malta on 11th September 1883, the daughter of Elia and Beetseba Menasse, Ottoman subject

Abram MENION, native of Tripoli, he died in Malta on 28th May 1870, aged 45 years

Abramo MESSIAH, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and child, a subject of Great Britain, Bazaar Keeper selling Turkish and Moroccan products

Ab. MESSIAH, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and six children, a subject of Great Britain, Bazaar Keeper selling Turkish and Moroccan products

Abram di Moise MESSIAH, died in Malta on 15th February 1864, aged 64 years. Born in London, the son of Moise and Rebecca Messiah. Merchant. The husband of Miriam Messiah, nee SERUYA

Abraham di Moses MESSIAH, living at 14 Strada San Carlo, Valletta, in July 1857

Isaia MESSIAH, died in Malta on 16th November 1855, aged 14 years, the son of Abram and Maria Messiah

Jacob MESSIAH, born in Malta, the son of Abram and Meriam Messiah. He died in Malta on 14th June 1874, aged 30 years

Joseph Moluf MESSIAH, lived at 31D Strada Marsamuscetto, Valletta, May 1870 to March 1884

Mahluf Josef MESSIAH, born in Gibraltar, the son of Abramo and Mary Messiah, nee SERUYA. A Merchant, he died in Valletta on 15th November 1897, aged 60 years, unmarried

Julia MESSIAH, died in Valletta on 1st February 1886, aged 15 days, the daughter of Samuele and Violetta Messiah, nee MINERBO

M.A. MESSIAH, Merchant & Commission Agent, at 47 Strada San Lucia, Valletta, in 1857

Meriam (Mary) MESSIAH, born in Gibraltar, the daughter of Mahluf SERRUYA. The widow of Abramo Messiah. She died in Malta on 20th February 1874, aged 60 years

Rebecca MESSIAH, aged 20 years, English subject, the daughter of Abram and Mary Messiah, married in Malta on 22nd May 1861 to Saul TAYAR, English subject

Salomone MESSIAH, born in Malta on 21st April 1848, the son of Meriam and Abram Messiah

Denis MILLER, died in Malta 14th April 2008, the widower of Ruby. President of Malta Boxing Association

Ruby MILLER, 1926 – 1997. She died in Malta and left a husband Denis, and a sister Ina

Allegrina MINERBO, born in Canea, Crete on 11th October 1881, the eldest daughter of Moise and Rachel Minerbo, nee TAMMAN. She died in Malta on 18th October 1884

Moise MINERBO, Hellenic, married in Malta on 9th September 1880 to Rachele TAMMAN, aged 30 years, the daughter of Shalom and Allegra Tamman

Abraham MISRAHI, played football for the Malta National XI against British Army and Royal Navy teams in World War II, and later for Sliema Athletics F.C. and Valletta F.C.

Marco MISRAHI, died in Malta on 2nd February 1883, aged 6 years

Carlo MIZRAHI, born in Malta on 17th February 1881, the son of Moise and Rachel Mizrahi, Ottoman subject

MISRAHI, child died in Malta in 1922

Leon Yehuda MISRAHI, the son of A. Misrahi, married 30th August 1951 at Bevis Marks Synagogue, London, to Renee CRAFT, the daughter of J. Craft

Moise MOATTY, born in Malta on 8th November 1864, the son of Sedia and Meshouda Moatty, French subject

Rachella MONTEL, died in Malta on 6th February 1847, aged 13 months, French subject, the daughter of D. Montel

Rachella MONTEL, born in Malta on 25th May 1847 the daughter of M. and D. Montel, French subject

Daphne Agnes MORRIS, died in Malta on 22nd December 1975, aged 60 years. She left a husband Benjamin and a son

Bella NAHUM, aged 21 years, English subject, the daughter of Nissim and Rebecca Nahum, married in Malta on 11th January 1865 to Isacha PINHAS, Tunisian subject

Ester NAHUM, born in Malta on 6th November 1847, the daughter of Rebecca and Nissim Nahum, English subject

Ester NAHUM, born in Valletta on 11th March 1864, the daughter of Rachella and Israel Nahum, English subject

Ester NAHUM, aged 18 years, English subject, the daughter of Nissim and Rebecca Nahum, married in Malta on 30th March 1866 to Abram ABEASIS, English subject

Giorgina Perina NAHUM, born in Aden, the daughter of Nissim and Rachele Nahum, nee TAYAR. She died in Malta, on 25th August 1891, aged 11 months

Giulia NAHUM, born in Malta on 9th January 1874, the daughter of Israel and Rachella Nahum, English subject

I. NAHUM, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, a subject of Great Britain, a Broker

Israel NAHUM, married in Malta on 27th May 1857 to Rachella ABEASIS, aged 22 years, English subject, the daughter of Jacob and Ester Abeasis

Israel NAHUM, lived at 49 Strada San Marco, Valletta, May 1870 to February 1872, at 213 Strada Reale, Valletta. February 1877 to September 1880, and at 122 Strada Reale, Valletta. in March 1884

Jacob NAHUM, born in Malta on 29th January 1869, the son of Israel and Rachella Nahum, English subject

Luna Fortunata NAHUM, born in Malta on 30th November 1866, the daughter of Israel and Rachele Nahum, English subject

Mary NAHUM, aged 19 years, English subject, the daughter of Nessim and Rebecca Nahum, married in Malta on 26th December 1860 to Salamone MAMO, English subject

N. NAHUM, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and seven children, a subject of Great Britain, a Broker

Nessim NAHUM, died in Malta on 31st March 1860, aged 60 years, the husband of Rebecca Nahum, nee ABEASIS

Nissim NAHUM, born in Valletta on 16th September 1860, the son of Israel and Rachelle Nahum, English subject. He died in Malta on 26th September 1860, aged 10 days

Nissim Aldo NAHUM, born in Valletta December 1923, the son of Avram Nahum

Nissim Vita NAHUM, born in Valletta on 28th October 1861, the son of Israel and Rachella Nahum, English subject

Rachella NAHUM, aged 19 years, English subject, the daughter of Nissim and Rebecca Nahum, married in Malta on 8th April 1857 in Malta to Hai COSTA, from Tunisia

Rachell NAHUM, nee Tayar, died in Malta on 29th January 1895, aged 65 years

Rebecca NAHUM, born in Valletta on 1st April 1859, the daughter of Israel and Rebecca Nahum, English subject

Rebecca NAHUM, aged 22 years, English subject, the daughter of Israel and Rachele Nahum, married in Malta on 12th July 1881 to Adolfo NIMES NANI, Italian subject

Sara NAHUM, aged 18 years, Ottoman subject, the daughter of Benjamin Nahum, married in Malta on 6th April 1860 to Elia HAKOUN, Ottoman subject

Vittorio (Ezekiel) NAHUM, born in Malta on 3rd September 1871, the son of Israel and Rachella Nahum, English subject

Aron NAIM, born in Malta on 9th November 1867, the son of Jeudah and Rachel Naim, subject of Tunisia

Fortunata NAIM, born in Malta on 29th May 1870, the daughter of Juda and Rachel Naim, subject of Tunisia

Juda NAIM, from Tunisia, married in Malta on 5th October 1864 to Rachela HACKUN, aged 18 years, French subject, the daughter of Aron and Zahra Hackun

Meriam NAIM, born in Malta on 11th January 1877, the daughter of Juda and Rachel Naim, Ottoman subject

Moise NAIM, born in Malta on 15th August 1865, the son of Juda and Rachela Naim, subject of Tunisia

Nissim Haim NAIM, born in Malta on 30th November 1872, the son of Juda and Rachel Naim, subject of Tunisia

Rosina NAIM, born in Malta on 23rd October 1875, the daughter of H. and E. Naim, Ottoman subject

Zara NAIM, born in Malta on 1st December 1874, the daughter of Juda and Rachel Naim, Ottoman subject

Adolfo Nimes NANI, married in Malta on 12th July 1881, to Rebecca NAHUM, aged 22 years, English subject, the daughter of Israel and Rachel Nahum

Giuseppe Nimes NANI, Italian subject, married in Malta on 29th May 1881, to Costanza BISMOT, aged 30 years, Italian subject, the daughter of Raphael and Nina Bismot

Raffaelo Nimes NANI, born in Malta on 13th September 1884, the son of Giuseppe and Costanza Nimes Nani, Italian subject

Ester NATAF, died in Malta aged 68 years, unmarried

Memia NATAF, died in Malta on 19th December 1859, aged 80 years, native of Tunis, the wife of Salomon Nataf

Regina NATAF, aged 25 years, English subject, the daughter of Memia and Salomone Nataf, married in Malta on 17th April 1848 to Hai PEREZ, from Florence

Salamone NATAF, lived at 72 Strada San Giuseppe, Valletta, May 1870 to February 1872, and at 114 Strada Reale, Valletta, February 1877 to March 1884

S. NATAF, in December 1851 living in Malta with his wife and three children, a subject of Tunis, a Broker

Salomone NATAF, died in Malta on 29th April 1860, aged 85 years, native of Tunis, the husband of Memia Nataf

Solomon di David NATAF, in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, a subject of Great Britain, a Broker

Ester NIMNI, born in Malta on 2nd February 1883 in Valletta, the daughter of Fragi and Fortunata Nimni, nee AMARILLO, English subject. She died in Malta on 17th September 1884

Rabbi Fragi NIMNI, English subject, married in Malta on 31st March 1882 to Fortunata AMARILLO, aged 20 years, Ottoman subject, the daughter of Samuel Amarillo

Arthur NOSKWITH, 1899 – 1980. Died in Malta

Abram OBERRO, born in Malta on 10th July 1864, the son of Isache and Meriam Oberro, subject of Tunisia

Haim OHAYON, born in Morocco. In 1891, aged 70 years, living in the household of his son-in-law Victor BENSILUM, in London

Joseph OHAYON, died in Malta on 12th April 1959, aged 41 years

Messoda OHAYON, died in Malta on 1st March 1981, aged 64 years

Miriam (Mary) OHAYON, aged 19 years, the daughter of Haim Ohayon, born in Lisbon 1863. Married aged 25 years at Bevis Marks Synagogue, London, on 8th November 1882 to Victor Jacob Haim BENSILUM, born 1857 in Malta, the son of Joseph Bensilum

Bevis Marks Synagogue – London

Moshe OHAYON, died in Malta 11th April 1972, aged 51 years, the son of Donna and Rabbi Nissim Ohayon

Rabbi Nissim OHAYON, died in Malta on 16th November 1956, aged 63 years

Rachel OHAYON, born 25th May 1926, died in Malta on 31st January 1986

Rose OHAYON, died in London, aged 33 years, in 1894

Simha OHAYON, died in London, aged 55 years, in 1889

Simon OHAYON, born in Morocco about 1858. Married in London aged 32 years to Rosa DURAN, aged 27 years, the daughter of Abraham Duran. Re-married at Bevis Marks Synagogue, London, aged 41 years, widower, to Rachel WEINBERG, aged 20 years, born in Russia

Paul Perez OPOCZYNSKI, born in Lodz, Poland, the son of Samuel and Esther Opoczynski, nee BASDAMIL. He married Sabina Sluwe TAND. A Merchant, he came to Malta in 1938. He died in Sliema, on 9th January 1947, aged 76 years. He left children and grandchildren

Sabine Sluwe OPOCZYNSKI, nee TAND, born in Vienna, Austria. The wife of Paul Perez Opoczynski, she came to Malta with her husband and family in 1938. She died on 6th January 1942, aged 77 years

Annina ORVIETO, nee LENGHI, born in Livorno, Italy, the daughter of Moises and Bonina Lenghi, nee BONDI. She married Dario Orvieto and died in Sliema, on 16th July 1899, aged 70 years

Diamantina OSMO, born in Malta on 10th February 1868, the daughter of Raffaele and Ventura Osmo. She died in Malta on 19th December 1868, aged 10 months

Diamantina OSMO, born in Malta on 23rd April 1872, the daughter of Raffaele and Ventura Osmo, Hellenic subject. She died in Malta on 25th June 1872, aged 2 months

Fortunata OSMO, born in Malta on 8th January 1867, the daughter of Raffaele and Ventura Osmo, Hellenic subject, she died 3 days later

Moise OSMO, born in Malta on 20th November 1869, the son of Raffaele and Ventura Osmo, Hellenic subject

Moise di Raffael OSMO, born in Corfu, the son of Raffaele and Ventura Osmo. He died in Malta on 30th October 1867, aged 12 years

Regina OSMO, aged 17 years, Hellenic subject, the daughter of Raffaele and Ventura Osmo, married in Malta on 14th July 1875 to Juda HELIFI, native of Tripoli, French subject

Salomone OSMO, born in Malta on 29th May 1873, the son of Raffaele and Ventura Osmo, Hellenic subject

Adolfo PARDO, Italian subject, married in Malta on 2nd April 1865 to Palmira BISMOT, aged 17 years, Italian subject, the daughter of Raffaele and Annina Bismot

Angelo Raffaele Carlo PARDO, born in Malta on 5th June 1867, the son of Adolfo and Palmira Pardo, Italian subject

Palmira PARDO, born in Malta the daughter of Raffaele Bismot and Anna Bismot nee SCERRI. She married Adolfo Pardo, and died in Valletta on Friday 3rd March 1876, aged 27 years

Samuele PARDO, born in Malta on 26th June 1869, the son of Adolfo and Palmira Pardo, Italian subject

Giuseppe PARIENTE, lived at 11 Strada Cattedrale, Sliema, from February 1872 to March 1884, and at 15 Strada Cattedrale, Sliema in February 1900

Guglielmo PARIENTE, was living at 46 Strada Marsamuscetto, Valletta, on 20th March 1884, and at 82 Strada Forni, Valletta, on 20th February 1900

Joseph PARIENTE, died 10th September 1850, at an advanced age, the husband of Rachel Pariente. He was buried in Ta Braxia Jewish cemetery. A native of Gibraltar, he lived on the islands of Minorca and Elba, before settling in Malta. He claimed that he was appointed to Vice Consulate at Porto Ferrajo, Elba, by Lord Nelson and selected by Admiral Sir John Jervis, C-in-C Mediterranean Fleet to victual HM Naval Forces. Pariente obtained from the Tuscan Governor permission to defend Porto Ferrajo against the French. He sent to the nearest Continental ports for provisions to feed the British Forces as well as the townsfolk. Also at his own expense he set up a force of twelve privateers, plus 300 volunteer Artillerymen under his command.

On 17th October 1801 he led a sortie against a French battery and was severely wounded in his right arm by a grenade bursting hear him. When peace was restored he was advised to go to Pisa for the waters to cure his arm. He was there when war against Napoleon broke out again in May 1803 and was taken as a prisoner-of-war, being held for eleven years. He lost what possessions he had on Elba and was badly treated for this earlier defence at Porto Ferrajo.

After his arrival in Malta he sent a petition to the British Government, citing his personal efforts on their behalf during the Napoleonic Wars, and he was eventually granted an Annuity of £ 200 per annum, on 20th December 1821.

Joshua PARIENTE, living in Malta 1852

Riccardo PARIENTE, born in Pisa, Italy, the son of Giuseppe (Joseph) and Rachele Pariente. In December 1851 he was living in Malta with his three children, a subject of Great Britain, a Broker & Auctioneer. He resided at 42 Strada Reale, Sliema, from July 1860 to April 1862, and at 11 Strada Cattedrale, Sliema, from May 1870 to February 1877. He was a Member of the Chamber of Commerce, and his profession was Sworn Broker. The widower of Lucresia Pariente, nee ELLUL. He died in Malta on 15th November 1877, aged 76 years

Ester PAZ, born in Livorno, Italy, died in Malta on 24th April 1887, aged 75 years. The widow of Abramo Paz

Rachella PEGNA, born in Malta on 24th May 1847, the daughter of Fortunata and Emmanuele Guttieres Pegna, subject of Tuscany

Vita Alberto PEGNA, born in Malta on 1st April 1852, the son of Fortunata and Emmanuele Guttieres Pegna, subject of Tuscany

Simha PELISCHI, died in Malta on March 1899

Cheim PELISCHKE, born in Calcutta, India, the son of Abramo and Vite Pelischke, nee PELISCHKE. The second husband of Diamantina TAYAR, he died in Sliema, on 26th April 1919, aged 75 years

Diamantina PELISCHKE, nee TAYAR, born 12th October 1853, the daughter of Esmeralda and Rabbi Josef Tayar. She married Nissim LABI on 17th April 1872, and after his death re-married to Cheim PELISCHKE. She died in Malta in 1929

Hai PEREZ, from Florence, married in Malta on 17th April 1848 to Regina NATAF, aged 25 years, English subject, the daughter of Salomone Nataf and Memia Nataf

Regina PEREZ, nee NATAF, died in Valletta on Tuesday 12th May 1885, aged 80 years, the widow of Hai Perez

Fragi PINHAS, a native of Sousse, Tunisia, the son of Mordocheo and Sara Pinhas, he arrived in Malta in 1864 and died shortly after leaving a considerable fortune. He died on 6th August 1864, aged 75 years. The husband of Messhanda Pinhas, nee DAMON, and at his death left seven sons and four daughters

Isacha PINHAS, from Tunisia, married in Malta on 11th January 1865 to Bella NAHUM, aged 21 years, English subject, the daughter of Nessim and Rebecca Nahum

PINHAS, died in Malta on 3rd September 1864, aged 2 years 6 months, native of Sousse, Tunisia

Ez. POLLUCCO, (Huzriel POLACKO), in December 1851 living in Malta, unmarried, subject of Austria, a Broker

Mair Simantob RECANATI, born in Salonika. A Jewish soldier in the Greek Army, he died on 22nd September 1918 from wounds he received when he was torpedoed on the 13th September. He died in Cottonera Military Hospital, aged 33 years

Hammus REGINIANO, moved with his family to Malta in 1938 from Tripoli. He died in Malta on 22nd January 1955, aged 57 years

Hannah REGINIANO, the wife of Hammus Reginiano, moved to Malta with her husband and family in 1938 from Tripoli. She died in Malta on 11th August 1980

Lino REGINIANO, born 8th May 1923 in Tripoli, the son of Hannah and Hammus Reginiano. He died in Malta on 26th December 1981

Menasse REGINIANO, born in Tripoli, Libya, the son of Hammus and Hannah Reginiano. His family moved to Malta in 1938. On 15th February 1942 he was in the Regent Cinema, Valletta, when it received a direct hit from a German bomb. He was one of the fifteen civilians and twenty-six serviceman who were killed. He was 16 years old

Nora REGINIANO, died in Malta on 29th August 2001. The widow of Lino Reginiano

cf. website for full details or ask me my great-grand-father is among them!

Smith, A. 1980. The Geopolitics of Information. London: Faber and Faber.

Smith, Allan. 1994. Canada, An American Nation? Essays on Continentalism, Identity and the Canadian Frame of Mind. Montreal &Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.

160: The creation of symbols transcending purely local modes of identification stimulated their adoption of a national frame of reference.

In making neCessary an especially assiduous fostering of national consciousness, the existence on that continent of a large, amorphous, and steadily growing population in fact forced into play a strong emphasis on the unifying idea that, in removing oneself to so strange and distant a place, one was involved not simply in ajourney of epic proportions, but in a commitment to a way of life in which the opportunities offered for personal liberty and advancement were superior to those to be found anywhere else in the world.

160-161: In their emphasis on individualism and liberty, the sanctity of property, and equality of opportunity, American nationalists in fact

managed to make citilenship and a sense of involvement in the whole dependent upon acceptance of a system of beliefs with which, in principle, almost everyone could he persuaded to identify. (…)By laying emphasis on America’s power as a new world society to emancipate the individual, that system indeed acted with special farce to break down people’s sense of belonging to the group or society from which

riley had come, further emphasized what they had in common with other Americans, and gave additional meaning to their identification with them as individuals and with their new society.

Generations of commentators, then, made clear that the United States was to he understood as the liberal society par excellence,(…)

A community of faith and doctrine rather than race or culture, the United States gave refuge to all who were able to accept what it taught (…)

Irony (…) that the “universal” values the immigrant was being required to adopt were in large measure the legacy of the nation’s association with England, the urging of acceptance of which implied not assimilation to a wholly new system of values, hot conformity to the behavioural anti-attitudinal norms of the anglo-saxon component of American society.

161: Canadians, too, were able to devise a conception of the nation that could be used to assist in ill consolidation. In their case, however, circumstances insured that it would be a wider and more capacious construct than that devised by their southern neighbour.

162: In the nation at large the basic duality oF French and English prevented the framing of a national idea in terms of a single creed or type.

Canadian theorists began to give voice to the idea that what strength the Canadian state did possess(…) lay in the very fact that it was incapable of requiring assimilation to a common standard. (…)

Out of this came the tendency – discernible earlier but first clearly evident in the I920s – to define Canada as an entity the persistent

attachment of whose citizens to their own cultural character did not prevent them from contributing to the maintenance of a coherent and intelligible whole.(…)nCanadians grew used to thinking of their society as one well on the way to reconciling diversitv with unity.

164: Now largely abandoned is the long held view that American society is to he understood as an agglomeration of free and responsible individuals whore ancestors, having discarded the cultural baggage with which they had been outfitted on the other side of the Atlantic, soon came to be defined primarily by their commitment to the values and life patterns of their new nationality. (…)Americans derive much of what distinguishes them from their membership in groups other than the comprehensively national.

One recent volume thus speaks of ”the unmeltable ethnics” (Novak, Michael. The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics: Politics and Culture in the Seventies. New York: Macmillan, 1971.) ;another presents its readers with”a mosaic of America’s ethnic minorities” (Fellows, Donald Keith. A Mosaic of America’s Ethnic Minorities. New York: Wiley, 1972.); a third informs those who consult it that ‘the United States is a composite of various religious ethnic, and racial groups.”(Slawson, John, en collaboration avec Vosk Marc. Unequal Americans: Practices and Politics of Intergroup Relations. Westport: Greenwood, 1979.).All argue variations on the theme, as yet another puts it, that”the melting pot concept is far from an accurate description of American society” (…)the United States has moved toward the adoption of “an ideology of cultural pluralism [with] a reduced commitment to assimilation and a greater emphasis on religious, cultural, and even linguistic pluralism”,

165:The Cold War’s encouragement of an emphasis on the United States’ ethnically variegated character as a means of distinguishing that nation from what was held to be its totalitarian adversary .

166: More fundamental an influence than any of these in moving Americans towards acceptance of the ethnic idea was, however, that flowing from the crucial developments taking place in the understanding of American society as students of it, emplying conceptual tools borrowed from investigators on the other side of the Atlantic, developed a more complex appreciation of the manner in which the individual’s relations to the community as a whole were medidated by association with the different groups of which, increasingly, the whole was held to consist.

167: In the field of ethnic studies itself, a major breakthrough had come as early as 1963 with the publication of (Glazer, Nathan, and Daniel P. Moynihan. Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians and Irish of New York City. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1963.) with its flat assertion that “the point about the melting pot…is that it did not happen”

167-168: the emergence in the 1960s of America’s black population as a major force in its national life.

168: Their delayed eruption unto the main stage of American life set in motion a process which, in forcing Americans to re-examine basic assumptions about the character of their national existence, had profound implications for traditional ways of understanding it.

169: Gradually, that community realized that whatever the official rhetoric of white America, it in fact thought and- more to the point- acted in terms of race.

170: If white racism preventrd blacks winning acceptance as indivduals and so melting into the Americarr mainstream with the unsurprising result that their group identity was reinforced, the anglo-conformity of the dominant groups acted in much the same way to keep certain ethnic groups – principally the Catholic populations from south and east Europe – isolated from the American mainstream and so helped enforce their sense that they too were a distinct and separate entity.

Daniel Bell is surely right to sec the ethnic revival rooted in the self-interest of the groups promoting it. Theresult was a clear and explicit call for America to be viewed not simply as a racially dual society hut also as an ethnically plural one, each of whose parts had its claims on the whole. Out of this, in its turn, came a vision of America of a nation of minorities.

As early as l968, the need to respect the minorities’ capacity to disrupt the national equilibrium was substacial enough to make an appeal to minority support an explicit part of Robert F. Kennedy`s presidential campaign. By 1972, Richal·d M. Nixon could build a significant portion of his march to reelection around the need to appeal to ethnic and religious minorities in terms that related directly to their collective interests.” In the final analysis, then, it was the set of circumstances created by the racial and ethnic revolt of the late 196os which got American policy-makers and moulders of opinion to engineer a change in the way the society for whose coherence and solidarity they were responsible was to be understood.

172: Mollicnlturalism’s deepening appeal in Canada was broadly based in the same sorts of circumstances as were operating in the United States.

It was, as two sociologists put it in l968, simply not very difficult to see Canada as a country characterized by “linguistic dualism,” “spatial and political divisions. and “ethnic pluralism” to a degree which made it”difficult to cojure up a fixed gestalt except in the geographical sense, of the social and cultmal complex as a whole”.

173: wHat played the hey role – here too the parallel with the American experience held – in focusing attention on ethnic pluralism was, however, changing realities in the life of Canadian society ITSelf. The most consequential of these realities was the steadily growing militance displayed by Canada’s non-French non-English ethnic groups during the1960s. Members of the so-called “third force” concerned lest the federal government’s rush to accommodate resurgent FrenchCanadian nationalism might raise basic questions about their own position in the national scheme of things, asserted their claiIns to national attention with unprecedented force and vigour. They were particularly disturbed by the creation in 1963 of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, whose emphasis on duality convinced many of them that they were in fact being perceived as an inferior element in the national life. Largely as a result of the wor.k of the Ukrainians, who assumcd much of the burden of leading the “third force”, they moved fist to get reprcsenlation on the Commission and then began to press for parity of status among the ethnic and racial groups of which the country consisted.

(…) growing disaffection of the native population and, more importantly in political terms, of the West. Sincemany of that rcgion’s

inhabitants were of neither French nor Rritish origin. it soon became clear tiiat it would consider itself even further slighted by a federal policy which seemed to ignore the “third force” in Canalian life.

173-174: The 1967 adoption of univeraalistic standards for admission greatly increased the numbers of racially distinct immigrants from non-European cultures and so, paradoxically, encouraged recourse to the multicultural idea.

174: The measure of recognition contaied in the 1970 publication of a special bicultural commission study of the place the ethnic groups occupied in Canadian society and the annoucement on October 8, 1971 by the prime minister of a politcy of “multiculturalism within a bilingual framework” cannot (…) be understood without some reference to the 8ntellectual history of the prime minister himself.

P.E. Trudeau had long been committed to an understanding of the state’s relation to the various cultural, lingu8istic, ethnic, and racial groups for whose affairs it was responsible which owed much to Lord Acton’s view that it could foster the integrity and serve the freedom of those goups only if it refused to become the instrument of any single one of them.(…) creation of a federal ministry of state for multiculturalism in 1972, of the Canadian Consultative Council on Multiculturalim in 1973, and the adoption in subsequent years of multicultural policies by the provincial goverments of Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta.

176: If giving ethnic pluralism status as part of the American tradition defined the b ounds of the new eethnicity in ways that allowed ethnic assertiveness to be reconciled iwth the maintenance of American unity and American principle, that move also allowed for the containment of racial discontent.

177: One need only, insisted the friends of ethnic pluralism, to recognize blackness as a matter of culture rather than of race.

179: The bilingualism and biculturalism commission’s special study on the contribution of the ethnic groups to the national life easily drew its readers’ attention to the fact that non-English, non-french element had been present in the population as far hack as the eighteenth century;

Where American blacks had been despised, impotent, and largely ignored through much of their history, the participation of French

Canadians had been for over a century indispensable to the governance of Canada. Though their minority status had caused them to yield on many fronts, they had been able to make good their claim that they possessed, both in fact and in law, a special status in its affairs.

Where blacks in the United States took the assertion hat they were on the same footing as Poles, Italians, or Irish as representing a gnin in status, French Canadians had for decades seen anything that even appeared to be an attempt to set them on the same ground as the Ukrainians, Germans, or Hungarians as involving a loss. If, as a result, there was to be any hope at all that the French Canadians would accept the elevation of the multicultural idea to the eminence of a national policy, it would have to be made clear that their doing so would entail no diminution in their status. This, it was argued, could best he done by making a very careful distinction between language and culture. That action, its proponents insisted, would allow for the granting of equality of status to the nation’s various cultures in a way that, thanks to the fact that nothing would be done to interfere witl, the already existing rights of the French language, would not deprive that lan-

guage of its equality of status with English. In this way, the architects of the strategy proclaimed, pluralism and duality would be reconciled.

179-180: The program of’multiculturalism within a bilingual framework” which was the institutional expression of these ideas did not, however, entirely succeed in squaring the circle. Whatever English Canada might be, French Canada, some of its leading- citizens insisted, was more than a simple linguistic community. It had a culture as well as a language, and its sunival depended on the maintenance of the two.

180: A policy of duality rather than pluralism had therefore to be upheld. As Claude Ryan. then a leading Quebec journalist and which it dealt were not regarded as having real priority.

181: the treatment which the pluralist idea received in the report of the Task Force on Canadian Unity, a body established by the federal

government in the wake of the November 1976 Pa’ti Quebecois victory in the province of ~uebec, also suggested a diminution in the level of formal commitment to the pluralist idea on the part of those who had to be conscious of the need to tailor policy and ideas to fit all parts of the country. Ethnic pluralism, the report insisted, did indeed have a place in the hierarchy of national cleavages, but – other realities had intervened to insure – it would be one subordinate to duality and regionalism It was, in fact, at the provincial rather than the national level that “pluralism has become a living social reality… U’e recommend therefore that the provincial governments should assume primaly responsibility for the support of multiculmralism in Canada.

195: (…) growing aboriginal consciousness in Australasia.

Continuing unease between blacks and whites on both sides of the border, the anxiety caused in North America at large by the recent arrival of substantial numbers of Asian immigrants, and the rising militance of aboriginal peoples thoughout the continent suggest, in fact that matters are at least as comlicated in these tow societies as elsewhere, for in them on sees not just some but almost all the problems associated with this complex and trying phenomenon.

196: One cannot, of course, treat North America’s aboriginal peoples and the immigrants from non-European societies as though they were absolutely and in all respects the same. however, it can also he noted (…) that there are four distinct senses in which all these groups occupy

common ground. Each has been the obJect of Euitlined, unrclenting, systematic. and institutionalized dircrimination on the part of

the continent’s European-dercended maJorily. Each has made serious efforts in the last several decades to alter its position relative to

that of other groups. Each has profited from global developments, be they centred on the straggle for self-determination of mLirr

peoples, the breakdown ofthe racially humogeneou nation-state in Europe. And each has been affected in its efforts to reshape its relations with the whole by the existence of a national ideology peculiar to the larger society in which it dwells.

Up to the Second World War, relations between aboriginals, blacks, and Asians on the one side and North American peoples of European origin on the other were defined and governed by theories and assumptions explicitly rooted in racist thinking.

198: Though even more socially and economically marginaiized than blacks and Asians, several factors insured aboriginals a place in the picture being created of their societies, a place which would be at once more prominent and more complex than Ihat accorded either of the other two groups.

199: The Canadian image of the aboriginals had much in common with the picture developed in the United States. But if Canadians shared the belief that Natives were fated to decline – a conviction evident in government policy and among anthropologists alike- and if the Canadian exposure to American popular culture did much to shape Canadians’ general sense of how they were to be seen, it is also true that the Canadian sense of them and their meaning differed in important way from that developed to the south. From early in the eighteenth century there had in fact been a distinction between British and American artiuldes to the native population, with Americans tending to view it as an obstacle to settlement and expansion while the British saw it- in at least some manifestations – as an ally in imperial efforts to maintain and

extend the British position on the continent.With the American Revolution and the War of 1817 this difference in view sharpened and aboriginals became associated with what by the early nine teenth century had begun to be seen as the British North American struggle to survive against American pressure.

200: It is clear that essentially racist categories of thinking defined the place assigned to North America’s visible minorities before the Second WW, it is equally obvious that those categories began to lose their force and legitimacy during and after great conflict.

201: By 1952, the Walter-McCarran Immigration and Nationality Act was signalling the existence of a sense that Asians could now be brought to the US.

202: with the rusult that the number of Chines admitted to the United States from 1952 to 1960 shot up from virtually nothing to 27,502. The 1965 Immigration Act carried that process gorward to the point where its absolute abandonment of rqacial criteria could be proclaimed in a presidential ceremony at the Statue of Liberty which was clearly intended to associate the the new immigrants of colour not only with their predecessors from adjusting, and becoming good Americans.

205: The national ethic’s intervention in the understanding of aboriginals was hardly less complicated than its presence in the debate about Asians and blacks.

205-6: (…) the formation of the American Indian Movement (1968, Indian achievement of favourable land settlements in Alaska, Maine, and Massachusetts, and the uprisings of Alcatraz, Mount Roshmore, Fort Sheridan, and above all Wounded knee (1973) did not by any means succeed in replacing “American” modes of thinking about the “aboriginal problem” witgh ones based on a strong and clear sense of aboriginals as a group to be dealt with as such.(…)But a tendency to see abos as members of an ethnic minority destined, like all others to accomodate itself to the mainstream was much in evidence too.

206: President Bush (about American society):”a thousand points of lignt in a broad and peaceful sky”

208: Jesse Jackson’s compelling metaphor of the Rainbow coation then of the quit.

The need was to create an effecitve citizenship for visible minorities, to give “a united voice to those blcacks, browns, Native Americans, Asian Americans, Arab Americans, Jewish Am., and Caribbea Am, and the poor whol lack power, something that could only be done by diminishing the importance of what set them apart in favour of what would unte them with each other and with mericans in general. For Jackson, in short, the only problem with the existing model of American society was that too few Americans were represented in it.

213: That members of racially definahle groups who hold public office have come increasingly to play a part in validating and giving

expression to the idea that Canada is a society of racially based as well as other sorts of particularisms is plainest in relation to appointees to public office. Almost without exception, these people have received what they have not just as a recognition of their individual ability and distinction but also as a sign that the groups to which they belong have status as component parts of the Canadian community. Certainly the Diefenbaker government’s strong orientation toward an understanding of Canada as a class-, race-, and even gender differentiated society'” led it to use the Senate to encourage that view of matters. And if the 1960 appointment of James Gladstone as the first aboriginal senator was the earliest outcome of this determination,” the Trudeau government’s 1981 selection of Anne Cools as the first black member of that body showed it resisting its vitality.”‘ By lggo the use of appointees to signal the fact that Canada was a nation of many sorts of particularisms was established enough to ensure that the Citizens’ Forum on Nationality, organized to provide a vehicle for the expression of public opinion on national unity and constitutional reform, would include a black and an aboriginal as well as French speakers, representatives of the regions, ethnics, and women.

221-222: By the 1960s the “old ” national flag could be retired from serve and a new one, more fully capable of embodying what was new perceived to be the country’s character, sought. Prime Minister Pearson’s preferred design of three maple leaves -one for Canadians of English-speaking background, one for those of French and one for all others -indicated just how far the move to change symbol to accord with “reality” might go.

223: Both the Canadian Forces and the RCMP now permit the wearing of turbans, and various city police forces have made it clear that abo officiers will be permitted to wear braids. Even the Canadian Constitution has evolved a symbolic as well as legal import consistent with the general patterns…) it has gradually come to stand for (as well as institutionalize) the fact that the country has also to be seen ans a collection of groups differentiated by gender, ethnicity and race. The changes made in its character by the Diefenbaker Bill of Rights (1969) were certainly seen as conveying this message (…)More clearly still the 1982 Charter of Rights was taken as a quite unambiguous sign of the country’s character as (among other things) a society of groups, each of which had rights and some of which were racial in nature.

important differences in the manner in which the Canadian and American understanding of nation and society has led inhabitants of the tow countries to respond the issue of race is clear.

224: The American effort to end discrimination by insisting that the citizen be seen and judged as an individual has been, at best, a qualified success while the Canadian approach to the matter also leaves much to be desired.

253: That Ontario played a leading role in promoting the national idea in post-Confederation Canada is well known. Canada First drew most of its members from that province, much of the literature which attempted to delineate the character of the new nation was produced there, and the principal Canadian support for such agencies as the Royal Society of Canada and the Royal Canadian Academy was provided by its inhabitants.

Smith, Anthony. (1986), ‘A Europe of nations – or the nation of Europe’, Journal of Peace Research, 30 (2), 129-35.

Smith, A.D. 1981. The Ethnic Revival in the Modern World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Smitherman, Geneva. 1998. Word from the Hood: the lexicon of African-American Vernacular English. In African-American English: Structure, History and Use, edited by S. S. Mufwene, J. R. Rickford, G. Bailey and B. John. London: Routledge.

203, exerpts in Ebonics
204: The African-American vernacular English (AAVE) lexicon reflects the dynamic, colorful span of language used by African Americans from all woalks of life. They are unique English words and expressions among all segments of the Community -from the young to the old; from Baptists to members of the Nation of Islam, from political activists to street people.
The language and culture of these various sub-groups reflect the African-American experience.
205…Hip Hop culture (reintroduces) race-conscious language from previous generations. For example, contemporary film-maker Spike Lee named his production company Forty Acres and a Mule, a black expression that goes all the way back to the nineteenth century and the unfulfilled promise of emancipation.
At least 3 decades before Spike Lee, the goal of land, expressed in the Black lexicon as five states had been placed on the nations’s twentieth century racial agenda. Both forty acres and five states recall the post-Civil War era and the bill passed by Congress in 1866. This legislation was designed to strengthen the Freedmen’s bureau (the Federal agency set up to resettle ex-slaves). The most interesting part of the bill, and the most controversial, stipulated that each ex-slave household should receive an allotment of “forty acres, fifty dollars and a mule”. This payment for 246 years of free African labor in the Confederate states not only would have provided reparations for enslavement, but it also would have established a base for self-sufficiency and initiated the economic development of the newly freed Black community.
7.2. What is Africa to me?
Long since removed from their native land, many Black Americans feel the same as some Blacks in my 1989 opinion poll on the name change from Black to African American: “We are more American than African; we have been here too long” and “What do they mean about African American? By now we have no African in us.
As far as historians, linguists and other scholars go, during the first half of this century it was widely believed that enslavement had out all traces of African languages and cultures, and that Black “differences” resulted from imperfect and inadequate imitations of European-American language and culture.
The uniqueness of AAVE is evident in three areas: (1) patterns of grammar and pronunciation ; (2) verbal rituals from the oral tradition and the continued importance of the word as in African cultures; and (3) the lexicon, developed by giving special meanings to English words, a practice that goes back to enslavement and to the need for a system of communication that only those in the slave community could understand.
210:What is Africa to the lingo of today’s hoods (neighborhoods, communities) is the source of the Nommo and the bloods.
From African to African American

Reverend Jackson:.”..just as we were called colored, but were not that…and then Negro, but not that…to be called Black is just as baseless…Black tells you about your skin color and what side of town you live on. African American evokes discussion of the world.”, quoted by Page, C. (1989). African American or Black? It’s debatable”. Detroit Free Press. Detroit: A1, A 12. and Wilkerson, I. (1989). Many who are Black favor new term for who they are. New York Times. N.Y.: 1, 8.
From African to Colored, to negro, to Negro, to Black, to African American, with side trips to AfroAmerican, AfriAmerican, AmaAmerica, and Afrikan…What are we Africans in America today 35 million strong. “we people who are darker than blue” as Curtis Mayfield once sang, to call ourselves?
211: For another, not only are Blacks a distinct minority in America, our status as first class citizens is debatable, even at this late hour of US history. As a Sista “Black woman” said about Rodney King’s beating in Los Angeles, the torching of a Black man by whites in Florida and Malice Green’s death at the hands of two whites Detroit policemen: “After all we done been through, here is the 1990s and we still ain free”.
Blacks are a a minority amidst a population who look distinctly different physically and who promote race supremacist standards of physical attractiveness. This state of affairs has created a set of negative attitudes about skin color, hari and other physical features that are reflected in the AAVE lexicon -terms such as good hair straight hari like that of whites vs bad hair, kinky, that is is tightly curled haired, like that of Blacks, high yellow (very light complexioned Black person), liver lips, dark lips, reddish or purplish color.l Because black skin color was so devalued at one time, to call an African person “black” was perceived and labelled as calling that person out they name insulting someone by using a negative label or an implicit accusation.
But back in the Rip, the beginning or the point before a verbal digression. The British Colonists called the Africans free, slave or negro (portuguese adjective meaning black). But the Africans called themselves African and so designated their church and organizations.
The final period in the name debate (for now at least) began in the late 1988 with a proposal from Dr. Ramona Edelin, President of the National Urban Coalition, to call the upcoming 1989 summit the African American, rather than the Black Summit. She asserted that this name change “would establish a cultural context for the new agenda”
The situation called for a reassessment within the framework of a global identity, linking Africans in North America with those on the Continent and throughout the Diaspora.
Black youth are the strongest supporters of African American which is not surprising, given that Hip Hop culture’s African-centered consciousness

___2000. Talking that Talk: Language, culture and education in African America. London: Routledge.

Smolar, Piotr. 2004. Les RG s’alarment d’un “repli communautaire” dans les banlieues. Le Monde, mardi 6 juillet 2004, 6.

La direction centrale des renseignements généraux a remis, début juin, au ministère de l’intérieur, un rapport alarmant sur le “repli communautaire” constaté au sein de certains QUARTIERS SENSIBLES. Parmi les 630 QUARTIERS surveillés par les RG, la moitié seraient “ghettoisés ou en voie de l’être”, ce qui concerne potentiellement 1, 8 millions d’habitants. Dans ces zones, les RG notent une forte concentration de familles d’origine immigrée “CUMULANT LES HANDICAPS sociaux et culturels”. Ils soulignent le role corissant des prédicatuerus musulmans, ains i que celui de l’école, “véritable miroir grossissant de ces dérives”. Pour le socilogue Didier Lapeyronnie, “si la tendance était communautaire, elle traduirait une CAPACITE COLLECTIVE de solidarité. La réalité est pire: le repli a lieu sur le ghetto, un lieu vide de sens”.

(le) rapport (…) décrit des parcelles de France où les comportements, les violences, l’engagement religieux, les rapports hommes-femmes s’éloignent des pratiques admises. Parmi les quelques 630 quarties sensibles suivis par la DCRG, plus de 300 présentent des signes de repli communautaire plus ou moins prononcés. Répartis sur l’ensemble du territoire, ils représentent environ 1,8 million d’habitants.

8 critères ont été retenus par la DCRG pour déterminer si un quartier sensible, suivi en raison de son exposition aux violences urbaines, est marqué par un repli communautaire: (note de drm, je fais une liste, mais lui les met à la suite dans texte)

un nombre important de familles d’origine immigrée pratiquant parfois la polygamie;
un tissu associatif communautaire;
la présence de commerces ethniques;
la multiplication des lieux de culte musulman;
le port d’habits orientaux et religieux;
les graffitis antisémites et anti-occidentaux;
l’existence, au sein des écoles, de classes regroupant des primo-arrivant, ne parlant pas français;
la difficulté à maintenir une présence de Français d’origine.

Si un quartier répond à plusieurs de ces critères, les RG considèrent que des indices de repli communautaire existent. Cette étude (…) n’a donc pas de valeur scientifique et ne s’appuie pas sur des statistiques indiscutables; elle vise à cerner, à l’échelle nationale, une tendance en s’appuyant sur de multiples exemples locaux tirés des cités françaises (…). Réalisée par la section “Dérives urbaines”, elle se veut l’illustration des nouvelles priorités fixées aux RG (…).

Les analystes de la direction centrale ne cachent pas leur pessimisme devant cette évolution profonde, qui paraît “difficile à endiguer”, alors que les habitants les plus aisés – “le plus souvent d’origine européenne”- déménagent massivement et que les commerces traditionnels ferment.

L’islam, en revanche, prospère. Soucieux de ne pas être soupçonnés de mettre cette religion à l’index, les RG notent que “les processus d’intégration des personnes d’origine maghrébine et de laïcisation de l’islam se poursuivent avec froce dans l’ensemble de la société française. Néanmoins, le rapport souligne le rôle croissant des prédicateurs islamistes radicaux, dont le discours de rupture vis-à-vis de la culture française inquiète les policiers.

(…)

Selon le rapport, les enseignants ont noté une “radicalisation des pratiques religieuses (ramadan, interdits alimentaires), une certaine remise en cause des cours d’histoire, de science naturelle et de sport, tandis que les jeunes filles subissent de la part des élèves masculins des pressions pour porter le voile”

(…)Alors que des chercheurs soulignent le rôle pacificateur des prêcheurs, qui combattent la délinquance, la DCRG insiste sur le sentiment de rupture qu’ils inculquent aux jeunes en mal de repères. Ces prêcheurs attisent l’idée selon laquelle ils sont “victimes de discrimination et de racisme”, générant un racisme antifrançais en retour. “Parfois, constatent les RG, outre le repli sur la culture d’origine et le rejet des valeurs occidentales, se construit une sorte d’identité négative, qui mélange les cultures d’origine, les valeurs des cités et des références rudimentaires à l’islam”

Smolicz, J.J. 1991. ‘Language Core Values in a Multicultural Setting’, International Review of Education, 1: 35-52.

Social Security, Department of (1998), ‘New Ambitions for Our Country:A New Contract for Welfare, Green Paper on Welfare Reform’ in London: HMSO. Cm 3805 (ed.), (Department of Social Security).

quoted by Morris, Lydia (2012 ), ‘Citizenship and Human Rights’, The British Journal of Sociology 2, 63 (1).

Sohn, L. (1981), ‘The rights of minorities’, in L. Henkin (ed.), The international bill of rights: the covenant on civil and political rights (New York: Columbia University Press).

Solis Fonseca, Gustavo (2011), ‘Culturally Specific Epistemologies’, paper given at World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People, Cusco, Peru, 16 aug 2011.

Map of Peru with 4 languages of Peru.

We want to bring two statements: all people have knowledge to live and survive! Knowledge is different from scientific knowledge

different kinds of knowledge, we know through revelation, guessing, dreaming, hallucinations, visions

Logic is not universal.

Some people have various specific knowledge and it’s reflected in their names.

We have to address:

epistemic decolonization

to acknowledge and understand other kinds of knowledge

Développer les connaissance: chercher la possibilité de développer la science et la recherche sur des bases interculturelles, non seulement lors d’activité mais aussi en termes epistémologiques

Par exemple, absence de métaphores en quechua

Il n’est pas facile d’établir un dialogue scientifique entre ceux qui exercent la science dans des contextes multiculturels.

Pour l’instant il y a un monologue interculturel. Il est nécessaire de le transcender.

Il faut cesser la caza de brujas, de chamanes et construire une science qui est un système de vie dans la planète à partir d’une nouvelle relation avec la nature et créer un nouveau concept qui dépasse sa condition d’objet à approuver.

Prendre en compte la cosmovision telles que le duenio de la cosas propre aux peuples amérindiens.

la catégorie duenio (de la foret, des poissons) se réfère aux êtres du monde autochtones qui sont invisibles.

Nous baser plus sur un dialogue interculturel et entre les espèces

affirmation de la vie comme but ultime

exigence d’intégrité

Stratégies diverses de connaissance:

the Aymara culture has lead experiments to the highest degree. Cultural differences, different possibilities in different people.

knowledge as a process

those who help to investigate

problem of knowledge

process of knowing

attitude about knowing

the validity and reliablitity of knowledge.

knowledge organises information.

knowledge as a science of life and for life

relation between people with nature.

l’observation, comme une opération cognitive la plus importante

la science occidentale considère que tout peut être objet de recherche, mais pas dans l’interculturalité. Le plus important est la confiance énorme des membres de ceux qui ont participé à cette recherche. Un savoir nouveau.

Sollers, Philippe. 1999. La guerre et les mots. Le Monde, 14 avril 1999, 1.

UN MOT. Il est prononcé sans cesse sur tous les tons, on n’entend que lui dans les déclarations, les communiqués, les informations; il occupe toutes les ondes, il vient se plaquer comme un coup de fouet sur des corps misérables en transit, et ce mot est :ethnique, Purification ethnique, nettoyage ethnique, épuration ethnque(…).

Les Kosovars, voyez-vous, avant dêtre un ensemble de personnes, sont une ethnie. C’est ainsi. Le lecteur, l’audieur, le téléspectateurs sont transformés de cette façon en spectateurs ethnologues. les exactions, les viols, les meurtres sont filtrés par ce mot-écran qui colore des Européens comme vous et moi en Indiens d’Amazonie, en Hutus, en Tutsis.

Somers, M. (2008 ), Genealogies of Citizenship (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

quoted by Morris, Lydia (2012 ), ‘Citizenship and Human Rights’, The British Journal of Sociology 2, 63 (1).

Sour, David. 2013. “Contribution from the HATNUA MP.” In JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories. Jerusalem: JCall.
Note, Hatnua means the Movement, its leader is Tsipi Livni.

He’s a new MP, his first trm in a long carreer as public officer (Chief of Police in Tel-Aviv and served his country in the Boarderguard Police for security).
Two issues:

1) security
2) two state solution.

None is easy!
I fought for Israeli security most of my life. I had two enforce the Fence. I wasn’t happy to do it, but had no choice.

I could see that the Palestinians in their majority want peace. So do 70% of the Israelis. We signed good agreements. On security, I wish I had the confidence of the Meretz although I agree with them on anything else. I fear that the Palestinian leaders don’t have street backing. Arafat never gave up the fighter narrative.
Unlike him, Fayad and Abou Mazen are good people but with no power.
Obama’s visit gave a momentum, but was clear: “don’t negotiate just to negotiate”
If there is any solution, it will come from the Arabs.
I thing our present government is a good one. For once in a long time, we can counter-act the religious parties.

On Syria, I won’t wait if I see any movements of weapons but not Israel.
Most of the blame is on the other part (Palestinians)

Yet, I’m ready to take the risk to give some of th eland, swap some of the lamp and find a solution for Israel!

I don’t accept even one Palestinian on the right of return, because that would be the end of the existence of Israel.

Soysal, Yasemin. (1994 ), Limits of Citizenship (Chicago: University of Chicago Press.).

quoted by Morris, Lydia (2012 ), ‘Citizenship and Human Rights’, The British Journal of Sociology 2, 63 (1).

_______ 2000. ‘Citizenship and identity: living diasporas in post-war Europe?’, Ethnic and Racial Studies 23: 1-15. (self-reference)

_______ , and S.Y. Wong. 2007. ‘Educating Future Citizens in Europe and Asia.’ in A. Benavot and C. Braslavsky (ed.), School Knowledge in Comparative and Historical Perspective: Changing Curricula in Primary and Secondary Education (Springer: New York). Self-reference

__________ and Simona Szakacs. . 2008. ‘Reconceptualizing the Republic: Diversity and Education in France, 1945-2008’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 44: 3-24. Self-reference

_______Soysal, Yasemin Nuhoğlu. 2011. “Postnational Citizenship: Rights and Obligations of Individuality.” In Heinrich Böll Stifftung.

In the postwar era, a series of interlocking legal, institutional, and ideological changes affected the concept and organization of citizenship in the European state system. A crucial development regards the intensification of the discourse and instruments on the individual and her rights. As sanctified across a range of sites, the individual has come to constitute the target of much of the legal and policy regulations (Meyer et al. 1997; Beck 2007). In particular, the codification of “human rights” as a world-level organizing principle in legal, scientific, and popular conventions signals a significant shift in the conceptualization of rights. Individual rights that were once associated with belonging to a national community have become increasingly abstract and legitimated within a larger framework of human rights.

A complementary development is the emergence of multilevel polities. The gradual unfolding of the European Union, for example, suggests that political authority is increasingly dispersed among local, national, and transnational political institutions. The diffusion and sharing of sovereignty, in turn, enables new actors, facilitates competition over resources, and makes possible new organizational strategies for practicing citizenship rights. The existence of multilevel polities creates new opportunities for mobilizing and advancing demands within and beyond national boundaries.

These developments have significant implications for the notions of identity and rights, on the one hand, and the organization and practice of citizenship, on the other. In today’s Europe, conventional conceptions of national citizenship are no longer adequate to understand the dynamics of rights and membership. In the following sections, I expand on what I called “postnational citizenship” elsewhere (Soysal 1994) to convey the contemporary transformations in the institution of citizenship.

De-coupling of rights and identity

The postwar elaboration of human rights as a global principle, in national and international institutions but also in scientific and popular discourses, legitimates the rights of persons beyond national collectivities. This authoritative discourse of individual rights has been instrumental in the formalization and expansion of many citizenship rights to those who were previously excluded or marginalized in society: women, children, gays and lesbians, religious and linguistic minorities, as well as immigrants. Particularly in the case of immigrants, the extension of various membership rights has significantly blurred the conventional dichotomy between national citizens and aliens.

The erosion of legal and institutional distinctions between nationals and aliens attests to a change in models of citizenship across two phases of immigration in the twentieth century. The model of national citizenship, anchored in territorialized notions of cultural belonging, was dominant during the massive migrations at the turn of the century, when immigrants were either expected to be molded into national citizens (as in the case of European immigrants to the US) or categorically excluded from the polity (as in the case of the indentured Chinese laborers in the US). The postwar immigration experience reflects a time when national citizenship has lost ground to new forms of citizenship, which derive their legitimacy from de-territorialized notions of persons’ rights and worth, and thus are no longer unequivocally anchored in national collectivities.

These postnational forms can be explicated in the membership of the long-term noncitizen immigrants in western countries, who hold various rights and privileges without a formal nationality status; in the increasing instances of dual citizenship, which breaches the traditional notions of political membership and loyalty in a single state; in European Union citizenship, which represents a multitiered form of membership; and in subnational citizenship in culturally or administratively autonomous regions of Europe (such as, Basque country, Catalonia, and Scotland). The membership rights of noncitizen immigrants generally consist of full civil rights, social rights (education and many of the welfare benefits), and some political rights (including local voting rights in some countries). In the emerging European system, certain groups of individuals are more privileged than others – dual citizens and nationals of European Union countries have more rights than (non-European) resident immigrants and political refugees; the latter in turn have more rights than temporary residents and those immigrants who do not hold a legal resident status (see also Morris 2002). Thus, what is increasingly in place is a multiplicity of membership forms, which occasions exclusions and inclusions that no longer coincide with the bounds of the nation(al).

Paradoxically, as the source and legitimacy of rights increasingly shift to the transnational level, identities in the main remain particularistic and locally defined and organized. The very global rules and institutional frameworks that celebrate personhood and human rights at the same time naturalize collective identities around national and ethno-religious particularism by legitimating the right to “one’s own culture” and identity. Through massive decolonization in the postwar period and the subsequent work of the international organizations such as the United Nations, UNESCO, and the Council of Europe, the universal right to “one’s own culture” has gained increasing legitimacy, and collective identity has been redefined as a category of human rights. In the process, what we normally regard as unique characteristics of collectivities (culture, language, and standard ethnic traits) have become variants of the universal core of humanness or selfhood. Once institutionalized as a right, identities occupy a vital place in individual and collective actor’s narratives and strategies. In turn, identities proliferate and become more and more expressive, authorizing ethnic nationalism and particularistic group claims of various sorts.

Claims-making and mobilization: the practice of citizenship

With the postwar reconfigurations in citizenship, along with the disassociation of rights and identity, the old categories that attach individuals to national welfare systems and distributory mechanisms become blurred. The postwar reification of personhood and individual rights expands the boundaries of political community by legitimating individuals’ claims beyond their membership status in a particular nation-state. This inevitably affects the nature and locus of struggles for social equality and rights. New forms of mobilizing and advancing claims emerge, beyond the frame of national citizenship. Two features of these emerging forms are crucial.

First, while collective groups increasingly rally around claims for particularistic identities, they connect their claims to transnationally institutionalized discourses and agendas. Immigrant groups in Europe advance claims for group-specific provisions and emphasize their group identities. Their claims, however, are not simply grounded in the particularities of religious or ethnic narratives; they appeal to the universalistic principles of equality and individual rights. For example, when immigrant associations advocate the educational needs of immigrant children in school, they employ a discourse that appropriates the individual as its central theme. They forward demands about mother-tongue instruction, Islamic foulard, or halal food by asserting the human rights of individuals to their own cultures. By doing so, they appropriate universalistic and homogenizing rights discourses and participate in the host country public spaces as they amplify and affirm difference.

The second feature of the new forms of claims-making is that the organizational strategies employed by collective groups acquire a transnational and subnational character, along with national ones. Their participation extends beyond the confines of a unitary national community, covers multiple localities, and transnationally connects public spheres. In the case of immigrant groups, for example, we find political parties, mosque organizations, and community associations that operate at local levels but also assume transnational forms by bridging diverse public spaces. An example of this is the Alevite groups (a subsect of Islam), organized both in Turkey and Germany. Based on their experience in, and borrowing models from the German education system, they have raised demands for the recognition of denominational schools in Turkey, which do not have a legal standing in the Turkish educational system. In the same vein, the much-debated Islamic foulard issue in Europe has traversed the realms of local, national, and transnational jurisdictions – from local educational authorities to the European Court of Human Rights.

All this implies that while drawing upon universalistic repertoires of making claims, individuals and collectivities engage with a diverse set of public spheres, and hence alter the locus of mobilization and set the stage for new contestations and conflicts.

The value of “individuality” as the underlying principle of citizenship

How does postnational citizenship fare against the current landscape of European policy particularly in the field of immigration? The 2000s mark a new policy orientation in Europe that prompted some observers to comment on the “return” of the nation-centered citizenship projects (see, for example, essays in Joppke and Morawska 2003). “Selective migration” and “integration” constitute the core facets of this new orientation. Accordingly, most European countries set further limitations on unskilled labor migration (including family reunification), while welcoming scientists, specialist professionals, and entrepreneurs. Several countries have also introduced legislation, making integration a prerequisite for long-term residency and naturalization. In certain cases, access to social benefits is linked to participation in integration and language classes, and noncompliance can accrue sanctions. Most symbolic of all, citizenship and integration tests are compulsory en route to naturalization. Once considered a US idiosyncrasy, citizenship tests and oath-taking are now touted as indispensable steps towards integration throughout Europe.

Given the heightened preoccupation with the immigration-security nexus (not only in the context of “terrorism” but also urban riots) in the first decade of the 21st century, the urgency assigned to social cohesion in European policy circles is not surprising. Integration and selective migration also proffer a convenient language to reclaim “national boundaries” in a climate where electoral opinion is adversarial to immigration. However, such immediate political imperatives fall short of explaining the underlying logic of the new policy agenda. For that, I maintain we need to move beyond the much exercised “nation talk.”

Indeed, despite the symbolic command they profess, the current citizenship and integration tests do not reveal anything distinctive about the particularities of the nation (bar the questions about ordinary symbols such as the flag or national anthem) or a distinct philosophy of integration (see Michalowski 2009 for a systematic analysis; also Joppke 2008). The history questions are in the main geared towards capturing the present-day of the country and Europe. The questions to appraise values are primarily related to the rights of the individual, such as civic freedoms, and the rights of the underprivileged sections of society such as women and the disabled. Knowledge of democratic institutions and legal structure occupies a prominent place, in anticipation of a right-bearing individual fluent in a world of tax offices, schools, courts, and labor markets. Integration, as conveyed in these tests, is not a nation-centered project. In its place, integration acquires the purpose of achieving social cohesion driven by active, participatory, and productive individuals. The thrust is put on individual immigrants’ own effort and responsibility to take part productively in the rights and institutions offered in the system.

As such rather than a reversal, the new European immigration agenda is a continuum of the broader trends that underscore the transformation of citizenship in the postwar era. Along with immigration, the primacy of the individual is implicated in a number of related European policy areas. Most notably, in welfare policy, the new Social Project, whose architecture was sealed with the Lisbon Strategy in 2000, has shifted the emphasis away from “a passive providing state” to “self-activity, responsibility and mobilization” among citizens (Taylor-Gooby 2008). Accordingly, a plethora of policy instruments provision investment in individuals’ capacities — skill training and improvement programs, job insertion and apprenticeship schemes, and lifelong learning towards enhanced employability and self-realization, among others. In education, as part of strategies to boost human capital, raising standards in Math, Language and Science subjects has become a staple of national curricular reforms. Civics or citizenship teaching in schools now projects “cosmopolitan” individuals, globally aware and adaptive, with emphasis on developing children’s capabilities as effective, engaged, and responsible young persons (Soysal and Wong 2007, Soysal and Szakacs 2010).

What underlies all these European policy reforms is the trust in the value of individuality and its transformative capacity, which increasingly organizes the logic of the “good citizen” and “good society.” Sanctified as a collective good, individuality, on the one hand, elicits the recognition of universal qualities (as opposed to ascriptive ones, such as race, gender, and class) and enhancement of universal freedoms and rights. This is what made possible the expansion of the boundaries of citizenship in postwar Europe. On the other, the same tenet also nourishes the idea of individuality as a form of capital. Realizing self-potential becomes a right and a responsibility, and forms expectations about the self and others. Individuals are all expected to invest in themselves and their abilities. Being productive, creative, and active defines a higher form of life. Immigrants, along with other vulnerable sections of society (ethnic minorities, youth and women), are disadvantaged by this push. As “outsiders,” they have the added burden of proving the potential and worth of their individuality.

Reinforced by the authoritative backing of international organizations and expert professionals, economic and political liberalism now pretty much drive the policy reforms worldwide (Simmons et al 2006). It is the uneasy tension between the realization of transformative capacities of individuality and maintenance of social justice – the tension between the two forms of globalized liberalism – that occasions new forms of exclusions. Postnational citizenship highlights these emerging fault lines, which no longer simply cut across national lines but beyond.

Coda: delimiting the contours of postnational citizenship

In concluding, I address three major confusions that the discussions of postnational citizenship seem to raise.

First, postnational citizenship does not refer to an identity or a unitary legal status. It is an analytical concept to narrate the changes in the very institutions of rights and identity, which locate citizenship and its practice in increasingly transnational discourses and multiple public spheres. It does not mark the emergence of a legal status or identity at the world level, ascribed by a single, unified political and judicial structure. Thus, it is an oversight to attribute postnational citizenship simply to supranational legal and judicial processes. Likewise, it is unproductive to associate postnational citizenship with “transnational communities” – a theoretical formulation that presumptively accepts the formation of tightly bounded communities and solidarities (on the basis of common cultural and ethnic references) between places of origin and arrival. Such interactions might be intensified by advances in international transportation and communication technologies, but postnational citizenship does not imply the necessary advent of transnational solidarities or communal bonds, or the formation of “diasporic” identities and interests (Soysal 2000).

Second, postnational citizenship does not imply the “withering of the nation-state” or the declining purpose of the state. The principles of human rights (that foster postnational forms of citizenship) and the principles of nation-state sovereignty and agency are reified by the same transnational discourses and institutions. Thus, as the source and legitimacy of rights increasingly move to the transnational level, rights and membership of individuals remain organized within nation-states. The nation-state continues to be the repository of cultures of nationhood and institutions through which rights and membership policies are implemented. This is what leads to the incongruity between the legitimation and organization of postnational citizenship, which has paradoxical implications for the exercise of citizenship rights. Nation-states and their boundaries persist as reasserted by sovereignty narratives, restrictive immigration policies, and differentiated access schemes, while universalistic principles of personhood transcend the same boundaries, giving rise to new models and understandings of membership (see also Sassen’s 2006 illuminating conceptualization of global processes as multiple scaling).

Lastly, postnational citizenship is not in itself a normative prescription and should not be superfluously conflated with theoretical positions such as cosmopolitanism that profess a moral commitment to the transformative capabilities of universal values (Habermas 2003; but see Beck and Grande 2007 for a critical view). Nor does postnational citizenship presume public spheres free of conflict or devoid of exclusions. That is to say, on the one hand, postnational citizenship reveals an ongoing process of definition and redefinition of rights and participation. On the other, it productively brings to the fore the fact that there are no longer absolute and clear-cut patterns of exclusion and inclusion that simply coincide with the bounds of the national. Postnational rights are results of struggles, negotiations, and arbitrations by actors at local, national, and transnational levels and are contingent upon issues of distribution and equity. Like any form of rights, they are subject to retraction and negation. Rather than denying the certitude of conflict and contestation for rights, postnational citizenship draws attention to the multilayered and diverse forms that they take and new arenas in which they are enacted.

Our dominant theories and conceptualizations have yet to catch up with the changes in the institutions of citizenship, rights, and identity. Postnational citizenship is an attempt to capture and incorporate these changes by assigning transnational institutions and discourses a more predominant analytical role than it is usually granted in prevailing studies. Otherwise, we will continue to have models that do not work, anomalies in existing paradigms, and incongruities between official rhetoric and institutional actualities.

References

Beck, U. 2007. “Beyond Class and Nation: Reframing Social Inequalities in a Globalizing World.” British Journal of Sociology 58: 679-705.
Beck, U. and E. Grande. 2007. Cosmopolitan Europe. Cambridge, UK: Polity.
Habermas, J. 2003. The Future of Human Nature. London: Polity.
Joppke, Christian. 2008. “Immigration and the identity of citizenship: the paradox of universalism.” Citizenship Studies 12 (6): 533-546.
Joppke, C. and E. Morawska, eds. 2003. Toward Assimilation and Citizenship: Immigrants in Liberal Nation-States. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Meyer, J.W., J. Boli, G.M. Thomas, and F.O. Ramirez. 1997. “World Society and the Nation-State.” American Journal of Sociology 103: 144-81.
Michalowski, I. 2009. “Citizenship Tests in Five Countries. An Expression of Political Liberalism?” WZB Discussion Paper. Berlin: Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin fuer Sozialforschung.
Morris, L. 2002. Managing Migration: Civic Stratification and Migrants’ Rights. New York: Routledge.
Sassen, S. 2006. Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Simmons, B.A., F. Dobbin, and G. Garrett. 2006. “The International Diffusion of Liberalism.” International Organization 60: 781-810.
Soysal, Nuhoglu Y. 1994: Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Soysal, Nuhoglu Y. 2000. “Citizenship and identity: living diasporas in post-war Europe?” Ethnic and Racial Studies 23: 1-15.
Soysal, Nuhoglu Y. and S.Y. Wong. 2007. “Educating Future Citizens in Europe and Asia.” School Knowledge in Comparative and Historical Perspective: Changing Curricula in Primary and Secondary Education, A. Benavot and C. Braslavsky, eds. New York: Springer.
Soysal, Nuhoglu Y. and Simona Szakacs. 2010. “Reconceptualizing the Republic: Diversity and Education in France, 1945-2008.” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 44: 97–115.Taylor -Gooby, P. 2008. The New Welfare State Settlement in Europe. European Societies 10(1): 3-24.

Yasemin Soysal teaches sociology at the University of Essex. Before moving to Europe, Soysal studied and worked in the USA. She is past president of the European Sociological Association.

___( 2012), ‘Citizenship, immigration and the European social project: rights and obligations of individuality’, British Journal of Sociology, ( 63), 1-21.

quoted by Morris, Lydia (2012 ), ‘Citizenship and Human Rights’, The British Journal of Sociology 2, 63 (1).

Spanbauer, Tom (1991), The Man who Fell in Love with the Moon edn., HaperPerennial; New York: HarperCollins) 355.

3-4: If you’re the devil, then it’s not me telling this story. Not me being Out-In-The-Shed (…). First ten years or so, I thought I was who those tybo words were saying. Tybo being “white man” in my language. My language being some words I can still remember.

My mother was a Bannock (….).My mother called me Duivichi-un-Dua which means something, which means I was somebody to have a name like that-not likeOut-in-The-Shed.

Took me a long time to find out what my Indian name means. One of the reasons why is because my name’s not Bannock but Shoshone, so none of the Bannock could ever tell me when I asked. Always thought my mother was Bannock. Guess she was Shoshone. Why else would she give me a Shoshone name?

My mother died when I was a kid just ten or eleven years old. Murdered by a man named Billly Blizzard. One of the things I remember about my mother is that she gave me my name and that I was never to answer to my name because it might be the devel asking. If somebody called me by my name, I had to say that it wasn’t me first off. Another thing I remember about my mother is just before I sleep and then she’s only a smell and a feeling I don’t have any words for. .

Spears, Arthur K. 1998. African-American language use: ideology and so-called obscenity. In African-American English: Structure, History and Use, edited by S. S. Mufwene, J. R. Rickford, G. Bailey and B. John. London: Routledge.

226: This chapter is about what has been perceived as obscene language(…) I prefer to use the term uncensored speech in order not to prejudge the actions of the users of such speech.

227: Some females use bitch generically to refer to other femaies -as do some males. Geneva Smitherman provides the example of a well-know male (African-America) gangsta rap artist who said to a prominent (African-American) female economist, as they shared a limousine on the way to a program they were going to do together, something along the lines of “Wow, I don’t think I’ve ever met a bitch economist before”. The rapper was positively impressed and had no intention of insulting the economist. He was not aware of her rules of speech use and evaluation. She was not aware of his and rebuked him with uncommon severity (…).

Likewise, the use of nigga in an utterance does not necessarily mean that it is a racist or reflective of self-hate.

229:This writing (…) is focused on those African Americans who do use (uncensored speech) regularly. So, what to make of the following phrase?

1) mothafuckin bitch-ass nigga

2) Get your frifflin’ ass out here(Gett your triffin’ self out here)

3) a. I saw his ass yesterday (I saw him yesterday)

b. His ass is going get fried (He is going to get reprimanded, punished)

4) Look at his fat ass

5) He’s a jive-ass(insincere)

6) She is a trifflin’ ass woman

7) a. Da’s a funny nigga, he be tellin’ jokes all-la time and be havin’ us rollin’ (Birdsong, M. D. (1994). The question of the “N” word: the when, the why the who, and the what”. The City College, The City University of New York term paper for course on African-American English.)

b. ready to fight: Wussup (what’s up), nigga (negative)(Gibbs, J. W. (1994). The use of words: How so-called foul words can have many meanings. The City College, The City University of New York term paper for course on African-American English.)

c. greeting a friend, followed by a hug: Wussup, nigga !

d. my nigga (said of boyfriend or husband)

230: note de bas de page:

I use the term African-American English (AAE) as a cover term for Standard African-American Englishes (SAAE) and African-American vernacular Englishes (AAVE), both of which are in turn the cover terms for th ecollection of standard and non-standard vaireties of AAE respectively. in doing this, I am making two claims:

1- AAE comprises not one but a number of related standard and non-standard varietes and

2- varieties of AAE may have distinctively African-American traits while having none of the features widely agreed upon as being non-standard, e.g., the ise of ain’t and multiple negatives within a sentence. The distinctively African-American features of SAAE have to do primarily, but not solely, with prosody and language use.

247: African -American popular culture is one of the primary engines of American Culture, and it springs, as is typical of the main currents of popular culture, from lower -income sectors of the community. The cultural prejudices of many entrepreneurial middle-class African Americans have prevented them from recognizing prime business opportunities in popular African-American culture. Observe how tow of the most important musical movements in the post Civil-Right era, reggae and rap, were long shunned by the most important African-American media entreprises, allowing White companies to move in to commercialize these musical forms without competition from African Americans, who were better positioned to do so.

Uncensored speech cannot be profitably discussed without emphasizing the twoness of African-American counciousness in the United States, first exposed by DuBois (DuBois, W. E. B. (1961). (1903) The Souls of Black Folk. Greenwich, CT, Fawcett Publications Inc.). Twoness is basically the dual personality caused by the cohabitation of two consciousnesses or cultural systems within one mind, the White and the African-America, the hegemonic adn the subaltern.

Observe the following example (Geneva Smitherman, p.c.) uttered by an African-American woman church member in a discussion during which she expressed her firm opposition to the use of nigga: “Well…just tell me one thing: why niggas always got to be using the word nigga so much?

___, ed. 1999. Race and Ideology: Language, Symbolism, and Popular Culture. Detroit: Wayne State University Press.
___ 1999. Teaching “Minorities” about language and culture. In Race and Ideology: Language, Symbolism, and Popular Culture, edited by A. K. Spears.Detroit: Wayne State University Press.

speaker (2013), ‘Kurdish People discriminations: Side discussion’, paper given at Minorities in Iran, UNOG.

Discrimination against Kurdish People. Torture, executions, terror, violation of HR in Khurdistan. Kurdish nation and other oppressed nations inside Iran. Naming them only is the beginning of the discrimination. 14 million people registered as Kurds. Must have their own culture and language. but the republic of iran calls them tribes. Many people deny us to be a nation and refer to us as tribes even here at the UN. Violation of the Rights of the Nations. Not letting the children study in their mothertongue but in a language which is foreign to them. 90% of pax of Kurdistan hear their irst word of Persian in school, so it prevents children from being good at school. Depriving Kurdish people from social benefits, no good hospitals, Thousands of people die for lack of access to doctors and services. People killed and not even burried.

Special, Joint Committee on a Renewed Canada. 1992. Report of the Special Joint Committee on a Renewed Canada. Ottawa: Supply and Services.

Spiegelman, Art (2003), Bons baisers de New York (Paris Flammarion) 112 pages.

Dialogue with Charles Schutz (Peanuts): “Well, I’m not religious like you….but I do identify with the alienated diaspora culture of Kafka and Freud, what Stalin pejoratively called rootless cosmopolitanism…know what I mean?

Spinner, Jeff. 1994. The Boundaries of Citizenship: Race, Ethnicity and Nationality in the Liberal State. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Spolsky, Bernard and Hallel, Michael (1994), ‘The teaching of additional languages in Israel’, Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, (13), 37-49. .

___ (1994), ‘Policy Issues In Testing And Evaluation’, The Annals of The American Academy of Political and Social Science, 532 (March), 226-37.

— (1994), ‘Conditions for second language learning in Israel ‘, English Teacher’s Journal., 47 (May), 45-54. .

— (1994), ‘The situation of Arabic in Israel’, in Y. Suleiman (ed.), Arabic Sociolinguistics: Issues and Perspectives (Richmond: Curzon Press), 227-36.

— (1994), ‘Israel: Language situation’, in R. E. Asher (ed.), The Encyclopedia of language and linguistics. (Oxford: Pergamon Press).

___and Amara, Muhammad (1995), ‘The construction of identity in a divided Palestinian village: sociolinguistic evidence. ‘ paper given at conference on Language and Identity in the Middle East, Edinburgh University.

___1995), ‘ Hebrew and Israeli Identity.’ in Yasir Suleiman (ed.), Language and Identity in the Middle East and North Africa ( Richmond, Surrey: :Curzon).

— (1995), ‘Conditions for Language Revitalization: A comparison of the cases of Hebrew and Maori. Paper presented at a Seminar organized by the Center for the Study of Language and Society, Aston University’, Current Issues in Language and Society. .

___Norbert, Dittmar, and Walters, Joel (1996), ‘Grammaticalization and social convergence in second language acquisition’, Festschrift for Jacek Fisiak. .

___ (1996), ‘Prologomena to an Israeli Language Policy ‘, in Tina Hickey and Jenny . Williams (eds.), Language, Education and Society in a Changing World (Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd), 46-53.

— (1996), ‘English in Israel after Independence’, in Alma Rubal-Lopez and Andrew W. Conrad Joshua A. Fishman (ed.), Post-Imperial English (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter).

___and Hasan Amara, Muhammad (1996), ‘ Politics and language change: the sociolinguistic reflexes of the division of a Palestinian village’, in Stig Eliasson and Ernest Hakon Jahr (ed.), Einar Haugen Memorial Volume (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter).

___and Shohamy, Elana (1996), ‘National profiles of languages in education: Israel: Language policy’, in Peter Dickson and Alastair and T. Skutnabb-Kangas and J. Cummings (eds.), National Profiles of Language Education in 24 Countries (Slough: National Foundation for Educational Research).

___(1996), ‘Multilingualism in Israel’, in William Grabe (ed.), Annual Review of Applied Linguistics ( 17; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

___and Shohamy, Elana (1996), ‘National profiles of languages in education: Israel: Language policy’, in T. Skutnabb-Kangas and J. Peter Dickson and Alastair Cummings (ed.), National Profiles of Language Education in 24 Countries (Slough: National Foundation for Educational Research).

___ (1996), ‘Multilingualism in Israel’, in William Grabe (ed.), Annual Review of Applied Linguistics (17; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

___and Shohamy, Elana (1996), ‘Language in Israeli Society and Education ‘, The International Journal of the Sociology of Language.

— (1997), ‘Planning foreign language education: an Israeli perspective.’ in Kees de Bot and Theo Bongaerts (ed.), Studies in honour of Theo van Els. (Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company).

___(1999), Sociolinguistics (Oxford: Oxford University Press).

— (2012), ‘The language of Jewish worship in the City’, paper given at Languages in the City, Berlin, 21-24 August, 2012.

I missed the initial 10 mn lookign for the room

the term Palestine was introduced by the Romans.

babylonian exile and after:

aramic develops as venacular alongside Hebrew in Judah

Hebrew Bible reading with Aramaic Targum

Triglossia in second Temple Palestine

Hebrew sacred (still spoken)

Aramaic vernacular (some prayers)

Greek official

With the diaspora, praying at synagogue was key although private prayers continued.

Multilingualism in the Diaspora:

adding co-territorial vernaculars

greek in the Mediteranean towns

aramaic in Babylonia

devekionebtof Jewish varieties (judeo-aramic, judeo greek, judeo-romance, judeo-slavic, ladino, yidish

Public worship in Hebrew rather than vernacular.

Development of public worship

in the temple

early synagogues

local vaireties ((eg Palestian vs Babylonian)

slow acceptance of general pattern in Talmud (3d to 7th centures CE)

Key elements fixed

Variations in Nusakh (liturgical pattern)

geographical developments (french, german, polish, Italina (rome, venic, Milan), Greek (Romaniote) etc….

but all maintained hebrew

in the cities to which jews migrated they tried to set up separate synagogue communities . Forms of prayers and architecture was different although the text was the same, Hebrew.

cf Venice with various columns for each languages.

Emancipation and Haskala

Moses Mendelsohn in German. Leader of Haskala, encouraged the use of German.

Germans preferred to Yiddish (Östjüden stigmatized)

Reform movement in Germany introduced German prayers

Reform movment in US also used a lot of English but has returned to Hebrew since.

Language of the synagogue- diaspora

Prayers were commonly in hebrew with a few aramic prayers

Prayer for th eking, goverment was in local standard language

Tora reading (Hebrew with yemenites aintaining aramic targum)

Then the return to Zion

Israel and the ingathering o the exiles

Effect of revival hebrew-worshipers who more or less could understand much of the service. It became an accepted custom calling for public use of Hebrew effects sermons and and announcements.

In Israel

Many synagogue sill follow local regianal traditions (hasidic sects, yemienites, north aftrican traditions, italian rate

however a modern israeli tendency to move to a blend

Heritage immigrant languages in Israel

Examples of exceptions in sermons and announcement

former soviet jews in Maaleh adumim in russian

yiddish still used by hasidic sects

english and french used for sermons and announcements in some synagogues.

Springs, Barnaby (2013), ‘remarks during introductory roundtable on Education, Gender and Immigration in an Interdependent World’, paper given at Dublin Interdependence Celebration and Forum, Dublin Castle.

English language learners is the largest part of New York population. In New South Bronx, some students have no English. We still have paradigms, attachements and fears

Staiger, Janet. 1992. Interpreting Films: Studies in the Historical Reception of American Cinema. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Stefánsson, Jón Kalman, Postface Gunnarsson, Gunnar, Le Berger de l’Avent, Zulma PARIS, 2019

N’y a-t-il pas une parenté entre Gunnar et Conrad ? Et je ne parle pas uniquement de leur capacité exceptionnelle à décrire les aléas du climat. Gunnar est un islandais qui écrit en danois, appris à l’adolescence ; Conrad est un polonais qui écrit en anglais, aussi appris à l’adolescence. Tous deux réputés pour l’impeccable maîtrise de leur langue d’écriture, ils surpassent la plupart de leurs pairs dont c’est la langue maternelle. Ils sont Ils sont animés de préoccupations philosophiques et misent beaucoup sur la structure narrative – ce sont des romanciers par excellence. Il est évident que Gunnar connaissait Conrad : la plupart de ses œuvres étaient déjà traduites en danois quand Gunnar a posé le pied au Danemark–pour conquérir le monde sans doute.

Steinmetz, Sol, ed. 1996. Random House Compact Unabridged Dictionary.

quoted by McArthur, T. (1998). The English Languages. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, p. 197.

Stenbäck, Pär, et al. (2013), ‘Roundtable’, paper given at International Conference on Language Rights: Sharing best practice, Dublin Hilton.

Stenbäck, Pär former Foreign Minister and Education Minister of Finland

Panel:

Fraser, Graham
Huws, Meri
Mladenovic, Slavisa
Inutiq, Sandra
O Cuirrean, Sean
Boileau, François
Ribó, Rafael
Zwane, Mxolisi
Brännkärr, Malin
Carrier, Michel

Questions on independance 1 to 5
question of rights and privileges.

DRM Q on writing in Irish the legislation. That would be the holy grail! Co-writing of the law in Finland and Canada

Stephens, M. (2010). Lost in translation? Speaking Mâori in the New Zealand Parliament and the Maori Language Act 1987. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Sternheel, Zeev (2014), Histoire et Lumières, changer le monde par la raison: entretiens avec Nicolas Weill ( Itinéraires du savoir: Albin Michel) 366.

EXTRAITS CF. Haski, Pierre (2014), ‘L’historien israélien Zeev Sternhell: La Démocratie est Vulnérable Partout’, Rue 89 et l’OBS
“« HÉRÉSIE »
Dans son livre, Zeev Sternhell raconte cette réunion du Comité central du Parti travailliste :

« Ici, je lance une bombe : en vérité ce n’était qu’une banalité, mais dans l’enceinte du Parti travailliste de l’époque, c’était une forme d’hérésie, la plus grave qui soit. “Nos droits sur cette terre, ai-je continué, ne diffèrent pas des droits des Palestiniens. Nos droits, comme les leurs, sont fondés sur des droits universels, les droits des hommes à disposer d’eux-mêmes. Si nous avons le droit à la liberté, à la dignité, à la souveraineté, à l’indépendance, les Palestiniens disposent des mêmes droits. Je ne vois pas comment nous pouvons refuser aux autres les droits que nous revendiquons pour nous-mêmes”. » (P. 114.)”

Parce que nous ne traitions pas les Arabes en égaux. Je raconte dans le livre [lire ci-contre, ndlr] la réunion du Comité central du Parti travailliste après la défaite [électorale face à la droite en 1977] : je disais des choses qui étaient des trivialités, et [l’ancien Premier ministre] Golda Meir monte à la tribune pour me répondre ; elle ne comprenait même pas de quoi je parlais… Que les Palestiniens aient les mêmes droits que nous n’entrait pas dans ses concepts.

et Clarini, Julie. 2014. ‘Zeev Sternhell, une passion française’, Le Monde, 24 mai 2014.

L’erreur historique est à ses yeux de n’avoir pas su, en 1967, reconnaître que, tous les objectifs du sionisme étant atteints, Israël pouvait devenir un pays comme un autre. En 1995, la publication de son livre Aux origines d’Israël (Fayard), dans lequel il montre que le sionisme tel qu’il fut appliqué fut moins un socialisme qu’un nationalisme, lui vaut des haines farouches. Il est, treize ans plus tard, la cible d’un attentat venu de l’extrême droite et motivé par ses prises de position contre les colonies. Décidément, les idées sont bien une affaire de vie ou de mort.

Les idées, dont il a fait profession d’écrire l’histoire et qui – il en est convaincu – mènent le monde. Il partage cette certitude avec ses adversaires en politique, Burke, Taine ou Barrès, et jusqu’aux néoconservateurs, tous ceux qu’il a repérés dans Les Anti- Lumières. Une tradition du XVIIIe siècle à la guerre froide (2006, Folio, 2010). Si Vichy a pu s’installer si vite, si son programme s’est appliqué avec autant d’efficacité, c’est que les esprits, ceux des intellectuels en particulier, étaient déjà gagnés aux idées nouvelles, contaminés par la haine de la démocratie.

Le fascisme s’est levé contre les principes de 1789. Toute l’œuvre de Sternhell s’est employée à le montrer, à discerner le combat mené depuis le XIXe siècle contre les « Lumières franco-kantiennes », qui entendaient assurer la primauté de ce qui unit les hommes (la raison, la tolérance…) contre ce qui les sépare : l’histoire et la culture. Parce que la démocratie est fragile, il dénonce, parfois sans ménagement, des continuités intellectuelles. Les entretiens se terminent par une analyse du Front national. La raison, jamais, ne doit désarmer.

— (2015), ‘To win, Herzog must convince Israelis that peace, prosperity are intertwined: Voters need to be made to realize that if not for the settlements, the huge funding that flows to the territories would instead be invested in education and welfare.’ Haaretz, Mar. 8, 2015

An interesting question is coming up in this election campaign: How long will it take before the descendants of the Mizrahi residents of the immigrant transit camps of the 1950s get rid of the sorrow of those hard years and stop placing all the sins of Mapai at the doorstep of today’s Labor Party? How many election campaigns will it take before their grandchildren understand that taking advantage of their hatred for the left and fostering the memories of discrimination are a rude means of making them forget real discrimination, the kind that Likud’s economic policies generate, which absolve the state of responsibility for the fate of society and abandon the weak to market forces?

And by the way, does anyone know how the people being thrown out of public housing these days are going to vote? Why don’t they remember the key role Ran Cohen’s Meretz had in the Public Housing Law and the battle its current leaders are waging for same goal? And what else needs to happen here before people in Dimona and Ofakim realize that if not for the settlements on the West Bank, the huge funding that flows to the territories would instead be invested in education and welfare, their schools, enrichment activities for their kids, more math and English lessons, all of which would open the gates of the universities to them? How is it possible to let the memories of the past, hard as they are, mortgage the future?

It’s true that to this day the Labor Party has not learned how to present a credible social and economic program that makes people enthusiastic. Their security program is also limping and stuttering. It’s also true that the Labor Party cannot, or perhaps does not want to build on the experience of the second Rabin government, which invested in education and social issues more than any other government, and was also the government that, with the Oslo Accords, laid the foundations for an agreement with the Palestinians.

It’s furthermore true that Labor’s candidate for finance minister, Prof. Manuel Trajtenberg, a fine academic economist and a fair man, does not get people excited – neither the middle class nor in the disadvantaged neighborhoods. People don’t feel that he burns for social justice. Worse yet is the fact that their candidate for defense minister, retired Gen. Amos Yadlin, is a conformist and banal military man who has never voiced even one original idea. He is not the man to say that the Palestinian issue is much more important than the Iranian nuclear program.

The truth is that Isaac Herzog and Tzipi Livni should have long ago shouted it out: Israel’s existential problem is the occupied territories, because our relations with the Palestinians are what will define our future and the future of our children, not Iran. Iran, if worse comes to worst, can be bombarded; Iran’s regime could change; in any case it does not seem that, incendiary rhetoric aside, the Iranians tend blithely to take risks. In contrast, we will have to live with the Palestinians in the coming generations, and nothing will change the Israeli-Palestinian reality except the desire of Israelis to save their country from the destruction that the right is waging.

To win these elections, Zionist Union must invest in those naïve people who could still follow the charlatan Yair Lapid in droves. These people must be persuaded that Zionist Union has a credible plan to reach a peace agreement as well as the desire to truly improve quality of life. In any case, it is the size of the bloc that will determine who gets a majority in the Knesset. Meretz’s support for Herzog is assured in any case, while Lapid’s support is something both Netanyahu and “brother” Naftali Bennett can buy, and not at a very high price.

Stewart, William A. 1967. Sociolinguistic factors in the history of American Negro dialects. Florida FL Reporter, 11.

___1968. Continuity and change in American Negro dialects. Florida Foreign Language Reporter (6):1.3 ff.
___1968. A sociolinguistic typology for describing national multilingualism. In Readings in the Sociology of Language, edited by J. Fisham. La Haye: Mouton.
___1970. Towards a history of Negro dialect. In Language and Poverty, edited by F. Williams. Chicago: Markham.

quoted in Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press.

Stith, Kate, and Jose A. Cabraanes. 1998. Fear of Judging: Sentencing Guidelines in the Federal Courts. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Strydom, H. (2010). Keynote Address: Ideological and other obstacles in the way of a multi-lingual South African State. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Stoiciu, G., and Brosseau O. 1989. La Différence: Comment l’Ecrire? Comment la Vivre? Communication internationale et Communication interculturelle. Québec: Humanitas.

Streliski, Marie-Paul and Ouattara, Rachida (2013), ‘Conseillères municipales d’Angers, responsables du projet Angers-Israël-Palestine’, paper given at Israël-Palestine 2020: La Guerre de l’Eau aura-t-elle lieu?, Université d’Angers, 30 novembre 2013.

Représentent le maire d’Angers Frédéric Béatse
Streliski: Conscients que notre devoir de citoyens du monde est de travailler au rapprochement des peuples pour l’avenir de l’humanité. Partenariat entre Angers, une ville israélienne et une ville palestinienne depuis 2009. Aucune prétention quant au règlement de ce conflit, cependant, nous pouvons beaucoup faire de là où nous sommes pour abattre les barrières et les amalgames.
Il ne peut y avoir de paix quand il y a humiliation de l’autre. Démarche portée par 2P2E soutenue par Angers. Conférences et partenariats sectoriels et soutien à ce colloque. Angers est une ville citoyenne ouverte sur la paix. Eau, thème universelle et qui se raréfie. Cet or blanc indipsensable à la vie. Nous ramène à l’essentiel de notre humanité.

Strenger, Carlo (2013), ‘Fears and Mental Blocks’, paper given at JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories, Tel Aviv.

cf son blog sur Haaretz http://www.haaretz.com/blogs/strenger-than-fiction
Carlo Strenger is a philosopher and existential psychoanalyst, author of seven books, most recently The Fear of Insignificance: Searching for Meaning in the Twenty-First Centuryand Israel, Einführung in ein schwieriges Land He serves as Professor at the School of Psychological Sciences at Tel Aviv University; on the Permanent Monitoring Panel on Terrorism of the World Federation of Scientists; the Seminar of Existential Psychoanalysis in Zurich, and the Scientific Board of the Sigmund Freud Foundation, Vienna in addition to maintaining a part-time practice in existential psychoanalysis. Strenger is an outspoken defender of Classical Liberalism,and advocates a sane and just solution of the Israel-Palestine conflict. He regularly writes in Haaretz, Israel’s leading liberal Newspaper, where he runs a blog, ‘Strenger than Fiction’, Britain’s The Guardian, Switzerland’s Neue Zürcher Zeitung, and The New York Times. For more info see Strenger’s Website (http://people.socsci.tau.ac.il/mu/carlo/ )

I don’t think you want me to talk about what should happen despite our values common denominator with JCall. Reason also means to understand the irrational component of human nature.
Two paradoxes:

1) since 2000 including the 2nd intifada, every single poll and piece of research shows that 2/3d of Israeli believe that the 2 SS is the only solution . The fact that we are not moving anywhere is stranger

2) Israel from its very outset sang songs about peace and harmony which the Arab world would finally come to accept. Paradox: 2002 peace plan by Saoudi Arabia affirming that all Arab countries would recognize Israel within the 1967 borders. Every year, this statement has been reiterated including this year by Egyptian President Morsi.

92 % of Israeli are not aware of the very existence of this Arab initiative. of the 8% who know about it, most don’t know its real content.

How come this peace narrative isn’t translated into accepting this Arab league peace initiative?
This settlement has to be regional and not bilateral and I belong to a group

3 analytic pieces to explain this double paradox.

Netanyahu’s view is that the world doesn’t read correctly this conflict when it deals with two nations fighting for territory. He claims that in fact the Arab world don’t accept the existence of Israel.

1) The intifada was truly terrible. We didn’t stop going to the restaurant but we’d choose those which didn’t have a long corridor, the weapons of the security guard and where he had been in the army.

You don’t understand how deeply afraid Israelis are. And the government has used this fear to justify the settlement project.

The fear is absolutely genuine and this yet doesn’t justify the settlement project.

Gaza withdrawal: has made Israel disbelief what peace means.

5 years ago, I wrote an article responding to Moshe Arentz whom I deeply respect. He however believes we have to annex the territories and grant Palestinians full rights. I asked him to stop using the term zionism (he had talked about post-zionism).

Zionism doesn’t mean anything. It doesn’t make sense. It’s like asking an Italian if he’s in favour of Risorgimento.

We Jews have a hang up, we love thinking in Messianic terms. The problem is that everybody has a different Messiah. National religious movement which ranges from in its mildest from a fusion of messianic religion and ideology politics and at the worse terrorist movement to accelerate the coming of Gog and Magog. There are people who really believe that.

In the heart of 70% of Israelis, deep feeling that Zionism should be a messianic movement. Why a group as small as the national religious movement (7 MP) has been able to dictate its policy within the last 47 years. We have lost the deep drive of the Messianic believe. Deep sense of guilt Israelis feel because the rhetoric of messiah has vanished.

As long as we don’t understaant that politics is the art of the possible and compromise. Messianic ideas can only bring about rivers of blood.

If we give up this argument of Messianism, why are we here in Israel?

Social movement wasn’t so much about social justice. 50% of demonstrators belong to the upper 30% part of I pop. It was Israeli population claim to normalcy.

Yaïr Lapid doesn’t think in revolutionary speak. Speaks like European politicians. Israel will not be able to move to a normal type of politics until it understands that revolution and messiamism is over.

2) About the Arab Piece initiative: total disbelief from the majority of Israelis, despite the signing every year of the same peace initiative document. They still think in Jabotinsky terms. Problem is that Israelis wait for love. What are you waiting for? They aren’t going to sing Hatikva!!!! But the reason for their signing is the fear of Islamic Djihad and ally with the West.

There are really intelligent people in Israel and they freeze when you tell them this.

3) Jerusalem psychiatric syndrome (people who suddenly think in Jerusalem that they are the Messiah). Psycho.political Jerusalem Syndrom: Some claim that on Mount Moriah, it was Ismael and not Isaac who was about to be sacrificed. This story is about the propensity of human mind to turn things into absolute. by the way for the Christians, the father actually sacrificed his son.

Any peace agreement will eventually fail because that place, nobody is willing to give up. By the way, if only Vatican also claimed the place it would be a great game changer. But the unconscious of the middle east symbolized by the Temple Mount doesn’t allow for compromise. Deepest

Voice of Reason is of Silence and isn’t heard. Your role is to make sure that the voice of reason is heard.

Pure Social Justice, Jewish Hores and Pimps, Corrupt politicians…

— (2016), ‘Jewish Liberals Must Reject the Zionist/anti-Zionist Dichotom’, Haaretz, 5 August 2016.

A few days ago Haaretz ran Hasia Diner and Marjorie N. Feld’s op-ed “We’re Jewish American professors. This is why we left Zionism behind.” Their bottom line is that they have come to see Israel and Zionism through the eyes of postcolonial theory; that they can no longer avoid seeing Zionism through the categories of racism and colonial oppression, and they are leaving it behind.
I frankly am not sure what this means for the simple reason that for many years I have thought that the terms “Zionism” and “Zionist” have stopped playing any meaningful role in discourse about Israel.
For Israeli right-wingers Zionism means Israel must annex the West Bank because it belongs to the Jews. For Israeli liberals it means Israel must end the occupation because otherwise Herzl’s Liberal-Zionist project of a democratic homeland for the Jews is doomed.
For many Palestinians and Iranians, as well as a certain variety of extreme left-wing Europeans and Americans, “Zionist” is a term with strong anti-Semitic overtones, implying a combination of Jewish world domination à la “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion” and Israel’s illegitimacy in the Middle East.
In most cases “Zionist,” “anti-Zionist” and “post-Zionist” are therefore either terms of fervent love and patriotism (without clear political meaning) or curse words often hiding anti-Semitic connotations.
Hence the question “Are you Zionist?” only creates obfuscation. And yet Israel’s political right and the U.S. Jewish establishment keep using this question as the shibboleth determining whether you are “pro-Israel” or “anti-Israel” – another distinction as useless as “pro-U.S.” or “anti-U.S.”

Jewish liberals should refuse to engage with this approach and insist on clarity of thought. So let’s consider which questions do make sense and how Diner and Feld can be understood.
1) Does Israel have the right to exist?
This question seems rather outlandish to me for a simple reason. Israel, like 203 other countries, is an internationally recognized state. True, it occupies the West Bank and oppresses Palestinians, which is deplored and condemned by everybody except the political right in Israel and U.S. evangelical supporters of Israel. But this has absolutely nothing to do with Israel’s right to exist.
Other countries have committed and are committing worse atrocities, and nobody questions their right to exist. Russia butchered Chechnya for years, has just annexed Crimea and interferes in Ukraine, which is to be condemned, but nobody considers the option that Russia has no right to exist. Hence denying Israel’s right to exist based on the occupation is indefensible based on international law, and mostly an expression of anti-Semitism. If this is what Diner and Feld mean, which I don’t believe, they would be unjustifiably singling out Israel for its misdeeds.
2) Are Jews obligated to love Israel?
In totalitarian states, governments believe they have a right to prescribe what their citizens are supposed to feel and believe, and in the past many religions thought they could demand belief and enforce it violently (certain Islamic states do so to this day). In liberal democracies belief and feeling are strictly a private matter, and nobody has the prerogative to demand, even less enforce, beliefs and feelings. Any modern, human-rights-based morality therefore precludes demanding of Jews, whether in Israel or the Diaspora, to love Israel.
This would be illegitimate and anachronistic, not to mention psychologically incoherent: Love and identification cannot be imposed by force. If Diner and Feld declare their freedom from such coercion, they are stating the obvious.
3) Do most Jews identify with and love Israel?
This leaves the empirical question of what relationship Jews have to Israel. Jews are generally seen as a people, i.e. “an ethnos with a sense of common identity, history or fate,” to quote Israeli political scientist Azar Gat. The question is whether most Jews indeed feel such commonality of history and fate with Israel.
This is, I think, the correct context of Diner and Feld’s statement. The clearest interpretation I can give is that they are not just disappointed by Israel’s deeds and policies. They feel that Israel’s actions contradict their core values so profoundly that they no longer feel they share a “common identity, history or fate” with Israel.
Two narratives of Jewish history
In this Diner and Feld are of course not at all alone. A growing number of Jewish-American and European-Jewish liberals feel that Israel’s occupation of the West Bank, by now lasting 49 of Israel’s 68 years, has become so definitive of Israel’s identity that these liberals no longer feel that Israel reflects their Jewishness and don’t want to be associated with Israel at all.
They reject the narrative that the Diaspora is bad and the Jewish nation-state is good. Instead they build their Jewish identity and history on a positive evaluation of the Diaspora, claiming that almost all they value about Jewish history happened in the Diaspora. Jewish-American liberals as different as Orthodox Talmudic scholar Daniel Boyarin and gender theorist Judith Butler feel they need to salvage their Jewish identity from the damage Israel has inflicted on it.
This means that at this point in history, Jewish peoplehood according to Azar Gat’s definition can no longer be taken for granted. Two different histories are told. In the nationalist, Israel-centered version, King David, the Hasmoneans and Bar Kochba are heroes because they were fighters; the Jews who accepted living under gentile sovereignty are to be pitied.
In the Jewish-liberal Jewish history, the Talmudic rabbis, Maimonides, Spinoza, Kafka and Freud are heroes, and the Diaspora generated most of what is important in Jewish culture; Bar Kochba was a catastrophe that led to the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of Jews, as are Israeli politicians who turned the occupation of the West Bank into a permanent fact and undermined both Israel’s moral backbone and international standing.
There are also two different versions of Jewish fate. In the nationalist version, the Jewish people actualizes itself by ruling over territory and glorifying Jewish nationhood. In the Jewish-liberal version, true Jewish destiny is to learn from Jewish history that nationalism must be reined in and racism must be fought without compromise, while tikkun olam – repairing the world – means to defend human rights anywhere on the planet, including in Palestine.
Avoiding black-and-white thinking
Of course I’ve been simplifying here: Most liberal-leaning Diaspora Jews are torn between these two narratives or live in a mix between the two. Most are in favor of a Jewish homeland; they yearn for Israel to transform into a state they can love and identify with, and for the army to be liberated from the dreadful task of enforcing the occupation. But there isn’t much they can do about it, as they don’t vote here.
Liberal Israeli Jews, who feel more and more alienated by a state that passes law after law delegitimizing our organizations and institutions, are in a similar situation. We do vote here, but we have been on the losing end for most of the past 40 years.
We haven’t been able to determine policy; all we can do is hang on to the core institutions of Israel’s liberal democracy under assault in recent years: an independent judiciary, academic freedom, a free press Benjamin Netanyahu makes every effort to undermine, and Israel’s thriving culture that Culture Minister Miri Regev, despite all her efforts, cannot muzzle. But we still want the country to change course, endorse our values and allow us to feel at home.
Here then is what we can do. Jewish liberals, whether in Israel or the Diaspora, should resist the pressure or Israel’s right and the somewhat out-of-date American-Jewish establishment as represented by AIPAC to either swear allegiance, love and unconditional loyalty to Zionism (be “pro-Israel”) or be defamed as self-hating, anti-Zionist Jews (“Israel bashers”).
I think Diner and Feld have run into the trap of accepting this Orwellian distortion of language by phrasing their credo in the wrong terms. They are perfectly entitled to say they want to disengage from Israel and define their Jewish identities against it. But using the meaningless term “Zionism” as a scapegoat to apply the categories of postcolonial theory and reducing Israel to nothing but a racist, colonialist enterprise will do very little good to the Jewish liberal cause.
In doing so they have succumbed to the nationalist, tribal demand that either you are for Israel or against it. Jewish liberals must resist the false dichotomy between idealizing or demonizing Israel and take a much more differentiated approach as exemplified in Ari Shavit’s poignant book “My Promised Land” that unflinchingly deals with Israel’s sins without reducing Israel to pure evil. To be a Jewish liberal means to endure complexity and to refuse black-and-white thinking both of Israel’s illiberal right-wingers and Israel’s foes that deny its right to exist.

Strydom, H. (2010), ‘Keynote Address: Ideological and other obstacles in the way of a multi-lingual South African State.’ paper given at “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, 1-3 November 2010.

Sugunasiri, Suwanda. 1991. (about multiculturalism). Globe and Mail, 18 juillet.

Cité par Bissoondath, Neil. Le Marché aux Illusions: la méprise du multiculturalisme. Trans. Jean Papineau. Montréal: Boréal, 1995: pp. 230 -231: Dans un article publié dans le Globe and Mail du 18 juillet 1991, le docteur Suwanda Sugunasiri, un ancien membre de l’Ontario Advisory Council on Multiculturalism and Citizenship, demandait au gouvernement fédéral d’abolir le Secrétairat au multiculturalisme, qui relève actuellement du Secrétariat d’Etat, de l’incorporer au ministère de la Culture et des Communications et de mettre l’accent sur la lutte contre le raCISME. iL DE3MANDAIT AUSSI LA DISSOLUTION DU Comité consultatif canadien du multiculturalisme, la fin des programmes d’aide financière et techniques, dont celui des langues ancestrales (…). A son avis, cette politqiue a fait son temps et, dans sa forme actuelle, n’a plus de raison d’être. Le multiculturalisme “a eu son utilité en donnant aux communautés multiculturelles une visibilité, mais nous savons maintenant qu’elles existent”

Swain, S. 1991. Manipulating and complementing content teaching to maximize second language learning. TESL Canada Journal 6:68-83.

Swales, J. 1985. English as the International language of research. RELC Journal (16.1.):1-7.

Swales, J. 1997. English as the Tyrannosaurus rex. World Englishes 16:373-382.

Swepu, Chris (2012), ‘Languages Bill not worth the paper it’s written on’, The Star, February 21 2012 at 09:00am.

‘Languages Bill not worth the paper it’s written on’

February 21 2012 at 09:00am

By Chris Swepu

On 21 February, under the umbrella of the United Nations, the world will be celebrating International Mother Language Day. While the f ocus will be on celebrating language and cultural diversity worldwide, the celebrations will also commemorate the killing, on 21 February 1952, of four students who had campaigned for the official use of their mother language, Bengali, in Bangladesh.

Celebrations in South Africa will be against the backdrop of our own struggle for freedom which was interwoven with language and the desire to have our indigenous languages accorded their deserved recognition. In this sense, language was the spark that lit the struggle, especially among the youth.

In this context, Tsietsi Mashinini, that noble son of our soil, sacrificed his youth so that we could one day be able to speak our own and one another’s languages without fear. He, Khotsho Seathlolo and thousands of our youth defied all odds to reject the imposition of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction and generally the policy of recognising only English and Afrikaans, which was highly detrimental to the development of our indigenous languages.

It is instructive to note that they did not reject Afrikaans as a language but rather its imposition as a medium of instruction. More often than not this is distorted and the end result is that we have people who to their detriment have developed an attitude against learning and speaking in Afrikaans. Granted, the conduct of the apartheid government caused Afrikaans to be demonised, but we should not inflict punishment on ourselves by refusing to learn this language.

Our youth must be encouraged to embrace their mother tongue and also be multilingual. It does not help that many white people refuse to learn indigenous languages and have organisations that exclusively campaign for the use of Afrikaans, without registering ire at the non-use of indigenous languages.

So, for South Africa, what does International Mother Language Day mean? We have two contrasting reflections that we need to acknowledge in order to make progress on the matter of our languages. The first is that which is on paper, in our Constitution and policies. The second is the painful reality that collectively we have not done much to bring about the parity of esteem envisaged in our Constitution.

On paper, we acknowledge that our Constitution recognises our diversity by prescribing, in the foundation of our democracy, 11 official languages and a Pan South African Language Board (PanSALB). We have academic institutions with African languages faculties. South Africa’s language diversity is supported by arguably the most progressive constitutional language provisions on the African continent. The Constitution enshrines multilingualism. The Constitution further provides in the Bill of Rights that everyone will have the right to speak and receive information in their mother language. It accords us the right to use our languages without fear. But this is the scenario on paper. What is the reality?

If truth be told, our democratic dispensation has done much for the development of indigenous languages but at the same time it has been the worst enemy of indigenous languages. Institutions that are meant to promote indigenous languages have been put in place but have not been adequately funded to perform their tasks, which amounts to an unfunded mandate.

Confusion is widespread, with people in government pointing to PanSALB for everything language related. Laws dealing with languages are often not understood by the very people who must implement them. The Department of Arts and Culture, which has been tasked with coordinating language development in government, is at sixes and sevens with regard to understanding its own role.

Within the Department is a National Language Service which is competing with PanSALB instead of coordinating language development within government and allowing PanSALB to fulfil its monitoring function. Such confusion is the basis of a lack of service delivery and is largely responsible for the low status our languages still enjoy in the democratic order. We must take collective responsibility for this failure.

The reality is that government departments have no language units, no budgets and no translation services with which to implement the use of the languages of the people they serve. Municipalities still write their Integrated Development Plan (IDP) strategies only in English and expect communities to fully appreciate their delivery plans. The politicians still struggle to deliver their speeches only in English and thereby render the entire translation service in Parliament redundant. Why did it have to take a court case in Pietermaritzburg to remind us that the Constitution places an obligation on us to have South African Sign Language in the school curriculum?

Why are we unconcerned that five million people from the deaf community cannot access our hospitals because there are no interpreters? By rights we should be ashamed of ourselves. Eighteen years into a democratic dispensation, we once again have to thank our courts and a lawyer from Brits for forcing us to pass a Language Act. Couldn’t we do it ourselves in observance of our Constitution and above all out of love for who we are and what we want to bestow on our children, or have we become heartless people who only care about our stomachs?

The less said about the proposed Languages Bill the better. It is not worth the paper it is written on. Its lateness requires that we hastily accept a document of this importance which is nevertheless so poor that even its name is subject to a court case. The bill in its current form does not foster multilingualism, nor does it give any enforcement power to the PanSALB. There are no punitive measures for people or departments that do not comply with the law. The reality is that the proposed bill is a reflection of our lack of seriousness about language and mother tongue issues.

The truth is that most of our schools are in tatters and lack teachers to deliver on this important aspect. Teacher development is non-existent. Our schools are refusing to have anything to do with mother tongue education because parents who are the decision makers on the language of teaching and learning in a school are refusing to have their children taught in a language that reflects who they are. Understandably so, as they have not witnessed anyone climbing the economic ladder while remaining true to indigenous languages. Daily they experience their children failing to find employment because interviews are conducted by black South Africans in English. Intelligence and English are made to be synonymous. People have no role models. They are exposed to an intelligent State President who is very eloquent in his mother tongue but yet continues to express himself in a foreign language. They are exposed to a national development plan that does not say much about our languages.

These many years into our democracy, public institutions should be at the forefront of fostering respect for linguistic diversity. All public institutions should take the lead in promoting respect and tolerance in general. But does this happen? Are we collectively observing and honouring the values of human dignity enshrined in our Constitution? The answer appears to be no.

“Everyone has the right to use the language and participate in the cultural life of their choice, but no one exercising these rights may do so in a manner inconsistent with any provision of the Bill of Rights (section 30).”

These are the glorious words of our country’s Constitution to which we have to adhere in order to live in harmony with one another. But the reality points us to a different direction.

In a country where some 25 languages are used daily by more than 44,8 million people (Statistics South Africa 2003), and where the majority of South Africans – almost 80 percent of the population – use an African language as their home language, why is it that the work of government is conducted virtually entirely in English? And how has English assumed the status of the language of our culturally diverse Parliament? We know that Parliament has a language unit fully staffed with interpreters and translators, yet our leaders continue to play a significant role in not raising the public profile of and confidence in indigenous languages. Even our radio stations reflect this anomaly: many senior politicians snub African language radio stations, because they perceive listeners as not sophisticated enough.

The radio stations broadcasting in indigenous languages allocate hardly any time for the public to debate topical political issues in these languages. Only English-medium stations air debates on topical issues. Put differently, English stations are talk radio, whereas the indigenous ones are music radio. The effect of all this is the entrenchment of English as the language of communication, commerce and business; it has become a symbol of intelligence and the language that is a must to know in order to fit in the circles of our country’s elite.

Languages are the most powerful instruments of preserving and developing our tangible and intangible heritage. All moves to promote the dissemination of mother tongues will serve not only to encourage linguistic diversity and multilingual education but also to develop a fuller awareness of linguistic and cultural traditions throughout the world and to inspire solidarity based on understanding, tolerance and dialogue.
*Chris Swepu is Deputy CEO of the Pan South African Language Board and writes in his personal capacity.

One thought on “Bibliography (S) like Stefansson and Spolsky”

Pingback: Shafak, E. (2007). The Bastard of Istanbul. London, New York, Penguin Books. « cosmopolitanism

Share this with cosmo people:

Like this:

One thought on “Bibliography (S) like Stefansson and Spolsky”

Leave a Reply Cancel reply