cosmopolitanism

a blog on English and cultures in a cosmopolitan world

Bibliography (G) like Grin


Links to my bibliography from A to Z:

A B C D E F G (this page) H I J K L

M N O P Q R S T U V W/X/Y/Z

Last update: 20 oct. 2012

Gabizon, Cécilia. 2001. A TOULOUSE, LES FILS DU VENT SE SEDENTARISENT. Le Figaro, 10 septembre 2001, 12.

Dans dix ans, le voyage, ce sera fini. Plus le stationnement sera facile, moins les caravanes bougeront…car personne ne voudra plus quitter


Gabler, Neal. 1988. An Empire of Their Own: How the Jews Invented Hollywood. New York: Crown.

Gadet, Françoise and Ludwigh, Ralph (2011), ‘synthèse finale et clôture du colloque.’ paper given at Langues en contact: le français à travers le monde, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, 16-18 septembre 2011.

Colloque entendait évoquer les questions générales des contacts de langues et applications au français et les interventions tant théoriques qu’empiriques ont été diversifiées et reflétait la problèmatique. Discussions cristallisées autour de certains problèmes qui nous tenaient à coeur depuis le départ:

SUJETS, BASES THEORIQUES ET BASES EMPIRIQUES.
1) que peut-il se passer en situation de contact= transfert ou pas, une structure menacée de disparition est restaurée par effet de convergence, remise en cause de ce qu’est le contact (entre humain, entre façon de parler) donc la réponse n’est ni banale, ni évidente, ni réglée dan sla linguistique actuelle
2) pourquoi un phénomène se produit dans un cas et pas dans d’autres? Ecologie de facteurs souvent évoquée, théorie écolinguistique
4) Histoire, media, systèmes scolaires, différents ordre linguisitques…les mêmes situations se produisent-elles à tous ces niveaux?
5) role du type de langue, des familles de langues, des généalogies linguistiques et typologies en général.
6) difficulté de maintenir dichotomie interne-externe, comment se passent les interactions et imbrications?
7) termes théoriques tels que schéma interactionnels, sont-il internes ou externes?
8) reflexion terminologique est à reprendre et poursuivre sur code mixing, code switching, copiage, emprunts, repliques, alternances codiques, mécanismes de convergence. Recherche terminologique ou constat de faiblesse dans ce domaine. Il faudrait être très précis sur quoi désigne quoi.
9) terme de corpus: base empirique de notre travail. Doit être défini, exige une définition des pistes epistémologiques qu’il ouvre. Décallage générationnel? Là encore nécessité d’une reflexion écologique

Gagnon, Paul. 1989. Democracy’s untold Story: What American History Textbooks should Add. Washington, D.C.:American Federation of Teachers.

Galindo-Anze, Eudoro. 1999. Immigration Centennial Ehances Close Relations. The Japan Times, Aug.6, 5.

E. Galindo-Anze est l’Embassadeur de Bolivie au Japon.
“100 years ago, a group of young Japanese pioneers, who had emigrated to Peru, decided to cross the high ranges of the Andes Montains to enter the mighty Amazonian jungles within Bolivian territory.
100 years later in June this year, Her Imperial Highness Princess Nori visited Bolivia to commemorate the first contact between ou7r 2 countries. Her visit honored the twons of San Juan de Yapakani and Okinawa, two prosperious settlement of people descended from Japanese emigrants in the heartland of the Santa Cruz tropical plains, where Bolivia granted free land to displaced Japanese farmers after WWII.

Gamston, William A. (2012), ‘Arab Spring, Israeli Summer, and the Process of Cognitive Liberation’, Swiss Political Science Review : , 17 (4), 463-68.

Gates, Henry Louis , Jr. 1996. Blacklash?Black facts Web Page. http://www.blackfacts.com/index.asp. Web page.

kennyg@innercity.com.
Granderson, Ken
BLACKLASH?

All prejudices are not equal. But that doesn’t mean there’s no comparison between the predicaments of gays and blacks.
For some veterans of the civil-rights era, it’s a matter of stolen prestige. “It is a misappropriation for members of the gay leadership to identify the April 25 march on Washington with the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s 1963 mobilization,”one such veteran, the Reverend Dennis G. Kuby, wrote in a letter to the editor that appeared in the Times on the day of the march. Four days later, testifying before the Senate Armed Services Committee’s hearings on the issues of gays in the military, Lieutenant General Calvin Waller, United States Army (retired), was more vociferous. General Waller, who, as General Norman Schwarzkopf’s second-in-command, was the highest-ranking black officer in the Gulf War’s
theatre of operations, contemptuously dismissed any linkage between the gay-rights and civil-rights movements. “I had no choice regarding my race when I was delivered from my mother’s womb,” General Waller said. “To compare my service in America’s armed forces with the integration of avowed homosexuals is personally offensive to me.” This sentiment–that gays are pretenders to the throne of disadvantage that properly belongs to black Americans, that their relation to the rhetoric of civil rights is one of unearned opportunism–is surprisingly widespread. “The backlash is on the streets among blacks and black pastors who do not want to be aligned with homosexuals,” the Reverend Lou Sheldon, chairman of the Traditional Values Coalition, crowed to the Times in the aftermath of the march.

That the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People endorsed the April 25th march made the insult all the deeper for those who disparage the gay-rights movement as the politics of imposture–Liberace in Rosa Parks drag.
“Gays are not subject to water hoses or police dogs, denied access to lunch counters or prevented from voting,” the Reverend Mr. Kuby asserted. On the contrary, “most gays are perceived as well educated, socially mobile and financially comfortable.” Even some of those sympathetic to gay rights are unhappy with the models of oppression and victimhood which they take to be enshrined in the civil-rights discourse that many gay advocates have adopted.
For those blacks and whites who viewed last month’s march on Washington with skepticism, to be gay is merely an inconvenience; to be black is to inherit a legacy of hardship and inequity. For them, there’s no comparison. But the reason the national conversation on the subject has reached an impasse isn’t that there’s simply no comparison; it’s that there’s no *simple* comparison.

Prejudices, of course, don’t exist in the abstract; they all come with distinctive and distinguishing historical peculiarities. In short, they have content as well as form. Underplaying the differences blinds us to the signature traits of other forms of social hatred. Indeed, in judging other prejudices by the one you know best you may fail to recognize those other prejudices *as*prejudices.

To take a quick and fairly obvious example, it has been observed that while anti-black racism charges its object with inferiority, anti-Semitism charges its object with iniquity. The racist believes that blacks are incapable of running anything by themselves. The anti-Semite believes (in one popular bit of folklore) that thirteen rabbis rule the world.

How do gays fit into this scheme? Uneasily. Take that hard-ridden analogy between blacks and gays. Much of the ongoing debate over gay rights has fixated, and foundered, on the vexed distinction between “status” and “behavior.” The paradox here can be formulated as follows: Most people think of racial identity as a matter of (racial) status, but they respond to it as behavior. Most people think of sexual identity as a matter of (sexual) behavior, but they respond to it as status. Accordingly, people who fear and dislike blacks are typically preoccupied with the threat that they think blacks’ aggressive behavior poses to them. Hence they’re inclined to make exceptions for the kindly, “civilized”
blacks: that’s why “The Cosby Show” could be so popular among white South Africans. By contrast, the repugnance that many people feel toward gays concerns, in the first instance, the status ascribed to them. Disapproval of a sexual practice is transmuted into the demonization of a sexual species.

In other respects, too, anti-gay propaganda sounds less like anti-black rhetoric than like classical anti-Jewish rhetoric: both evoke the image of the small, cliquish minority that nevertheless commands disproportionate and sinister worldly influence. More broadly, attitudes toward homosexuals are bound up with sexism and the attitudes toward gender that feminism, with impressive, though only partial, success, asks us to re-examine.

That doesn’t mean that the race analogy is without merit, or that there are no relevant points of comparison. Just as blacks have historically been represented as sexually uncontrollable beasts, ready to pounce on an unwilling victim with little provocation, a similar vision of the predatory homosexual has been insinuated, often quite subtly, into the defense of the ban on gays in the military.

But can gays really claim anything like the “victim status” inherited by black Americans? “They admit to holding positions at the highest levels of power in education, government, business and entertainment,” Martin Mawyer, the president of the Christian Action Network, complains, “yet in the same breath, they claim to be suffering discrimination in employment.” Actually, the question itself is a sand trap. First, why should oppression, however it’s measured, be a prerequisite for legal protection? Surely there’s a consensus that it would be wrongful, and unlawful, for someone to discriminate against Unitarians in housing or employment, however secure American Unitarians were as a group.
Granted, no one can legislate affection or approval. But the simple fact that people enjoy legal protection from religious discrimination neither confers nor requires victimization. Why is the case of sexual orientation any different?

Second, trying to establish a pecking order of oppression is generally a waste of time: that’s something we learned from a long-standing dialogue in the feminist movement. People figured out that you could speak of the subordination of women without claiming, absurdly, that every woman (Margaret Thatcher, say) was subordinate to every man. Now, the single greatest predictor of people’s economic success is the economic and educational level of their parents. Since gays, like women, seem to be evenly distributed among classes and races, the compounding effect of transgenerational poverty, which is the largest factor in the relative deprivation of black America, simply doesn’t apply. Much of black suffering stems from historical racism; most gay suffering stems from contemporary hatred. It’s also the case that the marketing surveys showing that gays have a higher than average income and education level are generally designed to impress potential advertisers in gay publications; quite possibly, the surveys reveal the characteristics only of gays who are willing to identify themselves as such in a questionnaire. Few people would be surprised to learn that secretiveness on this matter varies inversely with education and income level.

What makes the race analogy complicated is that gays, as demographic composites, do indeed “have it better” than blacks–and yet in many ways contemporary homophobia is more virulent than contemporary racism. According to one monitoring group, one in four gay men has been physically assaulted as a result of his perceived sexual orientation; about fifty percent have been threatened with violence. (For lesbians, the incidence is lower but still disturbing.) A moral consensus now exists in this country that discriminating against blacks as teachers, priests, or tenants is simply wrong. (That doesn’t mean it doesn’t happen.) For much of the country, however, the moral legitimacy of homosexuals,as homosexuals, remains much in question. When Bill Crews, for the past nine years the mayor of the well-scrubbed hamlet of Melbourne, Iowa, returned home
after the April 25th march, at which he had publicly disclosed his homosexuality for the first time, he found “Melbourne Hates Gays” and “No Faggots” spray-painted on his house. What makes the closet so crowded is that gays are, as a rule, still socialized–usually by their nearest and dearest–into shame.

Mainstream religious figures–ranging from Catholic archbishops to orthodox rabbis–continue to enjoin us to “hate the sin”: it has been a long time since anyone respectable urged us to, as it were, hate the skin. Jimmy Swaggart, on the other hand, could assure his millions of followers that the Bible says homosexuals are “worthy of death” and get away with it. Similar access to mass media is not available to those who voice equivalent attitudes toward blacks. In short, measured by their position in society, gays on the average seem privileged relative to blacks; measured by the acceptance of hostile attitudes toward them, gays are worse off than blacks. So are they as “oppressed”? The
question presupposes a measuring rod that does not and cannot exist.

To complicate matters further, disapproval of homosexuality has been a characteristic of much of the black-nationalist ideology that has reappeared in the aftermath of the civil-rights era. “Homosexuality is a deviation from Afrocentric thought, because it makes the person evaluate his own physical needs above the teachings of national consciousness,” writes Dr. Molefi Kete Asante, of Temple University, who directs the black-studies program there, one of the country’s largest. Asante believes that “we can no longer allow our social lives to be controlled by European decadence,” and argues that “the redemptive power of Afrocentricity” provides hope of a cure for those so afflicted, through (the formulation has a regrettably fascist ring) “the submergence of their own wills into the collective will of our people.”

In the end, the plaintive rhetoric of the Reverend Mr. Kuby and those civil-rights veterans who share his sense of unease is notable for a small but significant omission: any reference to those blacks who are also gay. And in this immediate context one particular black gay man comes to mind. Actually it’s curious that those who feel that the example of the 1963 march on Washington has been misappropriated seem to have forgotten about him, since it was he, after all, who organized that heroic march. His name, of course, was Bayard Rustin, and it’s quite likely that if he had been alive he would have attended the march on Washington thirty years later.

By a poignant historical irony, it was in no small part because of his homosexuality–and the fear that it would be used to discredit the mobilization –that Rustin was prevented from being named director of the 1963 march; the title went to A. Philip Randolph, and he accepted it only on the condition that he could then deputize Rustin to do the arduous work of co-ordinating the mass protest. Rustin accepted the terms readily. In 1963, it was necessary to choose which of two unreasoning prejudices to resist, and Rustin chose without bitterness or recrimination. Thirty years later, people marched so his successors wouldn’t have to make that costly choice.

Gauld, Greg. 1992. Multiculturalism, the real thing? In Twenty Years of Multiculturalism: Successes and Failures, edited by S. Hryniuk. Winnipeg: St John’s College Press.

Gautier, Maurice-Paul, ed. 1992. Hommage à Maurice-Paul Gautier, Regards Européens sur le Monde Anglo-Américain. Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne.

By the way, Prof. Gautier was my Ph.D. Director and someone who never once questioned my methods and always supported me with great friendship!

____1995. Langues vivantes et temps présent. In Comprendre les langues aujourd’hui. Dijon: Tribune Internationale des Langues Vivantes.


Gellner. 1983. Nations and Nationalism. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

Gerard, Jean B. 1984. Pourquoi les Etats-Unis ont du quitté l’UNESCO. Revue des deux Mondes (Juin).


Germon, Marie-Laure. 2004. l’identité par la langue. Le Figaro.

ntéressant entretien du Figaro avec Claude Hagège (linguiste bien connu), dans la série consacrée à la question de l’identité française.« Qu’est-ce qu’être français aujourd’hui ? »

Claude Hagège : « L’identité par la langue »
Chercheur en linguistique, professeur au Collège de France et directeur d’études à l’École pratique des hautes études, Claude Hagège est l’auteur d’une vingtaine d’ouvrages traduits en plusieurs langues et étudiés dans le monde entier. Parmi eux, L’Homme de paroles (Fayard, 1985) ou Halte à la mort des langues (Odile Jacob, 2000) où l’auteur avertit des menaces qui pèsent sur l’existence d’innombrables langues. Claude Hagège fut par ailleurs le premier récipiendaire de la médaille d’or du CNRS dans le domaine des sciences humaines.

LE FIGARO. – On dit l’identité française en crise. Le linguiste que vous êtes partage-t-il ce point de vue ?

Claude HAGÈGE. – À mon sens, ni la langue ni l’identité françaises ne sont en crise. Les crispations communautaires dont on parle tant sont le fait de minorités qui ne demandent qu’à s’intégrer. Ces minoritaires sont souvent à la solde de pouvoirs étrangers au discours de revendication nationaliste d’autant mieux entendu qu’il réveille les humiliations de l’époque coloniale, ainsi que le souvenir d’un «âge d’or», notamment celui de l’islam conquérant dont les élites arabes ont souvent la nostalgie. Mais la témérité revendicative d’une frange aussi marginale ne doit pas faire oublier qu’une grande proportion de Français demeure habitée par un rêve d’intégration. Dès lors, on pourrait avancer que s’il existe une crise de l’identité française, elle doit s’entendre en référence à un bien dont on manque, et que beaucoup rêvent de s’approprier. La maîtrise de notre langue est vue comme le meilleur moyen d’acquérir un «brevet de francité». S’en approprier les mécanismes, c’est aussi acquérir les mécanismes du pouvoir. Et partant, se donner la possibilité de déjouer les pièges de cette redoutable «langue de bois» politique qui opacifie la pensée au lieu de la transmettre, jusqu’à devenir un outil de pression. Une bonne maîtrise de la langue conditionne la liberté de pensée et d’agir.
La renommée de notre langue semble se circonscrire aux seules sphères de la réflexion, du luxe et de l’élégance. Est-elle trop élitaire ?

Il me semble au contraire que nous ne réfléchissons pas suffisamment à cette particularité. Nous devrions jouer plus habilement sur ce registre, notamment sur le plan de l’exportation de nos produits de gastronomie et de luxe, en conservant les appellations françaises. En effet, les traditionnelles chasses gardées de la langue française s’amenuisent comme peau de chagrin. L’anglo-américain conquiert des territoires qui, par tradition, étaient plutôt francophones, jusque, d’ailleurs, sur le domaine du savoir et des débats. C’est tout à fait nouveau. Les Européens – et en particulier les Allemands – ont souvent fait valoir qu’une éducation conduite en langue française se révélait le prélude indispensable à une bonne dissertation. Beaucoup de francophiles étrangers aiment à se persuader que nos tournures idiomatiques, notre grammaire et notre syntaxe enseignent mieux celles de toute autre langue l’art d’un agencement fluide des idées. Le revers de cette appréciation est qu’elle alimente une image d’élitisme associée au français, vu comme lieu d’une connivence naturelle avec une certaine mondanité – voire d’une tendance au «divertissement» pris au sens pascalien du terme. Par ailleurs, les puristes et autres prêtres vétilleux de la sauvegarde de notre langue contribuent malgré eux à la statufier, et à donner l’image d’une langue aussi difficile à maîtriser qu’intimidante. Il en va très différemment de l’anglo-américain, dont les locuteurs, habitués aux fautes des étrangers, s’en émeuvent assez peu. Cette attitude tolérante, si éloignée de celle qui prévaut en France, pourrait bien être un des moteurs de la popularité de l’anglo-américain.
Pourtant, vous avez plusieurs fois dit et écrit que l’anglais était tout sauf facile à maîtriser…

La réputation de facilité de l’anglais est totalement absurde. Winston Churchill remarquait avec esprit que l’anglais était certainement la langue la plus facile à parler mal. Seulement, les entreprises françaises vivent dans l’illusion que l’anglais fait vendre, et sa «maîtrise» est donc devenue le préalable à la tenue de n’importe quelle réunion scientifique ou projet à visée extra-nationale. Cette situation n’altère en rien mon optimisme, car l’usage de ce mauvais anglais, lié à des mécanismes marchands, n’excède guère un cadre strictement commercial et ne s’introduit dans notre quotidien qu’avec parcimonie. Cet usage s’assortit souvent d’une maladresse telle que les mots anglais employés avec l’accent français deviennent incompréhensibles aux anglophones. Les formules commerciales telles que «rapid’pressing» ou «modern’hôtel» ne se transposent pas dans le langage quotidien. On parle un français qui a encore sa propre norme. Certes, on peut s’alarmer que la pression exercée par l’anglais sur le français soit de plus en plus considérable. Ce qu’elle traduit en fait, c’est une réalité politique peu flatteuse et qui ne fait aucun doute, à savoir le magistère politique et économique incontestable des Etats-Unis.

Vous conviendrez donc que le français ne cesse de perdre de son influence dans le monde ?
Naturellement, la réduction de son influence ne fait que refléter celle de la France en tant qu’entité politique. D’autant plus que la France a, depuis la nuit des temps, usé de sa langue comme d’un outil de ralliement populaire ainsi que de domination stratégique et politique. Que la langue des Etats-Unis soit celle de la première puissance mondiale, cela a pour conséquence la diffusion et l’impact universels de l’idéologie américaine. Gardons-nous, cependant, de tout confondre ! Le déclin du français est irréductible du déclin de la France, même s’il représente indiscutablement une perte de pouvoir à l’échelle mondiale.

Le dynamisme de la francophonie a-t-il le pouvoir de nuancer ce constat ?
C’est même le correctif essentiel de ce tableau plutôt sombre. A bien observer la francophonie et ses composantes, on remarque tout d’abord que ceux qui l’ont portée sur les fonts baptismaux étaient plus demandeurs de français que les Français eux-mêmes. La persistance du petit fief que s’est taillé le français grâce à la fédération des francophones, à l’intérieur de laquelle figurent certes des pays économiquement faibles mais aussi des entités puissantes comme le Québec, prouve au monde que la domination considérable et continue de l’anglo-américain n’est pas inéluctable. Cette résistance est précieuse. Le Général de Gaulle l’avait bien pressenti qui déclara aux fondateurs que la France approuvait leur action. Aujourd’hui, à quoi assiste-t-on ? A l’organisation d’une coalition d’énergies et de francophones luttant pour la survie du français au sein des institutions internationales, de l’ONU à Bruxelles, et refusant de céder à une forte pression anglophone. Il faut bien constater que cette situation contraire produit un bon effet en imposant à la France de se battre vaillamment, sans épargner efforts et sacrifices. Sachons bien que le coût de notre politique de promotion linguistique est très élevé et que cet argument est utilisé par ceux qui ne sont pas favorables aux dividendes purement culturels.

Certains seront tentés d’entendre dans ce discours «une voix crier dans le désert»…

Certes, mais cette entreprise qu’on pourrait juger de prime abord stérile, comporte également une importante dimension politique. Tous les sommets francophones accueillent des pays pauvres demandeurs d’aide économique ; la promotion du français est liée, chez les Africains en particulier – ainsi que d’une manière générale dans les pays du Maghreb – à la réalité d’une tutelle économique. Ce qui rend ce combat unique au monde, c’est que ce que nous payons si cher n’est autre que l’exportation d’une valeur purement culturelle. Du temps de l’empire, l’enjeu principal était le commerce à des tarifs très favorables avec les pays colonisés. Aujourd’hui, en revanche, l’aide financière apportée à ces pays, si elle leur demeure essentielle, a pour objet principal la promotion du français. Engager des sommes aussi importantes dans une entreprise de promotion de la langue n’est pas un geste anodin.

Pensez-vous que l’accession de pays traditionnellement francophiles – tels que la Pologne – à l’Union européenne puisse contribuer à cet effort ?

L’adhésion des pays d’Europe centrale constituerait plutôt à mes yeux une grave menace pour le français. Leurs populations préfèrent manifestement l’anglais, langue des affaires, au français, perçu comme élitiste et économiquement peu rentable. Ni la Scandinavie ni les pays d’Europe du Nord ne semblent se soucier de nous. Helsinki, Copenhague ou Oslo se préoccupent fort peu de parler français. Ayant une langue nationale qui n’est parlée qu’en deçà de leurs frontières, les Européens du nord voient dans l’anglais un moyen d’ouverture sur un monde économique florissant auquel ils veulent s’associer.

Peut-on déduire des évolutions du français un indice sur des modifications d’ordre sociologiques ?

Déceler dans les évolutions langagières un indice sur les modifications dans lesquelles s’engagerait la langue ne va pas de soi ; que déduire, en effet, d’accords grammaticaux innovants, de cette nouvelle manière d’accentuer les mots en y rajoutant, par exemple, des «e» finaux, sinon simplement un rapprochement des normes écrites et orales ? Un grand nombre d’usages propres à l’oral sont en train de pénétrer l’écrit, alors même que jusqu’à une période récente, le français était une langue où ces deux normes se distinguaient radicalement. Certes, le français change, mais pas plus que par le passé. En déduire, par exemple, une modification de notre rapport au temps serait faire preuve d’une myopie bien contemporaine… Source : http://www.lefigaro.fr/

Gibbs, Jonathan W. 1994. The use of words: How so-called foul words can have many meanings. The City College: The City University of New York term paper for course on African-American English.

Giesbert, Franz-Olivier (2012), ‘La fin d’une époque’, Le Point, 20 septembre 2012, sec. Editorial p. 7.

L’islamisme et l’antiaméricanisme sont les deux mamelles d’une pathologie qui continue de se développer dans le monde arabe et s’invite, avec quelques braillards salafistes, jusque dans nos quartiers chics.
Les 3/4 des Egyptiens étant convaincus que l’attentat du 11 septembre contre les Twin Towers est l’eourvre d’un complot fomenté par la CIA, le mot pathologie ne paraît pas vraiement inapproprié.
Nous sommes tous les enfants de notre Histoire et il faut rechercher les racines du mal dans le seniment d’humiliation et le complexe d’infériorité qui ronge une partie du monde arabe où l’islam a tôt fait, comme d’autres relgions, de se sentir agressé par la modernité. Mais, devant lui, ce n’est pas une raison pour tomber dans l’angélisme acculturé, la nouvelle idéologie dominante.(…) Les perroquets de la bien-pensance ne nous autorisent qu’à rappeler à l’ordre l’Eglise catholique, à qui, pourtant, la société semble échapper peu à peu. Ils nous interdisent, en revanche, d’interpeller l’islam, corseté dans une posture victimaire, sous prétexte qu’il ne faudrait pas le froisser. C’est tout ce qui leur reste du christianisme, cette stratégie de l’apaisement. Au premier soufflet, ils tendent toujours l’autre joue.

 

Giglioli, P.P. 1972. Language and Social Context. London: Penguin Books.

Gillespie, M. 1995. Television, Ethnicity and Cultural Change. London: Routledge.

Giordan, Henri. 1992. Les Langues Minoritaires, Patrimoine de l’Humanité. In Langues, dialectes et écriture, edited by H. Guillorel and J. Sibille. Paris: Institut d’Etudes Occitanes et Institut de Politique Internationale et Européenne.


Gitlin, Todd. 1992. On the Virtues of Loose Canon. In Debating PC: The Controversy over Political Correctness on College Campuses, edited by P. Berman. New York: Laurel.


Glazer, Nathan. 1975 (1987). Affirmative Discrimination. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

I can still remember reading this as a very young student researching on a topic for my masters…good old days;-))


Glazer, Nathan. 1995. Individual Rights against Group Rights. In The Rights of Minority Cultures, edited by W. Kymlicka. Oxford: Oxford University Press.


Glazer, Nathan. 1997. We are all Multiculturalists Now. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.


Glazer, Nathan, and Daniel P. Moynihan. 1963. Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians and Irish of New York City. Cambridge: MIT Press.

This book is probably the reason why I got hooked to the issue of multiculturalism…and still am!


Godbout, Jacques. 1989. (à propos de Montréal). Globe and Mail.

C’est la nature cosmopolite de Montréal qui lui assurera un avenir. Je ne parle pas des restaurants exotiques, des boutiques à la mode ou des cafés; j’entends une population qui provient de toutes les parties du monde, pour qui le français est un fait naturel, l’anglais un moyen commode de communication, et qui produira une culture diversifiée greffée à un tronc francophone

Godreche, Dominique. 1999. FESTIVAL DE DOUARNENEZ : Le Yiddishland au cinéma. LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE (AOÛT): 19.

PETIT-FILS de George Méliès, professeur de yiddish et d’hébreu, Jean-François Malthète est également un passionné de 7e art. C’est à son initiative que le Festival de Douarnenez – consacré au cinéma des cultures minoritaires ou minorisées (1) – a programmé, en juillet dernier, une série de films et de débats sur le « Yiddishland ». L’expression, explique-t-il, est un néologisme inventé dans les années 20 par le linguiste Max Weinrech pour décrire cette langue sans territoire. Langue transversale, car elle unissait les diverses communautés juives d’Europe centrale et orientale, langue de la honte pour certains, de la résistance pour d’autres, le yiddish était autrefois parlé par six millions de personnes. Cinquante ans après le génocide, on ne compte plus qu’un million de yiddishisants.
Présentée en avant-première, l’oeuvre d’Emmanuel Finkiel, Voyages (2), premier film tourné (principalement) en yiddish depuis 1945, évoque cette perte en retraçant le parcours de trois femmes en quête de leur passé. Ou d’un impossible présent – comme cette immigrante russe qui, à son arrivée en Israël, tente vainement de s’exprimer en yiddish et s’exclame finalement : « J’ai l’impression qu’il n’y a plus de juifs en Israël ! » Pour l’un des comédiens du film, Michel Feldman, « Voyages aborde la Shoah sans en parler. On sent celle-ci sans voir de cadavres. Notre génération va disparaître, et il faut témoigner ».
Longtemps oublié, le yiddish réapparaît depuis une quinzaine d’années, explique Gilles Rozier, directeur de la bibliothèque Medem (note de DRM, cf. http://www.yiddishweb.com/medem/ j’y suis allée à l’occasion d’une réunion de JCall, des yiddishisant s’y réunissent autour de la cuisine notamment…mais pas seulement!). Quel avenir pour cette langue ? Reprenant la définition du linguiste Simon Doubnov – « La patrie du yiddish, c’est le monde entier » -, l’historien Henri Minczeles souligne : « Ce que véhicule cette langue, c’est la yiddishkeit, cette culture propre à la civilisation juive ashkénaze qui a failli disparaître. » Le yiddish conserve un rôle de lien entre les populations de la diaspora – du moins celle des juifs occidentaux. « Le yiddish a des ramifications universelles : il existe en Afrique du Sud toute une littérature contre l’apartheid. La revue Aleph Beth, dirigée par des juifs de Johannesburg, avait pris parti pour Mandela », témoigne le poète Charles Dobzinski, auteur d’un ouvrage sur la culture yiddish (3).
A travers les témoignages d’historiens, de journalistes et de créateurs s’est profilée la place actuelle de cette langue qui survit. Sans doute parce que le yiddish – comme le définit le parolier Boris Bergman – représente « un état d’esprit, cette sorte d’humour qui est la politesse du désespoir. L’esprit yiddish, c’est cette volonté de légèreté de l’être dans des situations où on n’en a pas envie ».
LE yiddish perdure comme véhicule d’un monde disparu où le shtetl – bourgade juive d’Europe centrale – habite toujours les mémoires des survivants, incitant leurs enfants à la quête d’un passé qui leur a été dérobé. Parce qu’il « fallait montrer que le monde juif n’est pas un et indivisible », explique Erwan Moellic, un des fondateurs du Festival de Douarnenez, une sélection de films yiddish des années 30 à nos jours en a illustré l’évolution. Entre silence et fureur, le yiddish révèle des univers aussi divers que celui du Dibbouk, tourné en 1937, par Michael Waszynski, film emblématique des kabbalistes de Pologne, ou, plus actuel, Choix et destin de l’Israélienne Tsipi Reibenbach.
« La culpabilité de ne pas être mort avec les autres et d’avoir immigré avant l’extermination oblitéraient la possibilité de transmettre le yiddish », explique Gilles Rozier. Mais, pour Michel Feldman, ancien déporté originaire du ghetto de Lodz, aujourd’hui membre de l’Aedcy (4), « il y a un travail de mémoire à accomplir. Lorsque nous sommes arrivés au camp, mon père m’a dit : “Essaie de vivre, et de témoigner !” Notre génération souhaite que la suivante parle et transmette ».
(1) La prochaine édition du festival aura lieu du 19 au 26 août 2000.
(2) Voyages sortira en salles le 22 septembre 1999.
(3) Charles Dobzinski, Le Monde yiddish. Une légende à vif, L’Harmattan, Paris, 1998.
(4) Association pour l’enseignement et la diffusion de la culture yiddish.
LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE – AOÛT 1999 – Page 19
TOUS DROITS RÉSERVÉS © 1999 Le Monde diplomatique.

Gohard, Aline. 1997. D’une multiculturalité reconnue vers un plurilinguisme construit. Paper read at Multilinguisme et Multiculturalité, at Fribourg.


Gohard, Aline. 1997. Publics spécifiques: quels enjeux ? quelles démarches? pour quels nouveaux besoins. Revue de Linguistique et de Didactique des langues (LIDIL) 16 (dec.1997).


Gohard, Aline. 1998. Peut-on former à l’interculturel? quels concepts et quelles démarches. Bulletin de l’Association pour la recherche interculturelle (ARIC).


Gohard, Aline. 1999. Communiquer en langue étrangère. Des compétences culturelles vers des compétences linguistiques. Bern: Peter Lang.


Gold, David. 1987. The speech and writing of Jews. In Language in the USA, edited by C. A. Ferguson and S. Brice Heath. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

273: For over threee thousand years of recorded history, Jewish communities have had distinctive patterns of language use: they have been exposed to non-Jewish languages and have created about two dozen Jewish languages of their own.
Despite losses from assimilation, exogamy and conversion, the cohesiveness of Jewish communities has generally remained high. The newly adopted langauge has been Jaized.
Jewish communities have characteristically used more than one language, each for different communicative funtion. Thre is Hebrew, a lashon hakodesh, a vernacular plus the language of the country.
The three Jewish languages of greatest importance in the US have been Yiddish, Hebrew and Dzudezmo.
Hebrew is a semitic language. The mothertongue of the Jewish people in ancient times and has been the vehicle of most sacred Jewish writings
274: Dudezmo si superficially most like spanish. It was once the chief languae of Sefardic jews but is now habitually used by only a handful.
Yiddish is superficially most like German, but a very different kind in fact. It was the native tongue of all ashekenazic jews (cenbtral and eastern europe).
Aside from these separate Jewish languages, the varieties of English used by Jews aare in many instances sufficiently distinctive to be collectively called Jewish English. The story of Jewish speech and wiritng in the US is a history of waves of immigration from differnt parts of the Jewish world.
Jewish settelemtn: 3 main perids: the sefardic period which lasted from the second half of the 17ème siècle until the second or thrid decade of the 19th, the Western ashkenazic period which lasted until the 1870s or 1880s. The most recent period has been the eastern ashkenazic one, form the 1870s till now. The breakdown into 3 period is a simplification, for at no time has Jewish immigration been homogenious.
274: Religiously, culturally, and linguistically, we find a multitude of Jewish groups in the US. They range, for example, for the least to the most americanized.
parler des loubavitchers de brooklyn.
282: Yiddish in the USA had a birghter history than other immigrant jewish languages, thanks tothe large numbers of native speakers who immigated and to the vibrancy of Yiddish culture in the old country.
283: Efforts to stem the erosion of Yiddish language and cultrue in the US were weak before the Holocaust.The period of greates vigor for Yiddish language and cultrue in the US extended form the 1890s to the 1950s, peaking in the 1920s or 1930s.
284: As Yiddish has declined, it has generally become a ludic language for many of its speaker’s children and grandchildrem, (shmock))
286: The best cover term for varieties of English used by Jews is Jewish Englis. It has sometimes been péjorativement called Yinglsih.
Speakers and wirters of Jewish English can usually cod-switch between this and a non-Jewish variety, such as In what sul does your zeydi daven on Shabes?
290: kosher, Chanuka, latkes
Most of the the loans from Jewish into no-Jewish English are vocabulary items, including productive morphemes like -nik and -shm- as in beatnik, fancy-shmancy. Intonation. khutspe.

Gold, Robert. 1960. A Jazz Lexicon. New York: Knopf.

Goodman, D., D.J. O’Hearn, and C. Wallace-Crabbe, eds. 1991. Multicultural Australia. Melbourne: Scribe.

Görlach, Manfred. 1997. Language and Nation: the concept of linguistic identity in the history of English. English World-Wide (18):1-34.

Gorter, Durk , Marten, Heiko F., and Van Mense, Luk (eds.) (2012), Minority Languages in the Linguistic Landscape Edited by (Palgrave Studies in Minority Languages and Communities, London: Palgrave Macmillan).

List of Contributors
Overview Map of Cases Discussed in this Book
Studying Minority Languages in the Linguistic Landscape; H.F.Marten, L.Van Mensel & D.Gorter
PART I: LANGUAGE IDEOLOGIES AND LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE
‘Latgalian is not a Language’: Linguistic Landscapes in Eastern Latvia and how they Reflect Centralist Attitudes; H.F.Marten
Transgression as the Norm: Russian in Linguistic Landscape of Kyiv, Ukraine; A.Pavlenko
Minority Semiotic Landscapes: An Ideological Minefield?; M.Hornsby & D.Vigers
Language Ideological Debates in the Linguistic Landscape of an Irish Tourist Town; M.Moriarty
Linguistic Landscape as a Tool for Interpreting Language Vitality: Arabic as a ‘Minority’ Language in Israel; E.Shohamy & M.A.Ghazaleh-Mahajneh
PART II: LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE AND LANGUAGE POLICY
Policies vs. Non-policies: Analysing Regional Languages and the National Standard in the Linguistic Landscape of French and Italian Mediterranean Cities; R.Blackwood & S.Tufi
Two-way Traffic: How Linguistic Landscapes Reflect and Influence the Politics of Language; G.Puzey
The Revitalization of Basque and the Linguistic Landscape of Donostia-San Sebastián; D.Gorter, J.Aiestaran & J.Cenoz
All is Quiet on the Eastern Front? Language Contact along the French-German Language Border in Belgium; L.Van Mensel & J.Darquennes
PART III: THE DISTRIBUTIVE APPROACH TO LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE
The Linguistic Landscape of Three Streets in Barcelona: Patterns of Language Visibility in Public Space; E.Long & L.Comajoan
The Linguistic Landscapes of Chişinău and Vilnius: Linguistic Landscape and the Representation of Minority Languages in Two Post-Soviet Capitals; S.Muth
Multilingual Societies Versus Monolingual States: the Linguistic Landscapes in Italy and Brunei Darussalam; P.Coluzzi
Using Linguistic Landscape to Examine the Visibility of Sámi Languages in the North Calotte; H.Salo
PART IV: FRESH PERSPECTIVES ON LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE
Discourse Coalitions For and Against Minority Languages on Signs: Linguistic Landscape as a Social Issue; E.Szabó-Gilinger, M.Sloboda, L.Šimičić & D.Vigers
The Linguistic Landscape of Educational Spaces: Language Revitalization and Schools in Southeastern Estonia; K.D.Brown
The Material Culture of Multilingualism; L.Aronin & M.Ó Laoire
Minority Languages through the Lens of the Linguistic Landscape; L.Van Mensel, H.F.Marten & D.Gorter

Goudsblom, J. 1980. Nihilism and Culture. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

Gour (Gur), Batya. 1994. Meurtre à l’Université: un crime littéraire. Translated by Jacqueline Carnaud et Jacqueline Lahana. Paris: Arthème Fayard.

33: De fait, seuls les intimes de ce séduisant quadragénaire, aux pommettes saillantes et au regard mélancolique,savaient qu’il était sujet au doute, à l’angoisse. Pour les autres -ses supérieurs, ses collègues-, Michael Ohayon était un homme solide, intelligent, cultivé, mais aussi un Don Juan invétéré, dont la réputation attirait les femmes par dizaines. Et c’était vrai que même les policiers les plus retors pâlissaient en entendant les enregistrement de certiains de ses interrogatoires, bien qu’il ne brutaliât jamais physiqueement un suspect. La fidélité que lui vouaient ses hommes et l’atmosphère détendue dans laquelle ils travaillaient tenaient, en grande partie, à la courtoisie et au respect qu’il leur témoignait, à sa simplicité et sa modestie. D’ailleurs son entourage était convaicu que c’était précisément ces qualités que lui avient valu de grimper si rapidement les échelons de la police.
Conquis, lui aussi, par le sourire timide et embarrasé qui illuminait le visage de son ami, Ouzi lui tapota l’épaule: “Je ne te force pas, mais c’est bien la première fois que je vois un Marocain jouer les mères juives!”
Les angoisses secrètes d’Ohayon, source intarrissable de plaisantereis pour ses proches, portaient principalement sur son fils unique.
Youval était encore tout petit qu’il appréhendait déjà le moment où celui-ci partirait en excursion avec l’école, apprendrait à monter à bicyclette, rêverait d’avoir une moto et serait appelé sous les drapeaux. Lorsque Nira était revenue de la maternité, pendant plusieurs nuits, il n’avait pu fermer l’oeil, de crainte que le bébé ne s’arrête de respirer. Youval avait à peine un an que tout le monde s’extasiait devant ce père marocain qui se comportait avec son rejeton comme un Polonais rescapé de l’Holocauste. “Nous avons échangé nos rôles, expliquait Nira d’un ton railleur à leurs amis. Moi encore, je comprends. Mais lui?

Gour (Gur), Batya (1995), Meurtre au Kibboutz trans. Rosie Pinhas-Delpuech (Paris: Arthème Fayard) 435.

Titre hébreu: Leina Michoutefet: coucher collectif.
13: Quoique l’ambiance fut un tantinet solennelle, on sentait que personne ne prenait les choses très au sérieux. Seuls les enfants paraissaient excités, mais ils s’intéressaient plus à la rangée de véhicules agricoles qu’au coeur d’hommes et de femmes qui chantaient sur le podium. Mis à part les chanteurs, personne n’était en blanc. Aharon remarqua avec une pointe de déception amusée que même les petits du jardin d’enfant n’étaient plus habillés de bleu et blanc et qu’aucun drapeau national ne flottait au-dessus de l’aire de fête. (…) Il se souveint de la nostalgie qu’il avait éprouvée aux fêtes nationales, de l’émotion qui s’emparait de lui particulièrement à Shavouot, la fête des Prémices, du sentiment d’appartnance àè un groupe; et foce lui fut de reconnaître que sans le bleu et blanc, sans les drapeaux sur le Caterpillar, cette cérémonie lui paraissait aussi étrangère et archaïque que si elle avait été célébrée dans un kolkhoze russe.
Il avait l’impression que le temps s’était figé comme dans un vieux film sur l’histoire du sionisme. Toute cette mise en scène pastorale était une vaste comédie qui masquait la faillite d’une agriculture sauvée in extremis par une activité industrielle.
17: Nos greniers sont pleins de grains, nos pressoirs débordent de vin , nos maisons sont riches d’enfants” chantait le choeur, et Aharon se tit que nul endroit ne pouvait mieux illustrer cette phrase. La crise économique qui affectait les kibboutzim faisant la une des journaux et alimentait les discussions de la Nnesset et des commissions deéducation , ne soemblait pas concerner ce lieu. Les bénéfices de l’usie de produits cosmétiques était tels, lui avait dit Moysh, qu’ils permettaitent même de subventionner les activités d’autres kibboutzim lourdement endettés. Ici, les membres pouvaient encore se payer des voyages à l’étranger et si le projet de logements familiaux avait été ajourné, ce n’eétait pas faute de moyens mais à cause du débat idéologique engagé avec l’aile conservatrice du mouvement national. Autoriser les enfants à dormir sous le même toit que les parents, recréer la cellule familiale bourgeoise impliquait un renoncement à l’un des fondements de l’idéologie collectiviste.
56: Aharon suivit le cortège qui continuait d’avancer malgré l’attorupement autour de Fania. On essayeait de l’apaiser, mais le chiffre bleu inscrit sur son avant-bras intimidait souvent les bonnes volontés. TRout le monde craignait Fania et Gouta. Même si cette dernière paraissait moins effrayante et quil lui arrivait parfois de rire et de raconter des histoire. Quant il était enfant, il regardait avec effroi le chiffre tatoué sur le bras avec l’impression que tout lui était permis, tout leur était pardonné.(…)Aharon observait Gouta, la manière dont elle mangeait lentement, méthodiquement, la moindre miette dans son assiette pleine à ras bord, avec cette même expression concentrée et solitaire qu’elle avait pendant la cueillette et qui lui faisait peur.
“Que voulez-vous, après tout ce qu’ils ont subi…” disait toujours Myriam lorsque ceux qui travaillaient à l’étable se plaignaient de Gouta qui les épuisait et les réprimandait sans cesse.
131: Le docteur Hirsh s’y assit et décrocha le récepteur pour (…) appeler le Dr Kestenbaum. (…) Aussitôt assis,il se mit à parler (…) long monologue qui commença par :”A l’étranger, je faisais pas seulement autopsies, mais je praticipais aussi enquête, autrement dit, docteur et détective. Michaël lui demanda poliment de quel pays il venait: “de Transylvanie. Huit ans que je suis ici, mais en Hongrie, je travaillais dans la police.”
135: “Je fais opération dans dispensaire où il est mort. Je ne trouve pas signe de choc anaphyalctique à péniciline. Pas trace de violence qui explique la chause de mort, cependant…”
Michaël réprima un sourire. Selon une loi jamais explicitée par les meilleurs linguistes, ce mélange étrange d’expressions toutes faites comme “cependant” et de phrases défectueuses faisait de Kestenbaum quelqu’un qui ne parelerait jamais l’hébreu correctement.
144: Le ton indifférent de Kestenboum masquait mal sa passion d’orateur et Michaël se sentit quelque peu coupable de sa réussite professionnelle, de son jeune âge, de son appartenance inébranlable à ce pays et à sa culture. Il eut conscience que la vie lui avait souri et éprouva une envie de toucher le docteur Kestenbaum, auquel il avait pourtant prodigué juste ce qu’il fallait de compliments pour ne pas verser dans l’exagération ou l’ironie (le contraste entre l’hébreu défecteueux de son interlocuteur et son air important pouvait prêter à ironie). Pourquoi avait-il cette impression d’enfant gâté par la chance devant cet éminent médecin de l’Institut médico-légal?
150: Michaël contempla les espaéces vert et or qui s’étendaient de chaque côté de la route étroite. Il était tendu et pensait à son beau-frère Amy, le mair de sa soeur aînée Yvette. Pendant la guerre du Liban, il avait été enrôlé comme réserviste dans l’unité surnommée “les messagers de la mort”, ces officiers chargés d’annoncer la mauvaise nouvelle aux familles des victimes. Durant toute cette période, il rentrait à la maison sans faire de bruit, sans dire un mot à personne, sans manger ni se laver, s’enfermait dans la chambre à coucher et restait longtemps étendu, à fixer le mur. Une fois libéré, il était devenu incapable d’agir. Il farrivait au garage (…) s’asseyait à son bureau et restait immobile devant les comptes et les factures. (…)”Tun ne peux pas savoir ce que c’est, lui avait dit Ami le lendemain. Les pires sont ceux qui se retiennent, les Ashkenazes. Ils ne crient pas, ils ne disent rien. Une nuit, j’ai attendu dans la voiture avec le médecin qu’il fasse jour. Tu es assis dans la voiture, tu regardes les fenêtres et tu attends que le ciel s’éclaircisse, qu’il soit cinq heures du matin. Tu sais que là-haut des gens dorment tranquillement et que toi tu es comme l’ange de la mort, que d’un seul mot, tu vas briser leur vie.”. Amy s’était couvert le visage de ses grandes mains.
150: Pendant la guerre du Liban, il avait été enrôlé comme réserviste dans l’unitié surnommée “les messagers de la mort”. ces officiers chargés d’annoncer la mauvaise nouvelle aux familles de victimes. Durant toute cette période, il rentrait à la maison sans faire de bruit, sans dire un mot à personne, sans manger ni se lager, s’enfermait dans la chembre à coucher et restait longtemps étendu, à fixer le mur. Une fois libéré, il était devenu incapable d’agir.
“Tu ne peux pas savoir ce que c’est,(…). Les pire sont ceux qui se retiennent, les Ashkenazes. Ils ne crient pas, ils ne disent rien.
200: J’ai cru que nous avions tout vu, finit-elle par dire d’une voix caverneuse. TU étais peut-être trop petit pour t’en souvenir, mais il y a eu le drame de la scission entre idéologie et politique, en 1951. Je croyais que nousavions déjà tout vu. Des familles détruites. La haine. Nous avons déjà vu la haine. Mais à l’époque, elle était sans fard.(…) Ma vie est finie (…). Il s’agit de ton avenir et de celui de tes enfants. Il faut réparer ce qui est tordu.
—-Tordu? répéta Michaël (…)
—-Tordu! Il y a ici un lent processus d’effritement! Il n’est pas d’aujourd’hui. Le travail salarié” —Elle éleva la voix—“le travai salarié au kibboutz! Tous les kibboutzim se prostituent aujourd’hui! poursuivit-elle avec ardeur. On loue aux gens de la ville la pelouse devant la salle à manger pour les fêtes de famille, Où a-t-on vu chose pareil (…) Ne vois-tu pas qu’il y a là un processus? Ne vois-tu pas qu’il conduit à privilégier l’individu au détriment de la société, à ne pas savoir réfréner l’appétit des biens matériels?(…) On commence par spéculer à la bourse, puis à la banque, et au finit par distribuer des bonus aux membres qui cueillent les fuits de leurs propres arbres. Ca fait longtemps que vous refusez de voir les choses en face. Ca fait longtemps que l’appartement privé compte plus que le kibboutz. Il y a ici un processus dont le comboule aboutit à vos projets d’appartements familiaux(…).

182: Ici personne n’était en colère contre lui, mais personne non plus ne le respectait particulièrement. Il s’en était ouvert à Shorer qui l’avait fourré dans ce pétrin.
“Tu vas t’habituer, lui avait répondu Shorer. Ne viens pas me raconter des histoires d’amour-propre. Je compte sur toi pour devenir un jour préfet de police, le premier à être diplomé de l’université. Heureusement que tu n’es pas ashkénaze, sinon on ne t’aurait jamais fait avancer, du moins pas aux enquêtes. Il est temps que tu sois conscient de tes avantages. (…)”
182-83: “Ca pue Tel-Aviv là-bas! Je ne les comprends pas, ils fonctionnement différemment. Sa secrétaire…on dirait toujours qu’elle vient de sortir de chez le coiffeur…ses cheveux sont dressés sur la tête. Youval m’a dit qu’il existait maitenant des gels qui collent comme ça les cheveux, que c’est le dernier cri. On ne l’imagine pas travaillant dans la police. On la voit bien dans un téêtre, un café, mais pas dans la police. Il y a une espèce d’excentricité qui me tape sur les nerfs. Ca n’a rien à voire avec la Ghila d’Arieh Lévi, qui grignote un croissant et se met du vernis à ongles. Là-bas, c’est autre chose.
200: Ses cheveux blancs ramassés en chignon, sa robe grise et simple, son immobilité exprimaient une retenue qui inspirait le respect. Michaël se demanda une fois de plus quel avantage il y avait à exprimer ses sentiments, si cette capacité était une valeur en soi, ou plutôt si une personnalité comme celle de Vorka, pour qui la retenue était une valeur suprême, m’était pas le ciment d’une société fragile et menacée. Il admirait cette culture spartiate qui enseignait à ne pas baisser la tête devant les catastrophes. Dvorka était, peut-être, à l’exception de Jojo, la seule à avoir gardé sa réserve, et Michaël savait d’expérience que la moindre faille dans cette retenue, le moindre coup et tout l’édifice s’écroulait.(…)
“J’ai cru que nous avions tout vu, finit-elle par dire d’une voix caverneuse. Tu étais peut-être trop petit pour t’en souvenir, mais il y a eu le drame de la scission entre idéologie et politique, en 1951. Je croyais que nous avions déjà tout vu. Des familles détruites. La haine. Nous avons déjà vu la haine. Mais à l’époque, elle était sans fard.(…). Ma vie est finie, je n’ai plus beaucoup d’années à vivre. Il s’agit de ton avenir et de celui de tes enfants. Il faut réparer ce qui est tordu.
– Tordu? répéta Michaël comme s’il entendait ce mot pour la première fois.
– Tordu! Il y a ici un lent processus d’effritemetn! Il n’est pas d’aujourd’hui. Le travail salarié” – elle éleva la voix- “le travail salarié au kibboutz! Tous les kibboutzim se prostituent aujourd’hui! poursuivit-elle avec ardeur. On loue aux gens de la ville la pelouse devant la salle à manger pour des fêtes de famille. Où a-t-on vu chose pareille?
Moysh soupira.
“Dvorka, dit-il, à bout, il n’est pas question de ça en ce moment. Ne vois-tu pas la différence? On n’a jamais vu ça, même dans les pires de mes rêves…
– Quelle différence?” Elle détachait chque mot, les découpait au scalpel. “Il n’y a pas de différence, une chose découle de l’autre, c’est un processus. Ne vos-tu pas qu’il y a là un processus? Ne vois-tu qu’il conduit à priviléger l’individu au détriment de la société, à ne pas savoir refréner l’appétit des biens matiéreils? Ne vois-tu pas (…) que c’est un long processus? On commence par spéculer à la bourse, puis à la banque, et on finit par distribuer des bonus aux memebres qui cueillent les fruits de leur propres arbres! Ca fait longtemps que l’appartement privé compte plus que le kibboutz. Il y a un long processus dont le comble aboutit à vos projets d’appartements familiaux et de…”
206: “Je ne peux pas m’y faire” —il se souvenait des mots exacts —“à cette coutume de s’enfermer chez soi pour manger. Manger ensemble est une des valeurs du bibboutz.
218: C’tait des temps difficiles, comme vous pouvez le lire dans la brochure que nous avons publiée pour le jubilé du kibboutz…mais vous ne comprendrez pas vraiment. Il est très difficile d’imaginer le premier contact avec cette terre. Les errances, la sécheresse, l’eau, la faim. Surtout la faim et le travail. Parfois douze heures par jour à creuser, labourer et consruire lentement. La chaleur en été, le froid en hiver, la pauvreté et la faim. Les hommes étaient faibles et affamés. Nous tous. Il y a eu un temps…”(…) “où une femme enceinte n erecevait que deux tranches de pain et un demi-oeuf par jour.”
218-219: “Youvik nous est arrivé après deux bébés morts-nés”. Elle soupira. “C’était les temps difficiles, comme vous pourrez le lire dans la brochure que nous avons publiée pour le jubilé du kibboutz…mais vous ne comprendrez pas vraiment. Il est très difficile d’imaginer le premier contact avec cette terre. Les errances, la sécheresse, l’eau, la faim. Surtout la faim et le travail. Parfois douze heures par jour à creuser, labourer et construire lentement. La chaleur en été, le froid en hiver, la pauvreté et la faim.Les hommes étaient faibles et affamés. Nous tous. Il y a eu un temps…” elle esquissa de nouveau l’ombre d’un sourire- …où une femme enceinte ne recevait que deux tranches de pain et un demi-oeuf par jour (…) et les maladies, toutes ces choses qui sont pour vous de l’histoire, des morceaux choisis ou autre chose. Quand j’ai perdu les bébés, on s’écartait sur mon passage, comme on le fait maintenant. La solidarité était telle qu’elles se sentaient coupables.
236-37: Inutile de perdre votre temps avec Havaleh, encore qu’elle soit une bonne source pour les commérages. Avec Jojo, avec Mathilda, si vous pouvez supporter la méchanceté. La méchanceté et l’esprit borné. Toutes ces balivernes sur une société juste, une société idéale. Qu’en est-il advenu? Toute cette idée d’un lieu ou d’un groupe humain fondée sur l’égalité, à chacun selon ses besoins et ses possibilités, quelle bétise!” Il but une gorgée d’eau. “A chacun selon ses possibilités, selon la force de ses coudes et de ses cris, voilà ce qu’il en est advenu. Et le coucher collectif. Même à 12 ans, les enfants n’aimaient pas ça. Il y en avait qui mouillaient encore leur lit, d’autres se réveillaient la nuit. Et toutes les interrogations sur la personne qui les garderait cette nuit…Et le statut des parents…Les parents, c’est une institution qui est niée là-bas. Personne ne leur a jamais demandé leur avis. Je me souviens qu’on avait construit la piscine, et la commission d’éducation avait décidé l’age où les enfants pourraient y aller sans être accompagnés. Je le sais, parce que j’ai été secouriste. ” Michaël lui lança un regard étonné. ” Et oui, j’ai suivi un cours de secourisme. (…) C’était un samedi et deux petites filles sont arrivées, seules” (…). “j’étais près de l’entrée et j’ai regardé. Elka est arrivée -c’était la présidente de la commission éducative. Tout un discours sur la décision d’interdire aux enfants du cours moyen de venir seuls. On ne s’était même pas demandé ce qu’en pensaient les parents. Les parents n’existaient pas. Il n’y avait que Lotté et Dvorka qui existaient.
– Qui était cette Lotté?
– Elle a été notre éducatrice pendant quelques années. Si elle avait travaillé seule, elle aurait été investie d’une autorité quasi divine. Mais comme il y avait Dvorka, nous avions deux déesses. Il n’était jamais question de consulter les parens au sujet d’un problème. Tout passait par Dvorka ou Lotté. Je crois que les mères apprenaient avec un an de retrd que leur fille avait eu ses règes. ” Méeroz parlait sérieusement, sans sourire. “D’abord Lotté et Dvorka qui l’apprenaient. Et éventuellement Riva, l’infirmière. Cette idée d’une éducation unique, la même pour tous, la marque de fabrique, vous en voyez le résultat maintenant…Il n’y a pas de quoi être fier. Une société médiocre et matérialiste. Une société sans autre défi que celui de ne pas perdre son individualité. En fin de compte, c’est l’idée du Kibboutz que je n’aime pas du tout. ” Il insista sur le mot “idée”. “Accorder tant de confiance au genre humain, croire qu’il peut vraiment être égalitaire….et des Juifs de surcroît.
239: Michaël regarda autour de lui. Ils étaient assis à une luxueuse table basse, dans le hall du Hilton où Michael avait donné rendez-vous à Shorer après avoir accompagné Meroz à l’hôpital. Derrière un comptoir, un employé de la réception additionnait les chifrfres. On entendait le bruit monotome du tiroir-caisse et une sonnerie de téléphone. On sentait que l’hôtel bruissait de vie alors qu’il paraissait désert. Aux étages supérieurs, se dit Michaël, il y avait des centaines de gens, des couples, des mants, heureux ou malheureux, en trian de faire l’amour, des cuisiniers et des pâtissiers, des dizaines de travailleurs, le silence et le fourmillement d’une vie secrète. Non loin, presque à quelques pas, des bombes incendiaires, l’Intifada, Youval dans les dédales de Bethléem et le tout sur le point d’exploser.
293: Cette voix douce et mûre, dénuée de toute amertume et de toute colère, exprimait paradoxalement une certaine souffrance. Michaël y entendait la solitude. Son service à Bethléem, dans les territoires, lui vait volé sa jeunesse et avait fait de lui un homme.
313: Esther était la plus jeune de six enfants; elle s’était réfugiée en Russie avec le père d’Avigaïl et c’est ainsi qu’ils avaient échappé à la Shoah. De cette période de sa vie, Esther ne disait qu’une phrase: qu’elle était partie accompagner un ami —-“un goy”—disait-elle—- et qu’à son retour, “ils étaient tours morts”. Elle l’avait raconté à contrecoeur, un soir d’hiver où Avigail avait insisté. Elle ne parlait jamais de ses parents ni de ses fères morts. Il lui arrivait seulement d’évoquer le jour où la guerre avait éclaté et de dire: “On n’aime qu’une fois dans la vie, c’est quand on a seize ans.”
338: Il reprit le bulletin daté de la fin février et relut la rubrique “Nouvelles du secrétariat” tenue par Osant. C’était le compte-rendu d’une journée à laquelle avaient participé des dizaines de secrétaires de kibboutz et dont le sujet était “Confiance mutuelle au kibboutz”. (…) Ensuite il relut le dernier paragraphe (…):
Le kibboutz doit se restructurer comme une société où l’individu est le but et la première des priorités, où la communauté collectiviste et égalitaire n’est qu’un moyen, meilleur que les autres, pour l’épanouissement de l’individu et la réalisaiton de la “belle vie”, d’autant plus tentante que l’idéologie socialiste-sioniste est en crise. Loin d’être soimbre ou désespérée, l’atmosphère qui régnait était celle d’une grande volonté potentielle à l’orée d’un tournant historique. Une fois ce tournant pris, nul doute que nous aurons la roce d’aller de l’avant.
366: “Je me souviens que, pendant des années, j’ai voulu être comme tout le monde, un vrai Israélien, un sabra. J’étais prêt à tout faire pour qu’on ne sache pas que j’étais né ailleurs. On croit touours que c’est le problème des communautés orientales, des marocaines. Mais nous savons très bien que ceux qui sont arrivés de Pologne ou d’ailleurs avaient le même désir, le même problème. (…) Le désir de brouiller le passé, d’entrer dans ce qu’on appelait ici le creuset. Quand on y pense, si on plonge un homme dans un creuset, il brûle.
398: – En quoi l’éducation de nos enfants était-elle mauvaise?” cria Dvorka.
Les mains tremblantes, Moysh se leva et regarda comme s’il les découvrait, sans tendresse ni indulgence, Dvorka et la rangée de vieux:
“Je vais te dire exactement ce qui était mauvais. D’abord, le fait que nous ne parlions jamais du passé. Vous ne vouliez pas entendre, vous ne le permettiez pas. Je me souviens très bien comment Sroulké me ramenait à la maison des enfants quand je m’enfuyais la nuit pour aller retrouver mes parents chez eux. Depuis la mort d’Osnat, à cause de la manière dont elle est morte, j’éprouve le besoin de parler. Je dirai tout ce que j’ai sur le coeur et vous m’écouterez. Ce sera comme dans Kehilatenou. Moi aussi j’ai lu ce ramasis d’étalage public et je me suis dit que les choses avaient bien changé. La réunion plénière est devenue le lieu où l’on autorise ceci ou cela, où l’on débat de tel ou tel sujet. Que savez-vous donc de nous? Sans doute quand nous avons percé notre prmière dent et fait nos premiers pas, mais vous ignorez tout de ce qui se passe en nous. Nous n’avions jamais eu l’occaison d’en perler, sauf en plaisantant et par le biais de sketches que nous préparions por les fêtes du kibboutz et les bar-mitzva. Je ne nie pas la beauté de cette forme de vie, mais ces nuits passées sans père ni mère, avec toutes sortes de remplaçants qui ne remplaçaient rien, comme ce garçon du Nahal qui avait saupoudré de talc la zézette de Noga…Vous en aviez fait une plaisanterie. (…)”Ma mère, Myriam, poursuivit Moysh d’une voix étouffée, que vous avez tous connue, était une femme simple et pas très intelligente (…) me racontait que l’image qu’elle garde de moi est celle d’un mignon petit bébé qui suivait la puériculturce, morveux et en larme, la petite menue agrippée à la robe ou au tablier de Golda qui le rejetait`? Où étiez-vous alors?”Le cri s’adressait à Dvorka, qui ne baissa pas les yeux. Michaël crut qu’elle avait cessé de respiré. Son visage était de pierre. “Voilà ce que je veux savoir. Où étiez-vous`? A quoi pensiez-vous pedant toutes ces nuits o?u nous avions peur? Comment avez-vous pu n’accorder aux mamans qu’une demi-heure par jour pour voir leurs enfants? Comment vous êtes-vous permis de décider que la cellule familiale était nocive à la société? Osnat avait raison: elle m’a dit que nous vous opposiez à ce changement parce que vous vous sentiez coupables. Vous voulez perpétuer cette cruauté poru vous protéger, vous justifier à vos propres yeux!” (…) Arrêtons cette histoire! Vous aviez peut-être vos raisons, je n’en sais rien, la vie difficile et tout le reste, mais nous n’avons pas à perpétuer vos histoires. J’ai envie de border mes enfants le soir, j’ai envie de les entendre tousser chez moi, j’ai envie que lorsqu’ils font un cauchemar, il viennent dans mon liet. Je ne veux pas les voir parler dans un interphone ou sortir dans la nuit à la recherche de notre chambre, trébucher sur les cailloux, voir un monstre à chaque tournant et arriver devant une porte fermée ou chez un père qui les raccompagne à la maison des enfants.(…) Vous avez organisé les choses selon vos besoins. Au nom d’un idéal d’égalité, vous avez détruit notre moi individuel, intime. Quelle assurance peuvent avoir des enfants qui ne doivent compter la nuit que sur d’autres enfants. (…) J’aimerais bien comprendre ce que vous aviez dans la tête quand vous nous enfermiez de l’extérieur et que le veilleur ne venait nous voir que deux fois dans la nuit! Deux fois! Nous passions des nuits entières devant la porte, à frapper et leurer, et personne ne venait. Chque fois que j’y pense, j’explose de rage. Il y a de quoi devenir fou!
430: Le téléphone sonna. Avigaïl le regarda puis décrocha le récepteur.
“C’est pour toi, “dit-elle
Michaël l’entendit ouvrir et refermer des portes de placard, puis une sueur froide se mit à couler le long de son dos.
“Ce n’est rien, expliqua Sarit. Il n’est pas vraiment blessé. C’est juste une pierre.

Gouvernement, Fédéral Canadien. 1867. Constitution Act.

Originally, “The British North America Act, 1867”)
(U.K. 30 & 31 Victoria, C.3)
Constitution Act (Formerly BNA Act)
(Consolidated with amendments)

An Act for the Union of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, and
the Government thereof, and for Purposes connected therewith.

(29 March, 1867.)

WHEREAS the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick have
expressed their Desire to be federally united into One Dominion under
the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, with a
Constitution similar in Principle to the United Kingdom;

AND WHEREAS such a Union would conduce to the Welfare of the Provinces
and promote the Interests of the British Empire;

AND WHEREAS on the Establishment of the Union by Authority of
Parliament it is expedient, not only that the Constitution of the
Legislative Authority in the Dominion be provided for, but also that
the Nature of the Executive Government therein be declared;

AND WHEREAS it is expedient that Provision be made for the eventual
Admission into the Union of other Parts of British North America:
I. Preliminary

1. This Act may be cited as the Constitution Act, 1867.

2. REPEALED.
II. Union

3. It shall be lawful for the Queen, by and with the Advice of
Her Majesty’s Most Honourable Privy Council, to declare by
Proclamation that, on and after a Day therein appointed, not
being more than Six Months after the passing of this Act, the
Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick shall form
and be One Dominion under the Name of Canada; and on and after
that Day those Three Provinces shall form and be One Dominion
under that Name accordingly.

[July 1st, 1867 was fixed by proclamation dated May 22, 1867.]

4. Unless it is otherwise expressed or implied, the Name
Canada shall be taken to mean Canada as constituted under this
Act.

5. Canada shall be divided into Four Provinces, named Ontario,
Quebec, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick.

6. The parts of the Province of Canada (as it exists at the
passing of this Act) which formerly constituted respectively
the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada shall be deemed to be
severed, and shall form Two separate Provinces. The Part which
formerly constituted the Province of Upper Canada shall
constitute the Province of Ontario, and the Part which
formerly constituted the Province of Lower Canada shall
Constitute the Province of Quebec.

7. The Provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick shall have
the same Limits as at the passing of this Act.

8. In the general Census of the Population of Canada, which is
hereby required to be taken in the Year One thousand eight
hundred and seventy-one, and in every Tenth Year thereafter,
the respective Populations of the Four Provinces shall be
distinguished.
III. Executive Power

9. The Executive Government and Authority of and over Canada
is hereby declared to continue and be vested in the Queen.

10. The Provisions of this Act referring to the Governor
General extend and apply to the Governor General for the Time
being of Canada, or other Chief Executive Officer or
Administrator for the Time being carrying on the Government of
Canada on behalf and in the Name of the Queen, by whatever
Title he is designated.

11. There shall be a Council to aid and advise in the
Government of Canada, to be styled the Queen’s Privy Council
for Canada; and the Persons who are to be Members of that
Council shall be from Time to Time chosen and summoned by the
Governor General and sworn in as Privy Councillors, and
Members thereof may be from Time to Time removed by the
Governor General.

12. All Powers, Authorities and Functions which under any Act
of the Parliament of Great Britain, or of the Parliament of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or of the
Legislature of Upper Canada, Lower Canada, Canada, Nova
Scotia, or New Brunswick, are at the Union vested in or
exercisable by the respective Governors or Lieutenant
Governors of those Provinces, with the Advice, or with the
Advice and Consent, of the respective Executive Councils
thereof, or in conjunction with those Councils, or with and
Number of Members thereof, or by those Governors or Lieutenant
Governors individually, shall, as far as the same continue in
existence and capable being exercised after the Union in
relation to the Government of Canada, be vested in and
exercisable by the Governor General with the Advice, or the
Advice and Consent of or in conjunction with the Queen’s Privy
Council for Canada, or any Member thereof, or by the Governor
General individually, as the Case requires, subject
nevertheless (except with respect to such as exist under the
Acts of the Parliament of Great Britain or the Parliament of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland) to be
abolished or altered by the Parliament of Canada.

[The restriction against abolishing or altering Laws enacted
by the Parliament of the United Kingdom was removed by _The
Statute of Westminster, 1931_, 22 Geo. V., c.4 (U.K).]

13. The Provisions of this Act referring to the Governor
General in Council shall be construed as referring to the
Governor General acting by and with the Advice of the Queen’s
Privy Council for Canada.

14. It shall be lawful for the Queen, if Her Majesty thinks
fit, to authorize the Governor General from Time to Time to
appoint and Person or any Persons jointly or severally to be
his Deputy or Deputies within any Part or Parts of Canada, and
in that Capacity to exercise during the Pleasure of the
Governor General such of the Powers, Authorities, and
Functions of the Governor General as the Governor General
deems it necessary or expedient to assign to him or them,
subject to any Limitations or Directions expressed or given by
the Queen; but the Appointment of such a Deputy or Deputies
shall not affect the exercise by the Governor General himself
of any Power, Authority or Function.

15. The Command-in-Chief of the Land and Naval Militia, and of
all Naval and Military Forces, of and in Canada, is hereby
declared to continue and be vested in the Queen.

16. Until the Queen otherwise directs, the Seat of Government
of Canada shall be Ottawa.
IV. Legislative Power

17. There shall be One Parliament for Canada consisting of the
Queen, and Upper House Styled the Senate, and the House of
Commons.

18. The privileges, immunities, and powers held, enjoyed, and
exercised by the Senate and House of Commons, and by the
Members thereof, shall be such as are from Time to Time
defined by Act of the Parliament of Canada, but so that any
Act of the Parliament of Canada defining such privileges,
immunities, or powers shall not confer and privileges,
immunities, or powers exceeding those at the passing of the
Act held, enjoyed and excercised by the Commons House of
Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,
and by the members thereof.

19. The Parliament of Canada shall be called together not
later than Six Months after the Union.

20. REPEALED.

The Senate

21. The Senate Shall, subject to the Provisions of this Act,
consist of One Hundred and four Members, who shall be styled
Senators.

22. In relation to the Constitution of the Senate Canada shall
be deemed to consist of Four Divisions:

1. Ontario
2. Quebec
3. The Maritime Provinces, Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island;
4. The Western Provinces of Manitoba, British
Columbia, Saskatchewan, and Alberta;

which Four Divisions shall (subject to the Provisions of this
Act) be equally represented in the Senate as follows: Ontario
by 24 senators; Quebec by 24 senators; the Maritime Provinces
and Prince Edward Island by twenty four senators, ten thereof
representing Nova Scotia, ten thereof representing New
Brunswick, and four thereof representing Prince Edward Island;
the Western Provinces by twenty four senators, six thereof
represting Manitoba, six thereof representing British
Columbia, six thereof representing Saskatchewan, and six
thereof representing Alberta; Newfoundland shall be be
entitled to be represented in the Senate by six members, the
Yukon territory and the Northwest Territories shall be
entitled to be represented in the Senate by one member each.

In the Case of Quebec, each of the Twenty-four Senators
representing that Province shall be appointed for One of the
Twenty-four Electoral Divisions of Lower Canada specified in
Schedule A. to Chapter One of the Consolidated statues of
Canada.

23. The Qualifications of a Senator shall be as follows:

(1) He shall be of the full age of Thirty Years;

(2) He shall be either a natural-born Subject of the
Queen naturalized by an Act of the Parliament of Great
Britain, or of the Parliament of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, or of the Legislature of
One of the Provinces of Upper Canada, Lower Canada,
Nova Scotia, or New Brunswick, before the Union, or of
the Parliament of Canada, after the Union;

(3) He shall be legally or equitably seised as of
Freehold for his Own Use and Benefit of Lands or
Tenements held in Free and Common Socage, or seised or
possessed for his own Use and Benefit of Lands or
Tenements held in Franc-alleu or in Roture, within the
Province for which he is appointed, of the Value of
Four Thousand Dollars, over and above all Rents, Dues,
Debts, Charges, Mortgages, and Incumbrances due or
payable out of or charged on or affecting the same;

(4) His Real and Personal Property shall be together
worth Four Thousand Dollars over and above his Debts
and Liabilities;

(5) He shall be resident in the Province for which he
is appointed;

(6) In the case of Quebec he shall have his Real
Property Qualification in the Electoral Division for
which he is appointed, or shall be resident in that
Division.

24. The Governor General shall from Time to Time, in the
Queen’s Name, by Instrument under the Great Seal of Canada,
summon qualified Persons to the Senate; and, subject to the
Provisions of this Act, every person so summoned shall become
and be a Member of the Senate and a Senator.

25. REPEALED.

26. If at any Time on the Recommendation of the Governor
General the Queen thinks fit to direct that Four or Eight
Members be added to the Senate, the Governor General may by
Summons to Four or Eight qualified Persons (as the case may
be), representing equally the Four Divisions of Canada, add to
the Senate accordingly.

27. In case of such Addition be at any Time made, the Governor
General shall not summon any Person to the Senate, except upon
a further like Direction by the Queen on the like
Recommendation, to represent, to represent one of the Four
Divisions until such Division is represented by Twenty-Four
Senators and no more.

28. The Number of Senators shall not at any Time exceed One
Hundred and twelve.

29. (1) Subject to subsection (2), a Senator shall, subject to
the provisions of this Act, hold his place in the Senate for
life.
(2) A Senator who is summoned to the Senate after the
coming into force of this subsection shall, subject to this
Act, hold his place in the Senate until he attains the age of
seventy-five years.

30. A Senator may by Writing under his Hand addressed to the
Governor General resign his Place in the Senate, and thereupon
the same shall be vacant.

31. The Place of a Senator shall become vacant in any of the
following Cases:

1. If for Two consecutive Sessions of the Parliament
he fails to give his Attendance in the Senate;

2. If he takes an Oath or makes a Declaration or
Acknowledgement of Allegiance, Obedience, or Adherence
to a Foreign Power, or does an Act whereby he becomes
a Subject or Citizen, or entitled to the Rights and
Privileges of a Subject or Citizen, of a Foreign
Power;

3. If he is adjudged Bankrupt or Insolvent, or applies
for the Benefit of any Law relating to Insolvent
Debtors, or becomes a public Defaulter;

4. If he is attainted of Treason or convicted of a
Felony or of any infamous Crime;

5. If he ceases to be qualified in respect of Property
or of Residence; provided, that a Senator shall not be
deemed to have ceased to be qualified in respect of
Residence by reason only of his residing at the Seat
of the Government of Canada while holding an Office
under that Government requiring his Presence there.

32. When a Vacancy happens in the Senate by Resignation,
Death, or otherwise, the Governor General shall by Summons to
a fit and qualified Person fill the Vacancy.

33. If any Question arises respecting the Qualification of a
Senator or a Vacancy in the Senate the same shall be heard and
determined by the Senate.

34. The Governor General may from Time to Time, by Instrument
under the Great Seal of Canada, appoint a Senator to be
Speaker of the Senate, and may remove him and appoint another
in his Stead.

35. Until the Parliament of Canada otherwise provides, the
Presence of at least Fifteen Senators, including the Speaker,
shall be necessary to constitute a Meeting of the Senate for
the Exercise of its Powers.

36. Questions arising in the Senate shall be decided by a
Majority of Voices, and the Speaker shall in all Cases have a
Vote, and when the Voices are equal the Decision shall be
deemed to be in the Negative.
The House of Commons

37. The House of Commons shall, subject to the Provisions of
this Act, consist of two hundred and eighty-two members of
whom ninety- five shall be elected for Ontario, seventy-five
for Quebec, eleven for Nova Scotia, ten for New Brunswick,
fourteen for Manitoba, twenty-eight for British Columbia, four
for Prince Edward Island, twenty-one for Alberta, fourteen for
Saskatchewan, seven for Newfoundland, one for the Yukon
Territory and two for the Northwest Territories.

38. The Governor General shall from Time to Time, in the
Queen’s Name, by Instrument under the Great Seal of Canada,
summon and call together the House of Commons.

39. A Senator shall not be capable of being elected or of
sitting or voting as a Member of the House of Commons.

40. SPENT.

[Defined Federal electoral districts for the original
provinces. Now covered by the _Representation Act, 1952_,
c.334, as amended.]

41. SPENT.

[Defined Federal electoral regulations for the orginal
provinces. Now covered by the _Canada Elections Act, 1960_,
c.38, as amended.]

42. REPEALED.

43. REPEALED.

44. The House of Commons on its first assembling after a
General Election shall proceed with all practicable Speed to
elect One of its Members to be Speaker.

45. In case of a Vacancy happening in the office of Speaker by
Death, Resignation, or otherwise, the House of Commons shall
with all practicable Speed proceed to elect another of its
Members to be Speaker.

46. The Speaker shall preside at all Meetings of the House of
Commons.

47. SPENT.

[Provisions for exercising the powers of the Speaker of the
House of Commons in his absence. Now covered by _The Speaker
of the House of Commons Act, 1952_, c. 254, as amended.]

48. The Presence of at least Twenty Members of the House of
Commons shall be necessary to constitute a Meeting of the
House for the Exercise of its Powers, and for that Purpose the
Speaker shall be reckoned as a Member.

49. Questions arising in the House of Commons shall be decided
by a Majority of Voices other than that of the Speaker, and
when the Voices are equal, but not otherwise, the Speaker
shall have a Vote.

50. Every House of Commons shall continue for Five Years from
the Day of the Return of the Writs for choosing the House
(subject to be sooner dissolved by the Governor General), and
no longer.

51. Omitted.

51A. Notwithstanding anything in this Act a province shall
always be entitled to a number of members in the House of
Commons not less than the number of Senators representing such
province.

52. The Number of Members of the House of Commons may be from
Time to Time increased by the Parliament of Canada, provided
that the proportionate Representation of the Provinces
prescribed by this Act is not thereby disturbed.
Money Votes; Royal Assent

53. Bills for appropriating any Part of the Public Revenue, or
for imposing any Tax or Impost, shall originate in the House
of Commons.

54. It shall not be lawful for the House of Commons to adopt
or pass any Vote, Resolution, Address, or Bill for the
appropriation of any Part of the Public Revenue, or of any Tax
or Impost, to any Purpose that has not been first recommended
to that House by Message of the Governor General in the
Session in which such Vote, Resolution, Address, or Bill is
proposed.

55. Where a Bill passed by Houses of the Parliament is
presented to the Governor General for the Queen’s assent, he
shall declare, according to his Discretion, but subject to the
Provisions of this Act and to Her Majesty’s Instructions,
either that he assents thereto in the Queen’s name, or that he
withholds the Queen’s Assent, or that he reserves the Bill for
the signification of the Queen’s Pleasure.

56. Where the Governor General assents to a Bill in the
Queen’s Name, he shall by the first convenient Opportunity
send an authentic Copy of the Act to one of Her Majesty’s
Principal Secretaries of State, and if the Queen in Council
within Two Years after Receipt thereof by the Secretary of
State thinks fit to disallow the Act, such Disallowance (with
a Certificate of the Secretary of State on the Day on which
the Act was received by him) being signified by the Governor
General, by Speech or Message to each of the Houses of the
Parliament or by Proclamation, shall annul the Act from and
after the Day of such Signification.

57. A Bill reserved for the Signification of the Queen’s
Pleasure shall not have any Force unless and until, within Two
Years from the Day on which it was presented to the Governor
General for the Queen’s Assent, the Governor General
signifies, by Speech or Message to each of the Houses of the
Parliament or by Proclamation, that it has received the Assent
of the Queen in Council.

An Entry of every such Speech, Message, or Proclamation
shall be made in the Journal of each House, and a Duplicate
thereof duly attested shall be delivered to the proper Officer
to be kept among the Records of Canada.

V. Provincial Constitutions

58. For each Province there shall be an Officer, styled the
Lieutenant Governor, appointed by the Governor General in
Council by Instrument under the Great Seal of Canada.

59. A Lieutenant Governor shall hold Office during the
Pleasure of the Governor General; but any Lieutenant Governor
appointed after the Commencement of the First Session of the
Parliament of Canada shall not be removable withing Five Years
from his Appointment, except for Cause assigned, which shall
be communicated to be in Writing within One Month after the
Order for his removal is made, and shall be communicated by
Message to the Senate and to the House of Commons within One
Week thereafter if the Parliament is then sitting, and if not
then within One Week after the Commencement of the next
Session of the Parliament.

60. The Salaries of the Lieutenant Governors shall be fixed
and provided by the Parliament of Canada.

61. Every Lieutenant Governor shall, before assuming the
Duties of his Office, make and subscribe before the Governor
General of some Person authorized by him Oaths of Allegiance
and Office similar to those taken by the Governor General.

62. The Provisions of this Act referring to the Lieutenant
Governor extend and apply to the Lieutenant Governor for the
Time being of each Province, or other the Chief Executive
Officer or Administrator for the Time being carrying on the
Government of the Province, by whatever Title he is
designated.

63. The Executive Council of Ontario and of Quebec shall be
composed of such Persons as the Lieutenant Governor from Time
to Time thinks fit, and in the first instance of the following
Officers, namely, — the Attorney General, the Secretary and
Registrar of the Province, the Treasurer of the Province, the
Commissioner of Crown Lands, the Commissioner of Agriculture
and Public Works, with in Quebec the Speaker of the
Legislative Council and the Solicitor General.

64. The Constitution of the Executive Authority in each of the
Provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick shall, subject to
the Provisions of this Act, continue as it exists at the Union
until altered under the Authority of this Act.

65. All Powers, Authorities, and Functions which under any Act
of the Parliament of Great Britain, or of the Parliament of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or of the
Legislature of Upper Canada, Lower Canada, or Canada, were or
are before or at the Union vested in or exercisable by the
respective Governors or Lieutenant Governors of those
Provinces, with the Advice and Consent of the respective
Executive Councils thereof, or in conjunction with those
Councils, or with any Number of Members thereof, or by those
Governors or Lieutenant Governors individually, shall, as far
as the same are capable of being exercised after the Union in
relation to the Government of Ontario and Quebec respectively,
be vested in and shall or may be exercised by the Lieutenant
Governors of Ontario and Quebec respectively, with the Advice
or the Advice and consent of or in conjunction with the
respective Executive Councils, or any Members thereof, or by
the Lieutenant Governor individually, as the Case requires,
subject nevertheless (except with respect to such as exist
under Acts of the Parliament of Great Britain, or of the
Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland), to be abolished or altered by the respective
Legislatures of Ontario and Quebec.

[See note to section 12, above.]

66. The Provisions of this Act referring to the Lieutenant
Governor in Council shall be construed as referring to the
Lieutenant Governor of the Province acting by and with the
Advice of the Executive Council thereof.

67. The Governor General in Council may from Time to Time
appoint an Administrator to execute the office and Functions
of Lieutenant Governor during his Absence, Illness, or other
Inability.

68. Unless and until the Executive Government of any Province
otherwise directs with respect to that Province, the Seats of
Government of the Provinces shall be as follows, namely, — of
Ontario, the City of Toronto; of Quebec, the City of Quebec;
of Nova Scotia, the City of Halifax; and of New Brunswick, the
City of Fredricton.
Legislative Power

1. Ontario

69. There shall be a Legislature for Ontario consisting of the
Lieutenant Governor and of One House, styled the Legislative
Assembly of Ontario.

70. SPENT.
[Defined size and composition of the Legislative Assembly of
Ontario. Now covered by the _Representation Act, R.S.O.
1960_, c.353.]

2. Quebec

71. There shall be a Legislature for Quebec consisting of the
Lieutenant Governor and of Two Houses, styled the Legislative
Council of Quebec and the Legislative Assembly of Quebec.

72. SPENT.
[Defined size, composition and term of the Legislative Council
of Quebec. Now covered by the _Legislature Act, R.S.Q. 1964_,
c. 6.]

73. The Qualifications of the Legislative Councillors of
Quebec shall be the same as those of the Senators of Quebec.

74. The Place of a Legislative Councillor of Quebec shall
become vacant in the Cases, _mutatis mutandis_, in which the
Place of Senator becomes vacant.

75. When Vacancy happens in the Legislative Council of Quebec
by Resignation, Death, or otherwise, the Lieutenant Governor,
in the Queen’s Name, by Instrument under the Great Seal of
Quebec, shall appoint a fit and qualified Person to fill the
Vacancy.

76. If any Question arises respecting the Qualifications of a
Legislative Councillor of Quebec, or a Vacancy in the
Legislative Council of Quebec, the same shall be heard and
determined by the Legislative Council.

77. SPENT.
[Appointment of Speaker of the Legislative Council of Quebec.
Now covered by the _Legislature Act_.]

78. Until the Legislature of Quebec otherwise provides, the
Presence of at least ten Members of the Legislative Council,
including the Speaker, shall be necessary to constitute a
Meeting for the Exercise of its Powers.

79. Questions arising in the Legislative Council of Quebec
shall be decided by a Majority of Voices, and the Speaker
shall in all Cases have a Vote, and when the Voices are equal
the Decision shall be deemed to be in the Negative.

80. SPENT.
[Defined size and composition of Legistlative Assembly of
Quebec. Now covered by the _Legislature Act_.]
3. Ontario and Quebec

81. REPEALED.

82. The Lieutenant Governor of Ontario and Quebec shall from
Time to Time, in the Queen’s Name, by Instrument under the
Great Seal of the Province, summon and call together the
Legislative Assembly of the Province.

83. SPENT.
[Eligibility requirements for members of the Legislative
Assembly. Covered by the _Legislative Assembly Act, R.S.O.
1960_ in Ontario, and by the Legislature Act, R.S.Q. 1964 in
Quebec.]

84. SPENT.
[Defined Provincial election rules for Ontario and Quebec. Now
covered by the a number of Acts in each province, notably the
_Elections Act, R.S.O. 1960_ in Ontario and the _Elections
Act, R.S.Q. 1964_ in Quebec.]

85. SPENT.
[Defined the maximum duration of a sessions of each of the
Legislative Assemblies. Now covered by the _Legislature Act_
of each of the provinces (see above).]

86. There shall be a Session of the Legislature of Ontario and
of that of Quebec once at least in every Year, so that Twelve
Months shall not intervene between the last Sitting of the
Legislature in each Province and its first Sitting of the next
Session.

87 The following Provisions of this Act respecting the House
of Commons of Canada shall extend and apply to the Legislative
Assemblies of Ontario and Quebec, that is to say, — the
Provisions relating to the Election of a Speaker originally


Gouvernement, Fédéral Canadien. 1982. Charte Canadienne des Droits et Libertés.

Charte Canadienne des Droits et Libertés de 1982
(Excerpt from the Constitution Act 1982)

Whereas Canada is founded upon principles that recognize the supremacy of
God and the rule of law:

Guarantee of Rights and Freedoms

1. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees the rights and
freedoms set out in it subject only to such reasonable limits prescribed
by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.

Fundamental Freedoms

2. Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms:
(a) freedom of conscience and religion;
(b) freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including
freedom of the press and other media of communication;
(c) freedom of peaceful assembly; and
(d) freedom of association.

Democratic Rights

3. Every citizen of Canada has the right to vote in an election of members
of the House of Commons or of a legislative assembly and to be qualified
for membership therein.

4. (1) No House of Commons and no legislative assembly shall continue for
longer than five years from the date fixed for the return of the writs
at a general election of its members.

(2) In time of real or apprehended war, invasion or insurrection, a
House of Commons may be continued by Parliament and a legislative
assembly may be continued by the legislature beyond five years if such
continuation is not opposed by the votes of more than one-third of the
members of the House of Commons or the legislative assembly, as the case
may be.

5. There shall be a sitting of Parliament and of each legislature at least
once every twelve months.

Mobility Rights

6. (1) Every citizen of Canada has the right to enter, remain in and leave
Canada.

(2) Every citizen of Canada and every person who has the status of a
permanent resident of Canada has the right
(a) to move to and take up residence in any province; and
(b) to pursue the gaining of a livelihood in any province.

(3) The rights specified in subsection (2) are subject to
(a) any laws or practices of general application in force in a
province other than those that discriminate among persons primarily
on the basis of province of present or previous residence; and
(b) any laws providing for reasonable residency requirements as a
qualification for the receipt of publicly provided social services.

(4) Subsections (2) and (3) do not preclude any law, program or activity
that has as its object the amelioration in a province of conditions
of individuals in that province who were socially or economically
disadvantaged if the rate of employment in that province is below the
rate of employment in Canada.

Legal Rights

7. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of the person and
the right not to be deprived thereof except in accordance with the
principles of fundamental justice.

8. Everyone has the right to be secure against unreasonable search or
seizure.

9. Everyone has the right not to be arbitrarily detained or imprisoned.

10. Everyone has the right on arrest or detention
(a) to be informed promptly of the reasons therefor;
(b) to retain and instruct counsel without delay and to be informed of
that right; and
(c) to have the validity of the detention determined by way of habeas
corpus and to be released if the detention is not lawful.

11. Any person charged with an offence has the right
(a) to be informed without unreasonable delay of the specific offence;
(b) to be tried within a reasonable time;
(c) not to be compelled to be a witness in proceedings against that
person in respect of the offence;
(d) to be presumed innocent until proven guilty according to law in a
fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal;
(e) not to be denied reasonable bail without just cause;
(f) except in the case of an offence under military law tried before a
military tribunal, to the benefit of trial by jury where the maximum
punishment for the offence is imprisonment for five years or a more
severe punishment;
(g) not to be found guilty on account of any act or omission unless, at
the time of the act or omission, it constituted an offence under
Canadian or international law or was criminal according to the
general principles of law recognized by the community of nations;
(h) if finally acquitted of the offence, not to be tried for it again
and, if finally found guilty and punished for the offence, not to be
tried or punished for it again; and
(i) if found guilty of the offence and if the punishment for the offence
has been varied between the time of commission and the time of
sentencing, to the benefit of the lesser punishment.

12. Everyone has the right not to be subjected to any cruel and unusual
treatment or punishment.

13. A witness who testifies in any proceedings has the right not to have any
incriminating evidence so given used to incriminate that witness in any
other proceedings, except in a prosecution for perjury or for the giving
of contradictory evidence.

14. A party or witness in any proceedings who does not understand or speak
the language in which the proceedings are conducted or who is deaf has
the right to the assistance of an interpreter.

Equality Rights

15. (1) Every individual is equal before and under the law and has the
right to the equal protection and equal benefit of the law without
discrimination and, in particular, without discrimination based on
race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental
or physical disability.

(2) Subsection (1) does not preclude any law, program or activity
that has as its object the amelioration of conditions of disadvantaged
individuals or groups including those that are disadvantaged because of
race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental
or physical disability.

Official Languages of Canada

16. (1) English and French are the official languages of Canada and
have equality of status and equal rights and privileges as to their use
in all institutions of the Parliament and government of Canada.

(2) English and French are the official languages of New Brunswick and
have equality of status and equal rights and privileges as to their use
in all institutions of the legislature and government of New Brunswick.

(3) Nothing in this Charter limits the authority of Parliament or a
legislature to advance the equality of status or use of English and
French.

17. (1) Everyone has the right to use English or French in any debates and
other proceedings of Parliament.

(2) Everyone has the right to use English or French in any debates and
other proceedings of the legislature of New Brunswick.

18. (1) The statutes, records and journals of Parliament shall be printed
and published in English and French and both language versions are
equally authoritative.

(2) The statutes, records and journals of the legislature of New
Brunswick shall be printed and published in English and French and both
language versions are equally authoritative.

19. (1) Either English or French may be used by any person in, or any
pleading in or process issuing from, any court established by Parliament.

(2) Either English or French may be used by any person in, or any
pleading in or process issuing from, any court of New Brunswick.

20. (1) Any member of the public in Canada has the right to communicate with,
and to receive available services from, any head or central office of an
institution of the Parliament or government of Canada in English or
French, and has the same right with respect to any other office of any
such institution where
(a) there is a significant demand for communications with and
services from that office in such language; or
(b) due to the nature of the office, it is reasonable that
communications with and services from that office be available in
both English and French.

(2) Any member of the public in New Brunswick has the right to communicate
with, and to receive available services from, any office of an institution
of the legislature or government of New Brunswick in English or French.

21. Nothing in sections 16 to 20 abrogates or derogates from any right,
privilege or obligation with respect to the English and French languages,
or either of them, that exists or is continued by virtue of any other
provision of the Constitution of Canada.

22. Nothing in sections 16 to 20 abrogates or derogates from any legal or
customary right or privilege acquired or enjoyed either before or after
the coming into force of this Charter with respect to any language that
is not English or French.

Minority Language Educational Rights

23. (1) Citizens of Canada
(a) whose first language learned and still understood is that of the
English or French linguistic minority of the province in which they
reside, or
(b) who have received their primary school instruction in Canada in
English or French and reside in a province where the language in
which they received that instruction is the language of the English
or French linguistic minority population of the province,
have the right to have their children receive primary and secondary
school instruction in that language in that province.

(2) Citizens of Canada of whom any child has received or is receiving
primary or secondary school instruction in English or French in Canada,
have the right to have all their children receive primary and secondary
language instruction in the same language.

(3) The right of citizens of Canada under subsections (1) and (2) to
have their children receive primary and secondary school instruction in
the language of the English or French linguistic minority population of
a province
(a) applies wherever in the province the number of children of
citizens who have such a right is sufficient to warrant the
provision to them out of public funds of minority language
instruction; and
(b) includes, where the number of those children so warrants, the
right to have them receive that instruction in minority language
educational facilities provided out of public funds.

Enforcement

24. (1) Anyone whose rights or freedoms, as guaranteed by this Charter, have
been infringed or denied may apply to a court of competent jurisdiction
to obtain such remedy as the court considers appropriate and just in the
circumstances.

(2) Where, in proceedings under subsection (1), a court concludes that
evidence was obtained in a manner that infringed or denied any rights or
freedoms guaranteed by this Charter, the evidence shall be excluded if
it is established that, having regard to all the circumstances, the
admission of it in the proceedings would bring the administration of
justice into disrepute.

General

25. The guarantee in this Charter of certain rights and freedoms shall not
be construed so as to abrogate or derogate from any aboriginal, treaty
or other rights or freedoms that pertain to the aboriginal people of
Canada including
(a) any rights or freedoms that have been recognized by the Royal
Proclamation of October 7, 1763; and
(b) any rights or freedoms that now exist by way of land claims
agreements or may be so acquired.

26. The guarantee in this Charter of certain rights and freedoms shall not
be construed as denying the existence of any other rights or freedoms
that exist in Canada.

27. This Charter shall be interpreted in a manner consistent with the
preservation and enhancement of the multicultural heritage of Canadians.

28. Notwithstanding anything in this Charter, the rights and freedoms
referred to in it are guaranteed equally to male and female persons.

29. Nothing in this Charter abrogates or derogates from any rights or
privileges guaranteed by or under the Constitution of Canada in respect
of denominational, separate or dissentient schools.

30. A reference in this Charter to a province or to the legislative assembly
or legislature of a province shall be deemed to include a reference to
the Yukon Territory and the Northwest Territories, or to the appropriate
legislative authority thereof, as the case may be.

31. Nothing in this Charter extends the legislative powers of any body or
authority.

Application of Charter

32. (1) This Charter applies
(a) to the Parliament and government of Canada in respect of all
matters within the authority of Parliament including all matters
relating to the Yukon Territory and Northwest Territories; and
(b) to the legislature and government of each province in respect
of all matters within the authority of the legislature of each
province.

(2) Notwithstanding subsection (1), section 15 shall not have effect
until three years after this section comes into force. [Section 32
came into force on April 17, 1982; therefore, section 15 had effect
on April 17, 1985.]

33. (1) Parliament or the legislature of a province may expressly declare
in an Act of Parliament or of the legislature, as the case may be, that
the Act or a provision thereof shall operate notwithstanding a provision
included in section 2 or sections 7 to 15 of this Charter.

(2) An Act or a provision of an Act in respect of which a declaration
made under this section is in effect shall have such operation as it
would have but for the provision of this Charter referred to in the
declaration.

(3) A declaration made under subsection (1) shall cease to have effect
five years after it comes into force or on such earlier date as may be
specified in the declaration.

(4) Parliament or the legislature of a province may re-enact a declaration
made under subsection (1).

(5) Subsection (3) applies in respect of a re-enactment made under
subsection (4).

34. This Part may be cited as the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

Charte Canadienne des Droits et Libertés de 1982
(Excerpt from the Constitution Act 1982)

Whereas Canada is founded upon principles that recognize the supremacy of
God and the rule of law:

Guarantee of Rights and Freedoms

1. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees the rights and
freedoms set out in it subject only to such reasonable limits prescribed
by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.

Fundamental Freedoms

2. Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms:
(a) freedom of conscience and religion;
(b) freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including
freedom of the press and other media of communication;
(c) freedom of peaceful assembly; and
(d) freedom of association.

Democratic Rights

3. Every citizen of Canada has the right to vote in an election of members
of the House of Commons or of a legislative assembly and to be qualified
for membership therein.

4. (1) No House of Commons and no legislative assembly shall continue for
longer than five years from the date fixed for the return of the writs
at a general election of its members.

(2) In time of real or apprehended war, invasion or insurrection, a
House of Commons may be continued by Parliament and a legislative
assembly may be continued by the legislature beyond five years if such
continuation is not opposed by the votes of more than one-third of the
members of the House of Commons or the legislative assembly, as the case
may be.

5. There shall be a sitting of Parliament and of each legislature at least
once every twelve months.

Mobility Rights

6. (1) Every citizen of Canada has the right to enter, remain in and leave
Canada.

(2) Every citizen of Canada and every person who has the status of a
permanent resident of Canada has the right
(a) to move to and take up residence in any province; and
(b) to pursue the gaining of a livelihood in any province.

(3) The rights specified in subsection (2) are subject to
(a) any laws or practices of general application in force in a
province other than those that discriminate among persons primarily
on the basis of province of present or previous residence; and
(b) any laws providing for reasonable residency requirements as a
qualification for the receipt of publicly provided social services.

(4) Subsections (2) and (3) do not preclude any law, program or activity
that has as its object the amelioration in a province of conditions
of individuals in that province who were socially or economically
disadvantaged if the rate of employment in that province is below the
rate of employment in Canada.

Legal Rights

7. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of the person and
the right not to be deprived thereof except in accordance with the
principles of fundamental justice.

8. Everyone has the right to be secure against unreasonable search or
seizure.

9. Everyone has the right not to be arbitrarily detained or imprisoned.

10. Everyone has the right on arrest or detention
(a) to be informed promptly of the reasons therefor;
(b) to retain and instruct counsel without delay and to be informed of
that right; and
(c) to have the validity of the detention determined by way of habeas
corpus and to be released if the detention is not lawful.

11. Any person charged with an offence has the right
(a) to be informed without unreasonable delay of the specific offence;
(b) to be tried within a reasonable time;
(c) not to be compelled to be a witness in proceedings against that
person in respect of the offence;
(d) to be presumed innocent until proven guilty according to law in a
fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal;
(e) not to be denied reasonable bail without just cause;
(f) except in the case of an offence under military law tried before a
military tribunal, to the benefit of trial by jury where the maximum
punishment for the offence is imprisonment for five years or a more
severe punishment;
(g) not to be found guilty on account of any act or omission unless, at
the time of the act or omission, it constituted an offence under
Canadian or international law or was criminal according to the
general principles of law recognized by the community of nations;
(h) if finally acquitted of the offence, not to be tried for it again
and, if finally found guilty and punished for the offence, not to be
tried or punished for it again; and
(i) if found guilty of the offence and if the punishment for the offence
has been varied between the time of commission and the time of
sentencing, to the benefit of the lesser punishment.

12. Everyone has the right not to be subjected to any cruel and unusual
treatment or punishment.

13. A witness who testifies in any proceedings has the right not to have any
incriminating evidence so given used to incriminate that witness in any
other proceedings, except in a prosecution for perjury or for the giving
of contradictory evidence.

14. A party or witness in any proceedings who does not understand or speak
the language in which the proceedings are conducted or who is deaf has
the right to the assistance of an interpreter.

Equality Rights

15. (1) Every individual is equal before and under the law and has the
right to the equal protection and equal benefit of the law without
discrimination and, in particular, without discrimination based on
race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental
or physical disability.

(2) Subsection (1) does not preclude any law, program or activity
that has as its object the amelioration of conditions of disadvantaged
individuals or groups including those that are disadvantaged because of
race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental
or physical disability.

Official Languages of Canada

16. (1) English and French are the official languages of Canada and
have equality of status and equal rights and privileges as to their use
in all institutions of the Parliament and government of Canada.

(2) English and French are the official languages of New Brunswick and
have equality of status and equal rights and privileges as to their use
in all institutions of the legislature and government of New Brunswick.

(3) Nothing in this Charter limits the authority of Parliament or a
legislature to advance the equality of status or use of English and
French.

17. (1) Everyone has the right to use English or French in any debates and
other proceedings of Parliament.

(2) Everyone has the right to use English or French in any debates and
other proceedings of the legislature of New Brunswick.

18. (1) The statutes, records and journals of Parliament shall be printed
and published in English and French and both language versions are
equally authoritative.

(2) The statutes, records and journals of the legislature of New
Brunswick shall be printed and published in English and French and both
language versions are equally authoritative.

19. (1) Either English or French may be used by any person in, or any
pleading in or process issuing from, any court established by Parliament.

(2) Either English or French may be used by any person in, or any
pleading in or process issuing from, any court of New Brunswick.

20. (1) Any member of the public in Canada has the right to communicate with,
and to receive available services from, any head or central office of an
institution of the Parliament or government of Canada in English or
French, and has the same right with respect to any other office of any
such institution where
(a) there is a significant demand for communications with and
services from that office in such language; or
(b) due to the nature of the office, it is reasonable that
communications with and services from that office be available in
both English and French.

(2) Any member of the public in New Brunswick has the right to communicate
with, and to receive available services from, any office of an institution
of the legislature or government of New Brunswick in English or French.

21. Nothing in sections 16 to 20 abrogates or derogates from any right,
privilege or obligation with respect to the English and French languages,
or either of them, that exists or is continued by virtue of any other
provision of the Constitution of Canada.

22. Nothing in sections 16 to 20 abrogates or derogates from any legal or
customary right or privilege acquired or enjoyed either before or after
the coming into force of this Charter with respect to any language that
is not English or French.

Minority Language Educational Rights

23. (1) Citizens of Canada
(a) whose first language learned and still understood is that of the
English or French linguistic minority of the province in which they
reside, or
(b) who have received their primary school instruction in Canada in
English or French and reside in a province where the language in
which they received that instruction is the language of the English
or French linguistic minority population of the province,
have the right to have their children receive primary and secondary
school instruction in that language in that province.

(2) Citizens of Canada of whom any child has received or is receiving
primary or secondary school instruction in English or French in Canada,
have the right to have all their children receive primary and secondary
language instruction in the same language.

(3) The right of citizens of Canada under subsections (1) and (2) to
have their children receive primary and secondary school instruction in
the language of the English or French linguistic minority population of
a province
(a) applies wherever in the province the number of children of
citizens who have such a right is sufficient to warrant the
provision to them out of public funds of minority language
instruction; and
(b) includes, where the number of those children so warrants, the
right to have them receive that instruction in minority language
educational facilities provided out of public funds.

Enforcement

24. (1) Anyone whose rights or freedoms, as guaranteed by this Charter, have
been infringed or denied may apply to a court of competent jurisdiction
to obtain such remedy as the court considers appropriate and just in the
circumstances.

(2) Where, in proceedings under subsection (1), a court concludes that
evidence was obtained in a manner that infringed or denied any rights or
freedoms guaranteed by this Charter, the evidence shall be excluded if
it is established that, having regard to all the circumstances, the
admission of it in the proceedings would bring the administration of
justice into disrepute.

General

25. The guarantee in this Charter of certain rights and freedoms shall not
be construed so as to abrogate or derogate from any aboriginal, treaty
or other rights or freedoms that pertain to the aboriginal people of
Canada including
(a) any rights or freedoms that have been recognized by the Royal
Proclamation of October 7, 1763; and
(b) any rights or freedoms that now exist by way of land claims
agreements or may be so acquired.

26. The guarantee in this Charter of certain rights and freedoms shall not
be construed as denying the existence of any other rights or freedoms
that exist in Canada.

27. This Charter shall be interpreted in a manner consistent with the
preservation and enhancement of the multicultural heritage of Canadians.

28. Notwithstanding anything in this Charter, the rights and freedoms
referred to in it are guaranteed equally to male and female persons.

29. Nothing in this Charter abrogates or derogates from any rights or
privileges guaranteed by or under the Constitution of Canada in respect
of denominational, separate or dissentient schools.

30. A reference in this Charter to a province or to the legislative assembly
or legislature of a province shall be deemed to include a reference to
the Yukon Territory and the Northwest Territories, or to the appropriate
legislative authority thereof, as the case may be.

31. Nothing in this Charter extends the legislative powers of any body or
authority.

Application of Charter

32. (1) This Charter applies
(a) to the Parliament and government of Canada in respect of all
matters within the authority of Parliament including all matters
relating to the Yukon Territory and Northwest Territories; and
(b) to the legislature and government of each province in respect
of all matters within the authority of the legislature of each
province.

(2) Notwithstanding subsection (1), section 15 shall not have effect
until three years after this section comes into force. [Section 32
came into force on April 17, 1982; therefore, section 15 had effect
on April 17, 1985.]

33. (1) Parliament or the legislature of a province may expressly declare
in an Act of Parliament or of the legislature, as the case may be, that
the Act or a provision thereof shall operate notwithstanding a provision
included in section 2 or sections 7 to 15 of this Charter.

(2) An Act or a provision of an Act in respect of which a declaration
made under this section is in effect shall have such operation as it
would have but for the provision of this Charter referred to in the
declaration.

(3) A declaration made under subsection (1) shall cease to have effect
five years after it comes into force or on such earlier date as may be
specified in the declaration.

(4) Parliament or the legislature of a province may re-enact a declaration
made under subsection (1).

(5) Subsection (3) applies in respect of a re-enactment made under
subsection (4).

34. This Part may be cited as the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.


Gouvernement, Fédéral Canadien. 1987. Accord constitutionnel.

1987 CONSTITUTIONAL ACCORD

(COMPLETE TEXT)
June 3, 1987

WHEREAS first ministers, assembled in Ottawa, have arrived at a
unanimous accord on constitutional amendments that would bring about
the full and active participation of Quebec in Canada’s constitutional
evolution, would recognize the principle of equality of all provinces,
would provide new arrangements to foster greater harmony and
cooperation between the Government of Canada and the governments of
the provinces and would require that annual constitutional conferences
composed of first ministers be convened not later than December 31,
1988;

AND WHEREAS first ministers have also reached unanimous agreement on
certain additional commitments in relation to some of those
amendments;

NOW THEREFORE the Prime Minister of Canada and the first ministers of
the provinces commit themselves and the governments they represent to
the following:

1. The Prime Minister of Canada will lay or cause to be laid before
the Senate and House of Commons, and the first ministers of the
provinces will lay or cause to be laid before the legislative
assemblies, as soon as possible, a resolution, in the form appended
hereto, to authorize a proclamation to be issued by the Governor
General under the Great Seal of Canada to amend the Constitution of
Canada.

2. The Government of Canada will, as soon as possible, conclude an
agreement with the Government of Quebec that would

(a) incorporate the principles of the Cullen-Couture agreement
on the selection abroad and in Canada of independent
immigrants, visitors for medical treatment, students and
temporary workers, and on the selection of refugees abroad and
economic criteria for family reunification and assisted
relatives,

(b) guarantee that Quebec will receive a number of immigrants,
including refugees, within the annual total established by the
federal government for all of Canada proportionate to its
share of the population of Canada, with the right to exceed
that figure by per cent for demographic reasons, and

(c) provide an undertaking by Canada to withdraw services
(except citizenship services) for the reception and
integration (including linguistic and cultural) of all foreign
nationals wishing to settle in Quebec where services are to be
provided by Quebec, with such withdrawal to be accompanied by
reasonable compensation,

and the Government of Canada and the Government of Quebec will take
the necessary steps to give the agreement the force of law under the
proposed amendment relating to such agreements.

3. Nothing in the Accord should be construed as preventing the
negotiation of similar agreements with other provinces relating to
immigration and the temporary admission of aliens.

4. Until the proposed amendment relating to the appointments to the
Senate comes into force, any person summoned to fill a vacancy in the
Senate shall be chosen from among persons whose names have been
submitted by the Government of the province to which the vacancy
relates and must be acceptable to the Queen’s Privy Council for
Canada.
Motion for a Resolution to Authorize
an Amendment to the Constitution of Canada

WHEREAS the Constitution Act, 1982 came into force on April 17, 1982,
following an agreement between Canada and the provinces except Quebec;

AND WHEREAS the Government of Quebec has established a set of five
proposals for constitutional change and has stated that amendments to
give effect to those proposals would enable Quebec to resume a full
role in the constitutional councils of Canada;

AND WHEREAS the amendment proposed in the schedule hereto sets out the
basis on which Quebec’s five constitutional proposals may be met;

AND WHEREAS the amendment proposed in the schedule hereto also
recognizes the principles of equality of all the provinces, provides
new arrangements to foster greater harmony and cooperation between the
Government of Canada and the governments of the provinces and requires
that conferences be covened to consider important constitutional,
economic and other issues;

AND WHEREAS certain portions of the amendment proposed in the schedule
hereto relate to matters referred to in section 41 of the Constitution
Action, 1982;

AND WHEREAS section 41 of the Constitution Act, 1982 provides that an
amendment to the Constitution of Canada may be made by proclamation
issued by the Governor General under the Great Seal of Canada where so
authorized by resolutions of the Senate and the House of Commons and
of the legislative assembly of each province;

NOW THEREFORE the (Senate) (House of Commons) (legislative assembly)
resolves that an amendment to Constitution of Canada be authorized to
be made by proclamation issued by Her Excellency the Governor General
under the Great Seal of Canada in accordance with the schedule hereto.
SCHEDULE

CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT, 1987
Constitution Act, 1867

1. The _Constitution Act, 1867_ is amended by adding
thereto, immediately after section 1 thereof, the
following section:

2. (1) The Constitution of Canada shall be
interpreted in a manner consistent with

(a) the recognition that the existence of
French- speaking Canadians, centered in Quebec
but also present elsewhere in Canada, and
English-speaking Canadians, concentrated
outside Quebec but also present in Quebec,
constitutes a fundamental characteristic of
Canada; and

(b) the recognition that Quebec constitutes
within Canada a distinct society.

(2) The role of the Parliament of Canada and
the provincial legislatures to preserve the
fundamental characteristic of Canada referred to
in paragraph (1) (a) is affirmed

(3) The role of the legislature and Government
of Quebec to preserve and promote the distinct
identity of Quebec referred to in paragraph
(1)(b) is affirmed.

(4) Nothing in this section derogates from the
powers, rights or privileges of Parliament or the
Government of Canada, or of the legislatures or
governments of the provinces, including any
powers, rights or privileges relating to
language.

2. The said act is further amended by adding thereto,
immediately after section 24 thereof, the following
section:

25. (1) Where a vacancy occurs in the Senate, the
government of the province to which the vacancy
relates may, in relation to that vacancy, submit
to the Queen’s Privy Council for Canada the names
of persons who may be summoned to the senate.

(2) Until an amendment to the Constitution of
Canada is made in relation to the Senate pursuant
to section 41 of the _Constitution Act, 1982_,
the person summoned to fill a vacancy in the
Senate shall be chosen from among persons whose
names have been submitted under subsection (1) by
the government of the province to which the
vacancy relates and must be acceptable to the
Queen’s Privy Council for Canada.

3. The said act is further amended by adding thereto,
immediately after section 95 thereof, the following
heading and sections:

Agreements on Immigration and Aliens

95A. The Government of Canada shall, at the
request of the government of any province,
negotiate with the government of that province
for the purpose of concluding an agreement
relating to immigration or the temporary
admission of aliens into that province that is
appropriate to the needs and circumstances of
that province.

95B. (1) Any agreement concluded between Canada
and a province in relation to immigration or the
temporary admission of aliens into that province
has the force of law from the time it is declared
to do so in accordance with subsection 95C (1)
and shall from that time have effect
notwithstanding class 25 of section 91 or section
95.

(2) An agreement that has the force of law
under subusection (1) shall have effect only so
long as and so far as it is not repugnant to any
provision of an Act of the Parliament of Canada
that sets national standards and objectives
relating to immigration or aliens, including any
provision that establishes general classes of
immigrants or relates to levels of immigration
for Canada or that prescribes classes of
individuals who are inadmissible into Canada.

(3) The _Canadian Charter of Rights and
Freedoms_ applies in respect of any agreement
that has the force of law under subsection (1)
and in respect of anything done by the Parliament
or Government of Canada, or the legislature or
government or a province, pursuant to any such
agreement.

95C. (1) A declaration that an agreement referred
to in subsection 95B (1) has the force of law may
be made by proclamation issued by the Governor
General under the Great Seal of Canada only where
so authorized by resolutions of the Senate and
House of Commons and of the legislative assembly
of the province that is party to the agreement.

(2) An amendment to an agreement referred to
in subsection 95B (1) may be made by proclamation
issued by the Governor General under the Great
Seal of Canada only where so authorized

(a) by resolutions of the Senate and House of
Commons and of the legislative assembly of the
province that is party to the agreement; or

(b) in such other manner as is set out in the
agreement.

95D. Sections 46 to 48 of the Constitution Act,
1982 apply, with such modifications as the
circumstances require, in respect of any
declaration made pursuant to subsection 95C (1),
any amendment to an agreement made pursuant to
subsection 95C (2) or any amendment made pursuant
to section 95E.

95E. An amendment to sections 95A to 95D of this
section may be made in accordance with the
procedure set out in subsection 38(1) of the
_Constitution Act, 1982_, but only if the
amendment is authorized by resolutions of the
legislative assemblies of all the provinces that
are, at the time of the amendment, parties to an
agreement that has the force of law under
subsection 95B(1).

4. The said Act is further amended by adding thereto,
immediately preceding section 96 thereof, the following
heading:

General

5. The said Act is further amended by adding thereto,
immediately preceding section 101 thereof, the following
heading:

Courts Established by the Parliament of Canada

6. The said Act is further amended by adding thereto,
immediately after section 101 thereof, the following
heading and sections:

Supreme Court of Canada

101A. (1) The court existing under the name
of the Supreme Court of Canada is hereby
continued as the general court of appeal for
Canada, and as an additional court for the
better administration of the laws of Canada,
and shall continue to be a superior court of
record.

(2) The Supreme Court of Canada shall
consist of a chief justice to be called the
Chief Justice of Canada and eight other
judges, who shall be appointed by the
Governor General in Council by letters
patent under the Great Seal.

101B. (1) Any person may be appointed a
judge of the Supreme Court of Canada who
after having admitted to the bar of any
province or territory, has, for a total of
at least ten years, been a judge of any
courts in Canada or a member of the bar of
any province or territory.

(2) At least three judge of the
Supreme Court of Canada shall be appointed
from among persons who, after having been
admitted to the bar of Quebec, have, for a
total of at least ten years, been judges of
any court of Quebec or of any court
established by the Parliament of Canada, or
members of the bar of Quebec.

101C. (1) Where a vacancy occurs in the
Supreme Court of Canada, the government of
each province may, in relation to that
vacancy, submit to the Minister of Justice
of Canada the names of any of the persons
who have been admitted to the bar of the
province and are qualified under section
101B for appointment to that Court.

(2) Where an appointment is made to the
Supreme Court of Canada, the Governor
General in Council shall, except where the
Chief Justice is appointed from among
members of the Court, appoint a person whose
name has been submitted under subsection (1)
and who is acceptable to the Queen’s Privy
Council for Canada.

(3) Where an appointment is made in
accordance with subsection (2) of any of the
three judges necessary to meet the
requirement set out in subsection 101B(2),
the Governor General in Council shall
appoint a person whose name has been
submitted by the Government of Quebec.

(4) Where an appointment is made in
accordance with subsection (2) otherwise
than as required under subsection (3), the
Governor General in Council shall appoint a
person whose name has been submitted by the
government of a province other than Quebec.

101D. Sections 99 and 100 apply in respect
of judges of the Supreme Court of Canada.

101E. (1) Sections 101A to 101D shall not be
construed as abrogating or derogating from
the powers of Parliament to make laws under
section 101 except to the extent that such
laws are inconsistent with those sections.

(2) For greater certainty, section
101A shall not be construed as abrogating or
derogating from the powers of the Parliament
of Canada to make laws relating to the
reference of questions of law or fact, or
any other matters, to the Supreme Court of
Canada.

7. The said Act is further amended by adding thereto,
immediately after section 106 thereof, the following
section:

106A. (1) The Government of Canada shall
provide reasonable compensation to the
government of a province that chooses not to
participate in a national shared cost
program that is established by the
Government of Canada after the coming force
of this section in an area of exclusive
provincial jurisdiction, if the province
carries on a program or initiative that is
compatible with the national objectives.

(2) Nouthing in this section extends
the legislative powers of the Parliament of
Canada or of the legislatures of the
provinces.

8. The said Act is further amended by adding thereto the
following heading and sections.

XII – Conferences on the Economy and other Matters

148. A Conference composed of the Prime
Minister of Canada and the first
ministers of the provinces shall be
convened by the Prime Minister of Canada at
least once each year to discuss the state
of the Canadian economy and such
other matters as may be appropriate.

XIII – References

149. A reference to this Act shall be
deemed include a reference to any amendments
thereto.
Constitution Act, 1982

9. Sections 40 to 42 of the _Constitution Act, 1982_ are
repealed and the following substituted therefor:

40. Where an amendment is made under
subsection 38(1) that transfers legislative
powers from provincial legislatures to
Parliament, Canada shall provide reasonable
compensation to any province to which the
amendment does not apply.

41. An amendment to the Constitution of
Canada in relation to the following matters
may be made proclamation issued by the
Governor General under the Great Seal of
Canada only where authorized by resolutions
of the Senate and House of Commons and of
the legislative assembly of each province:

(a) the office of the Queen, the Governor
General and the Lieutenant Governor of a
province;

(b) the powers of the Senate and the method
of selecting Senators;

(c) the number of members by which a
province is entitled to be represented in
the Senate and the residence qualifications
of Senators;

(d) the right of a province to a number of
members in the House of Commons not less
than the number of Senators by which the
province was entitled to be represented on
April 17, 1982;

(e) the principle of proportionate
representation of the provinces in the House
of Commons prescribed by the Constitution of
Canada;

(f) subject to section 43, the use of the
English or French language;

(g) the Supreme Court of Canada;

(h) the extension of existing provinces into
the territories;

(i) notwithstanding any other law or
practice, the establishment of new
provinces; and

(j) an amendment to this part.

10. Section 44 of the said Act is repealed and the
following substituted therefor:

44. Subject to section 41, Parliament may
exclusively make laws amending the
Constitution of Canada in relation to the
executive government of Canada or the Senate
and House of Commons.

11. Subsection 46(1) of the said Act is repealed and the
following substituted therefor:

46. (1) The procedures for amendment under
sections 38, 41, and 43 may be initiated
either by the Senate or the House of Commons
or by the legislative assembly of a
province.

12. Subsection 47(1) of the said Act is repealed and the
following substituted therefor:

47. (1) An amendment to the Constitution of
Canada made by proclamation under section
38, 41 or 43 may be made without a
resolution of the Senate authorizing the
issue if, within one hundred and eighty days
after the adoption by the House of Commons
of a resolution authorizing the issue, the
Senate has not adopted such a resolution and
if, at any time after the expiration of that
period, the House of Commons again adopts
the resolution.

13. Part VI of the said Act is repealed and the following
substituted therefor:

Part VI

Constitutional Conferences

50. (1) A constitutional conference composed
of the Prime Minister of Canada and the
first ministers of the provinces shall be
convened by the Prime Minister of Canada at
least once each year, commencing in 1988.

(2) The conferences convened under
subsection (1) shall have included on their
agenda the following matters:

(a) Senate reform, including the role
and functions of the Senate, its
powers, the method of selecting
Senators and representation in the
Senate;

(b) roles and responsibilities in
relation to fisheries; and

(c) such other matters as are agreed
upon.

14. Subsection 52(2) of the said Act is amended by
striking out the word “and” at the end of paragraph (b)
thereof, by adding the word “and” at the end of paragraph
(c) thereof, and by adding thereto the following
paragraph:

(d) any other amendment to the
Constitution of Canada.

15. Section 61 of the said Act is repealed and the
following substituted therefor:

61. A reference to the _Constitution Act,
1982_, or a reference to the _Constitution
Acts, 1867 to 1982_, shall be deemed to
include a reference to any amendments
thereto.
General

16. Nothing in Section 2 of the _Constitution Act, 1867_
affects section 25 or 27 of the _Canadian Charter of
Rights and Freedoms_, section 35 of the _Constitution
Act, 1982_ or class 24 of section 91 of the _Constitution
Act, 1867_.
Citation

17. This amendment may be cited as the Constitution
Amendment, 1987.


Gouvernement, Fédéral Canadien. 1991. Shaping Canada’s Future Together (Proposals ). Ottawa: Supply and Services.

le texte complet figure dans le document sous word>;dm>;thesis>;annexes


Gouvernement, Fédéral Canadien. 1991. Shared Values: The Canadian Identity. Ottawa: Supply and Services.

Gouvernement, Fédéral Canadien. 1992. LES ACCORDS DE CHARLOTTEVILLE: Consensus Report On The Constitution Charlottetown.

August 28, 1992 pour le texte complet, se référer au doc.”annexes” de ma thèse

Gozlan, M. (2012). Israël contre Israël. Paris, l’Archipel.

Gozlan, M. (2013). Autour d’Israël contre Israël. JCall conference. La Nautique, Genève.

Green, Leslie. 1995. Internal Minorities and their Rights. In The Rights of Minority Cultures, edited by W. Kymlicka. Oxford: Oxford University Press.


Grin, François. 1994. Combining Immigrant and Autochthonous language rights. In Linguistic Human Rights: Overcoming Linguistic Discrimination, edited by T. Skuttnab-Kangas and R. Phillipson. Berlin-New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

39: Let us consider the case of anglophones in Ihe Montreal melropolitan area. Under the present system, the proteclion of Prench as a rninorily cuitl a threatened language in Canada (or, perhaps more to Lhe poinl, in North America) results in restrictions on the use of English in the province of Vuebec, including in local communities where speakers of English are a majority. This has created much outrage, and loud demands for the repealing of all or part of the language act, in particular section 58 pertaining to the language of commercial signs (see Quebec 1977). French in North Arnerica certainly faces an uphill battle for survival, because of the generally dominant position of English. It follows that Ihe Québécois can hardly afford to relax existing regulations. However, the protection of French as a minority language could probably be achieved at a lower psychological cost to the anglophone community, by granting the territorially limiled rights to a broader use of English.

In more general terms, granting adequate linguistic rights to included Ininorities calls for lerritorialization and a high degree of decentralization along with the devolution of significant law-making and spending power to local authorities. Ideally, several tiers of government should be created, each with its clearly defined set of attributions.

41: principles of territorial multilingualism Let us consider a polity where a balance of rights must be granted to speakers of three languages. Three main assumptions are made:

Assurnption 1. There are three language groups: A (autochthonous majority language); B (minority language spoken by immigranls; B is a majority language in the immigrants’ country of origin); C (autochthonous, threatened minority language, whose geographical spread has been declining for several decades).
Assumption 2. There are three levels of government, or tiers: national, provincial, and local(or municipal), each with clearly defined tasks. or areas of jurisdiction. Typical tasks or areas of jurisdiction are the social security system, education, roads, defence, justice, etc.
Assumption 3. Each level of government has control over the language used in its areas of jurisdiction. Jurisdictions are allocated between government tiers in such a way that each tier has roughly equivalent influence on language use in the overall provision of services to the public.


___ 1996. Economic approaches to language and language planning: an introduction. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 121 (1996).

Economic apporaches to language and language planning are usually referred to under the label of “economics of langue”. The economics of language is a generic term applying to an emerging field of research, which remains little-known either within or outside the discipline of economics.
The very notion of an exonomic apporach to language issues may seem puszzling

___ 2001. Kalmykia, victim of Stalinist genocide: from oblivion to reassertion. Journal of Genocide Research 3 (1):97-116.

Kalmykia new language legislation: Language Act of the Republic of Kalmykia, oct. 1999

____ 2003. Diversity as Paradigm, Analytical Device, and Policy Goal. In Language Rights and Political Theory, edited by W. Kymlicka and A. Patten. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

sur le concept de diversité

___2003. La Suisse comme non-multination. In Etats-nations, multinations et organisations supranationales, edited by M. Seymour. Paris: Liber.

sur la Suisse et la politique linguistique

___(2007), ‘Pourquoi donc apprendre l’anglais? Le point de vue des élèves’, in Daphné Romy-Masliah and Larissa Aronin (eds.), L’Anglais et les Cultures: carrefour ou frontière? (Paris: L’Harmattan), 75-95.

___, Jean Rossiaud, and Bülent Kaya. 2003. Les Migrations et la Suisses. In Résultat du programme national Suisse de recherche Migrations et Relations Interculturelles, edited by H.-R. Wicker, R. Fibbi and W. Haug. Bern: Editions Seismo et FNRS.

sur les langues de l’immigration, cas de la Suisse Romande


Grin, François, and Irene Schwob. 2002. Bilingual Education and Linguistic Governance: the Swiss experience. Intercultural Educaton 13 (4):409-426.

Succinct overview of the Swiss context and the expericence of switzerland with bilingual education. In section 1 we briefly characterise the issue at a general level, providing some definitions necessary for the ensuing discussion In section 2 we review the main features of linguistic governance in Switzerland, with reference ot its demolinguistic, geolinguistic and historical context. Section 3 presents the main traits of language education in Switzherland, while section 4 is devoted to a descriptive overview of the (very few) cases of bilingual education in this country. In section 5 we attempt to assess these experiments. In a concluding section 6, we discuss the parallels and differneces between the respective language education challenges of Switzerland and Latvia.


___, and François Vaillancourt. 1999. The cost-effectiveness evaluation of minority language policies. Flensbourg: European Centre for Minority Issues.


___, and François Vaillancourt. 2002. Minority Self-Governance in Economic Perspective. In Minority Governance in Europe, edited by K. Gal. Flensbourg: European Centre for Minority Issues.

sur minorités, gouvernance et décentralisation


Grosjean, F. 1982. Life with Two Languages: An Introduction to Bilingualism. Cambridge, Massachussets: Harvard University Press.

Prof. Grosjean now has a new blog…how did I hear about it, considering he lives in Switzerland, like me…well….through Yolandi Khaos Klein, a brilliant South African researcher from the University of Cape Town who is one of my admin on my facebook page Sociolinguists Worldwide , a page she contributed to create actually. Yolandi also happens to have created a really useful page of which I’m honored to be an admin…Group is called Linguinees, Linguists in the Making, a very tasty programme!

Grossman, David (2011), ‘Ce que je connais de la guerre me donne le droit de parler de la paix’, in David Chemla (ed.), JCall: les raisons d’un appel (Paris: Liana Levi ), 55-66.

cf also the JStreet-JCall page and posts in this blog

;

Lorsque j’ai commencé à écrire Une femme fuyant l’annonce (ed. du Seuil, 2011) (…) j’ai essayé de montrer comment le conflit au Moyen-Orient “se projette” et projette sa brutalité dans la délicate et fagile bulle familiale, comment il en altère -inévitablement-la trame la plus intérieure. J’ai tenté de décrire comment les gens piégés dans ce conflit (…) luttent pour préserver le tissu fin et complexe des relations humaines, de la tendresse, de la sensibilité et de la compassion dans une situation qui n’est que dureté, indifférene et effacement de l’individu. Parfois je compare la tentative de préserver ces valeurs dans l’intensité de la guerre àune marche, au milieu d’une tempête déchaînée, une bougie à la main.
(…)
Et me souvenir – et c’est parfois le plus difficile, que celui qui se tient face à moi, mon ennemi qui me hait et voit en moi une menace à son existence, est lui-aussi un être humain, avec une famille et des enfants, avec sa perception de la justice et ses espoirs, avec ses désespoirs et ses peurs, avec ses points d’aveuglement.
(…)
Je ne peux pas parler des espoirs des Palestiniens quant à la paix. Je n’ai pas le droit de rêver leurs rêves. Je ne peux que leur souhaiter, du lus profond de mon coeur, qu’ils connaissent rapidement une vie libre et souveraine après des générations de soumission et d’occupation par les Turcs, les Anglais, les Egyptiens, les Jordaniens et les Israeliens; qu’ils construisent leur nation et leur Etat comme une démocratie, qu’ils réussissent é élever leurs enfants sans peur, qu’ils profitent de ce qu’une vie de paix peut offrir à tout homme.
Mais je peux parler de mes espoirs et de mes voeux en tant qu’Israélien et en tant que juif.
(…)
Et s’il y a la paix, Israël aura enfin des frontières. Ce n’est pas suelement quelque chose de trivial, surtout pour un peuple qui, pendant la plus grande partie de son histoire était dispersé parmi les autres peuples, ce qui fut en grande partie la cause des catastrophes qui l’ont frappé. Rendez-vous compte: depuis 62 ans, Israël n’a pas de frontières permaentes. Les frontières bougent et changent, s’élargissent et se rétrécissent tous les dix ans. Dans notre monde, un pays qui n’a pas de frontières claires est comparable à une personne habitant dans une maison dont les murs bougent sans arrêt, une personne dont les pieds reposent sur un sol qui ne cesse de trembler (…). Tragiquement, Israël n’a pas réussi à guérir l’âme juive de sa blessure fondamentale, la sensation amère de ne jamais se sentir chez soi dans ce monde.
(…)
Je ne pense pas qu’il y ait un autre pays dans le monde qui vive dans une telle peur existentielle. Quand vous lisez dans un journal que l’Allemagne prépare des grans projets nationaux pour 2030, cela vous semble logique et naturel. Mais aucun Israélien en ferait des projets aussi lointains. Quand je pense à Israël de 2030, je ressens des serrements de coeur, comme si j’avais violé un cerain tabou en ayant osé m’allouer une telle “quantité” de temps….
(…)
Si seulement mon pays, Israël, pouvait trouver la force d’érire à nouveau son histoire, s’il pouvait avoir le courage d’affronter d’une façon nouvelle son histoire tragique, s’il pouvait se se recréer en elle. Si nous pouvions trouver les forces spirituelles nécessaires pour faire la différence entre les vrais dangers qui, en effet nous guettent et les puissants échos de catastrophe et de tragédies qui nous ont frappés dans le passé. Que nous ne soyons plus les victimes, ni de nos ennemis, ni de nos propres frayeurs. Qu’enfin nous arrivions à la maison.

Gruenais, M.-P., ed. 1986. Etats de Langue. Paris: Fondation Diderot/Fondation Arthème Fayard.


Guerrero, Ed. 1993. Framing Blackness. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.


Guest, Edwin. 1838. History of English Rhythms.

Cité par John Edwards (1994)


Guillaume, P., Lacroix M., Pelletier R., and Zylberberg J. 1986. Minorités et Etat. Québec et Bordeaux: Presses de l’Université Laval et Presses Universitaires de Bordeaux.


___ 1992. De l’utilisation politique de la variété dialectale. In Langues, dialectes et écriture, edited by H. Guillorel and J. Sibille. Paris: Institut d’Etudes Occitanes et Institut de Politique Internationale et Européenne.

Guillorel, Hervé and Koubi, Geneviève (1999), Langues du droit, droit des langues (Langues et Droit; Bruxelles: Bruylant).

L’Etude des rapports entre langues et droits, entre les langues et le droit, entre le droit des langues et les langues du droit, ne relève pas d’une seule et unique discipline ni d’un seule aire géographique. Les contributions rassemblées dans cet ouvrage mobilisent les démarches et les problématiques des sciences juridiques, politiques, économiques, linguistiques, anthropologiques, sociologiques, historiques et géographiques à propos des significations véhiculées par les mots dans les sociétés contemporaines.
Elles illustrent donc les difficultés que rencontrent tant les sociétés plurilingues que les Etats se déclarant officiellement unilingues dans la gestion des rapports entre langues et droits.
La langue, écrite ou orale, ne s’analyse pas selon le nombre de ses locuteurs mais bien dans sa fonction de territorialisation et de communication.
Elle ne peut ainsi faire abstraction des formes de relations sociales, économiques, politiques et juridiques. Elle exprime la force du pouvoir aussi bien que la résistance à la puissance de la parole du droit.
Cet ouvrage propose ainsi de revoir les relations que les langues entretiennent avec les systèmes de pouvoirs quels qu’ils soient.

Gumperz, John. 1971. Language in Social Groups. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press.

in Labov’s bibliography of: Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press.


___, and Dell Hymes. 1964. The ethnography of Communication. American Anthropologist Special Publication (66):No. 6, part 2: 137-153.

in Labov’s bibliography of: Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press.

Gunew, Sneja. 1993. Multicultural Multiplicities: US, Canada, Australia. In Cultural Studies: Pluralism & Theory, edited by D. Bennett. Melbourne: Department of English, University of Melbourne.

The “political correctness”(PC) controversy in the US is beginning to intrude on Australian interllectual debate, but there seems to be little awareness of the controversy’s origins and specific resonances within North America. The PC debate has variously been described as a covert attack on all the reforms that have happened in the name of cultural democracy in the US since the 1960s, and as a “call …for the policicisation of academic knowledge by the Right, in the name of the “mainstream” or of “Western civilisation””(Chicago Cultural Studies Group, “Critical Multiculturalism”, Critical Inquiry, 18, (Spring 92), p. 552). One way of surveying the nationally specific connotation of this debate is through a discussion of multiculturalism, which is central to the argument in the US, but less so to its Australian counterpart. (cf. Patricia Aufderheide’s Beyond PC and Paul Berman’s Debating PC).

In Austalia, the homgenising term “multiculturalism” usually refers to groups that are defined oppositionally as non-Anglo rather than non-Western. Post-war European communities are seldom distinguished from more recent non-European arrival, except in the context of debates aboutcurtailing immigration from “Asia”(another homgenising term), while in the next breath hoping that the “Asian market” will lift Astralia out of its current recession.

Postcolonialism resonates more strongly in Australia and Canada than in the US, which does not seem to see itself as ever having been either a colonised nation or a coloniser. Postcolonialism in Australia draws its impetus partly from the need to tacke the question of the treatment of Australia’s indigenous peoples and partly from the new republican push to cast off Australia’s ties with Britain.

Australia has, and in some respects has always had, a population characterised by the variety of its linguistic and cultural references points, but until quite recently this obvious fact has not been accepted as a key element of Austalia’s national institutions and, indeed, its certified national imaginaries, the arts and culture industries. The ways in which Australia defines itself both internally and externally need to b e thoroughly infused with this perception at a conscious level. The repression of this knowledge is registered unconsciously in a number of symptomatic irruptions, of the kind that I have traced around such terms as “migrant”, “home” and “mother tongue” and in relation to “ethnic” food.

Whether it is acknowledged or not, the challenge represented by Australia’s demographic mixture links this country to comparable debates around the world. Questions of cultural difference and nationalism, for example, have been bundled under the umberella of postcolonialism. There has been a burgeoning of academic courses and conferences dealing belatedly with Australia’s legacy of oppression towards its indigenous peoples. In effect, this absolves non-Aboriginal Australians from having to analyse Australia’s neocolonialism, its internal colonisations.

Australians continue to seek national unities, coherent narratives of the nation. They are still emboirled in arguments about whether totreat linguistic and cultural diversity as anything other than a set of sociological problems that supply convenient scapegoarts for the current malaise and provide an imperative to close the traditional ranks.

North America has outstripped Australia in the anaysis of ethnic/racial difference, sometimes under the label of multiculturalism.

The controversy over terminology has long operated as an excuse for refusing to deal with the substantive socio-political issues involved. Certainly, the elements aligned under the banner of multiculturalism in Canada and the US are different from those familiar to Australians. To some extent, the difference can be measured in therms of a movement beetween ethnicity and race..


Gunning, Tom. 1991. D.W. Griffith and the Origins of American Narrative Film: The Early Years at Biograph. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.


Gur(Gour), Batya. 1992. The Saturday Morning Murder: A psychoanalytical Case. Translated by Dalya Bilu. New York: HarperCollins.

Titre hébreu: Retsah Be-Shabat ba-boker: Meurtre un samedi matin
37: Then there was the skinny man called Rosenfeld, Nahum, with the mane of white hair and the small, thin cigar that he never took out of his mouth, who reminded Michael of the senticen he had heard from his mother throughout his childhood: “Eat, Michael, eat so you won’t end up with no flesh on your bones and bad thoughts in your heard”, which was no doubt why he always felt uneasy and somewhat suspicious in the company of excessively thin people.
(…)
When Hildesheimer had finished introducing his colleagues he presented Michael to them, mentioning his rank, which did not seem to impress anyone, and saying that he was the police officer “in charge of investigating our tragedy”, then he said: “Chief Inspector Ohayon has kindly consented to join us in order to clarify certian matters, at my request, and help us in any way he can” In the ensuing silence, Michael leaned back in his chair, puffing on his cigarette, without daring to take a sip of the hot coffee in the cup standing in front of him. Everyone stared at him, and the air wa so thick with suspicion that he could almost touch it. These people, he tought, are not sure at all of my ability to solve anything and are full of prejudices about policemen and probably about people whose parents didn’t come from Europe.
At this point he called himself to order and warned his weaker side not to give way to irrelevant impulses, such as the need to make an impression.
51: But here he sensed that he had to proceed with the greatest possible delicacy, the only way to get onto the wavelength of the person sitting opposite him and pick up those ostensibly trivial things, the things people said between the lines and sometimes never said at all, that in the last analysis provided the master key to solving the mystery. And there was also what he heferred to as “my historical need”. In other words, the historian’s need to obtain a full picture, to see everything concerning human beings as part of an overall process, like a historical process possessing lawas of its own, which -he never tired of explaining- if ony we were able to grasp their meaning, provide us with the tools for going right to the heart of the problem.
The main thing in the initial stage of an investigation, Michael Ohayon would repeat to his subordinates- he never could define what he meant exactly but suceeded only in demonstrating it- the main thing, he stubbornly claimed, was to understand the people involved in the case. Even if his understanding might not seem to play any role in the investigation at first. Which was why he always why he always tried to penetrate as deeply as possible into the emotional and intellectual world under investigation. Superficially this was manifested by the fact that investigations of which he was in charge began too slowly, according to his superiors. Now, for example, he made no attempt to contact the members of his team, because he didn’t want to miss the meeting with Hildesheimer even for the sake of a new lead. He was unwilling to hear facts that might oblige him to cut short his conversation with the old man. He knew that one talk with Hildesheimer would help him to understand the siprit of the place where the murder had occured and the forces activating the characters more than would any fact discovered in the filed. Naturally, he was in conflict; he was tense, and he suspected that there would be a price to pay for his absence: he would have to explain himself, and he knew in advance that he would not be understood. Shorer, his immediate superior, was always attacking him for his “eccentricities”. But he was sure that he was right: you had to start slowly, with a kind of theoretical introduction, and speed things up, as much as possible, only later.
53: In 1937, when it was already clear what was going to happen, he had concluded his analytic training and was about to begin his professional life. He decided to emigrate to Palestine.
With him was a small group of people at a similar stage in their career. They had been preceded to Palestine by Stefan Deutsch, whose training and experience were more serious than theirs – “after all, he had undergone analysis with Ferenczi, a personal friend and disciple of Freud’s” (…)
54-55: It was a pioneering atmosphere. The financial situation and slowness of their professional advancement did not really bother any of them. Yes, there were tensions; that went without saying. The tensions were related mainly to Deutsch’s dominant personality but also to the conditions of the country. The heat was terrible. The dryness of the Jerusalem summers. There were language difficulties too. He glanced at the bookcase and wen on talking. All the seminars were held in German, and the therapy itself was conducted in a mixture of languages, including broken Hebrew-and he smiled his childish smile again. Now of course it was hard to imagine that then he had not known a word of Hebrew, but the effort! What an effort! Here, he paused to ask Micahel if he himself had been born in Israel.
No, but he had come to the country when he was three years old.
For children the language does not present such difficulties.
Yes, said the old man, and he looked at him keenly.
96-97: For the past few months, Ali had been working on Saturdays instead of Sundays. After doing his work quietly for a year withut asking for anything, he had succeeded in persuading the maintenance supervisor to agree to this special arrangment. No one woutside hte hospital knew about it. The supervisor was afraid of the Health Ministry’s reaction to so flagrant a breach of sanctity of the Sabbath. In the hospital books and work roster, the gardener was sisted as working on Sundays. Not that Ali was a believing Christian, as he presented himself; he simply wanted to be home and enjoy himself with his friends, wh had Sundays off from work. (…)
Until he reached the rosebush nearest the fence, everything was normal. He worked at a leisurely pace and basked in the sun. The ground was still a little muddy. And then, in the rosebush in the row next to the fence, he saw the gleam. Something was glittering there. He put out his hand and touched cold metal. When he saw the object in is hand, a little pearl-handled pistol, he acted fast. He looked to the right and left, and when he was sure nobody was watiching, he dropped the pistol and, with his foot, covered it with earth, then he squatted down next to the bush and considered his next move.
He did not know how the pistol had landed in the hospital gounds or how long it had been tangled there in the rosebush. But he knew very well the kind of trouble he could get into by finding it.
First he contemplated burying it deeper in the ground and pretending he had never seen it. But the thought that someone from the hospital would find it and he, the only gardener, would be called on to explain how it got there was too frightening to contempate.
Then he considered the possibility of taking it home with him and getting rid of it there. But because of the fine weather, he imagine that there would by many Jewish tourists and also may police on the roads between Jerusalem and what the Jews called the “territories”, and this thought frightened him to death. He thought, too, of the searches and arrests in the wake of the murder of the tourist in the Old City, which were probably still going on. He dug his fingers into the damp ground and wondered what to do. His younger brother had been arrested a few months before on suspicion of hostile activities. Nobody in the hospital knew about it. He realized that he would have no peace of mind until the pistol disappeared both from his sight and his thoughts. He didn’t want any trouble.
119: In the most formal tone of his repertoire and with all the civility of a British civil servant, Michael explained that he could not allow him to leave and suggested that he cancle all his appointmenets for the rest of the morning. The reaction was virulent. Things were said about “this country” where you got screwed for behaving like a good citizen and the oly way to survive was to “shut up and mind mind your own business” (…)
157: Michael pricked his ears and asked about the gardener’s relations with the pations, and Baum sang Ali’s praises at lenght. When asked were Ali could be found, he said he couln’t say; he only knew that Ali lived in Dehaisha. Ohayon shivered when he tought of the wretched conditions of the refugee camp, only a half hour away from Jerusalem.
163: He (…) asked the swithchboard operator to put him in touch with Bethlehem.
The Arab policeman who answered the phone connected him with the officer on duty, who sounded overjoyed to hear his voice.
“Ohayon, my dear fellow, how are you this morning? When are we going to see you? You haven’t visied us in agaes. Is there something I can do for you? Anyhting -just say the word!”.
Michael performed the social rites, inquired after the health of his wife and children, hoped the little one was over his pneumonia. In his mind’s eye, he saw the round face and vast paunch of Itzik Gidoni, renounwned amonth his cohorts for his geniality.
“You can put the water on to boil”, Michael joked. “I’m coming aournd for some real coffee.”
Cries of joy burst from the receiver.
“But first of all” -Michael grew serious- “you’ll have to locate one Ali Abu Mustafa from the Dehaisha camp.”
Gidoni, too changed his tone. “Have you got anything else on him? With them. Abu Mustafa is like Cohen or Levy.”
182: Michael was afraid that he wouldn’t manage with his Arabic. “You can’t conduct an interogation when you’re busy trying to convert Moroccan into Jorndanian Arabic; you have to be fluent and precise.
184-85: Michael looked at the slack limbs, at the eyes, which contaiened the defeated expression of someone who knew that the game was lost in advance. (…). After a long silece, he repeated the question. Michael, who understood Arab ic well but was always nervious about differences in accent and vocabulary, about missing nuances, kept his eyes fixed on the young gardener, who finally said that he was sick.
Eli inquired as to the nature of the sickness, and Ali pointed to his head and said that he had been feverish all night. After a slight hesitation, he asked if his absence from work was the reason for his arrest. There was no irony in the question. only the rsignation of a man who had grown used to the fact that you could be arrested for anything. Eli explaiened that the arrest wa snot political but connected to the investigation of a murder. (…)
Eli raised his eyes from the sheet of paper and the littel boxes that were rapidly filling it and asked what religious reasons could possibly make a muslim choose Sunday as his day off from work. Later he explained to Michael that the great majority of the population of Dehaisha were muslims, so he hadn’t taken much of a risk. Ali’s face looked gray as he stammered that most of his friends worked on Saturdays, so that the social life of the refugee camp and its environs took place mainly on Sundays. The answer was persuasive, but Eli looked skeptical and suddenly asked how long his brother had been in jail. The prisoner trembled and tried to explain that there was no justifications for his brother’s administrative detention. He wasn’t blaming the authorities, he said, only his brother; he was so young and foolish, he did not know what he was saying, and because of this he had been arrested on suspicion of rioting and incitement, whereas the trugh was that he didn’t even know how to throw a stone straight.
255: He spoke about his elderly parents, Holocaust survivors. About the fact that he was the eldest, the only son; his sister didn’t matter so much he explained, he was their “Kaddish”, the only one who would say the mourner’s prayer when they died”.(…)Alon spoke about the Hashomer Hatzair youth movements and the ieal of equality, about volunteering for tough combat units in the army as the highest value, about his distinction as a student, about his promotion in the army and the expectations that he would rise all the way to the top. (…)
Afterwards he spoke about his first day as military governor in the territories. He had signed a permit for an old peasant to grow olives on his ancestral land, and the peasant had looked at him in a way that mdade him feel like an arrogant fool.From day to day, said Alon, he had tried to make himself more insensitive, and he had succeeded, or so he believed when he sgned expulsion orders, when he forbade family unifications, “all in accordance with policy, just doing my job. And with the G.S.S. breathing down my neck all the time. I don’t know what your political opinons are, but it’s completely irrelevant, believe me. No one can be a liberal military governor; those are two mutually contradictory terms.


Guy, Gregory. 1988. Coping with Diversity: Australia and the Soviet Union. In The Rights of Peoples, edited by J. Crawford. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Titre hébreu: Retsah Be-Shabat ba-boker: Meurtre un samedi matin
37: Then there was the skinny man called Rosenfeld, Nahum, with the mane of white hair and the small, thin cigar that he never took out of his mouth, who reminded Michael of the senticen he had heard from his mother throughout his childhood: “Eat, Michael, eat so you won’t end up with no flesh on your bones and bad thoughts in your heard”, which was no doubt why he always felt uneasy and somewhat suspicious in the company of excessively thin people.
(…)
When Hildesheimer had finished introducing his colleagues he presented Michael to them, mentioning his rank, which did not seem to impress anyone, and saying that he was the police officer “in charge of investigating our tragedy”, then he said: “Chief Inspector Ohayon has kindly consented to join us in order to clarify certian matters, at my request, and help us in any way he can” In the ensuing silence, Michael leaned back in his chair, puffing on his cigarette, without daring to take a sip of the hot coffee in the cup standing in front of him. Everyone stared at him, and the air wa so thick with suspicion that he could almost touch it. These people, he tought, are not sure at all of my ability to solve anything and are full of prejudices about policemen and probably about people whose parents didn’t come from Europe.
At this point he called himself to order and warned his weaker side not to give way to irrelevant impulses, such as the need to make an impression.
51: But here he sensed that he had to proceed with the greatest possible delicacy, the only way to get onto the wavelength of the person sitting opposite him and pick up those ostensibly trivial things, the things people said between the lines and sometimes never said at all, that in the last analysis provided the master key to solving the mystery. And there was also what he heferred to as “my historical need”. In other words, the historian’s need to obtain a full picture, to see everything concerning human beings as part of an overall process, like a historical process possessing lawas of its own, which -he never tired of explaining- if ony we were able to grasp their meaning, provide us with the tools for going right to the heart of the problem.
The main thing in the initial stage of an investigation, Michael Ohayon would repeat to his subordinates- he never could define what he meant exactly but suceeded only in demonstrating it- the main thing, he stubbornly claimed, was to understand the people involved in the case. Even if his understanding might not seem to play any role in the investigation at first. Which was why he always why he always tried to penetrate as deeply as possible into the emotional and intellectual world under investigation. Superficially this was manifested by the fact that investigations of which he was in charge began too slowly, according to his superiors. Now, for example, he made no attempt to contact the members of his team, because he didn’t want to miss the meeting with Hildesheimer even for the sake of a new lead. He was unwilling to hear facts that might oblige him to cut short his conversation with the old man. He knew that one talk with Hildesheimer would help him to understand the siprit of the place where the murder had occured and the forces activating the characters more than would any fact discovered in the filed. Naturally, he was in conflict; he was tense, and he suspected that there would be a price to pay for his absence: he would have to explain himself, and he knew in advance that he would not be understood. Shorer, his immediate superior, was always attacking him for his “eccentricities”. But he was sure that he was right: you had to start slowly, with a kind of theoretical introduction, and speed things up, as much as possible, only later.
53: In 1937, when it was already clear what was going to happen, he had concluded his analytic training and was about to begin his professional life. He decided to emigrate to Palestine.
With him was a small group of people at a similar stage in their career. They had been preceded to Palestine by Stefan Deutsch, whose training and experience were more serious than theirs – “after all, he had undergone analysis with Ferenczi, a personal friend and disciple of Freud’s” (…)
54-55: It was a pioneering atmosphere. The financial situation and slowness of their professional advancement did not really bother any of them. Yes, there were tensions; that went without saying. The tensions were related mainly to Deutsch’s dominant personality but also to the conditions of the country. The heat was terrible. The dryness of the Jerusalem summers. There were language difficulties too. He glanced at the bookcase and wen on talking. All the seminars were held in German, and the therapy itself was conducted in a mixture of languages, including broken Hebrew-and he smiled his childish smile again. Now of course it was hard to imagine that then he had not known a word of Hebrew, but the effort! What an effort! Here, he paused to ask Micahel if he himself had been born in Israel.
No, but he had come to the country when he was three years old.
For children the language does not present such difficulties.
Yes, said the old man, and he looked at him keenly.
96-97: For the past few months, Ali had been working on Saturdays instead of Sundays. After doing his work quietly for a year withut asking for anything, he had succeeded in persuading the maintenance supervisor to agree to this special arrangment. No one woutside hte hospital knew about it. The supervisor was afraid of the Health Ministry’s reaction to so flagrant a breach of sanctity of the Sabbath. In the hospital books and work roster, the gardener was sisted as working on Sundays. Not that Ali was a believing Christian, as he presented himself; he simply wanted to be home and enjoy himself with his friends, wh had Sundays off from work. (…)
Until he reached the rosebush nearest the fence, everything was normal. He worked at a leisurely pace and basked in the sun. The ground was still a little muddy. And then, in the rosebush in the row next to the fence, he saw the gleam. Something was glittering there. He put out his hand and touched cold metal. When he saw the object in is hand, a little pearl-handled pistol, he acted fast. He looked to the right and left, and when he was sure nobody was watiching, he dropped the pistol and, with his foot, covered it with earth, then he squatted down next to the bush and considered his next move.
He did not know how the pistol had landed in the hospital gounds or how long it had been tangled there in the rosebush. But he knew very well the kind of trouble he could get into by finding it.
First he contemplated burying it deeper in the ground and pretending he had never seen it. But the thought that someone from the hospital would find it and he, the only gardener, would be called on to explain how it got there was too frightening to contempate.
Then he considered the possibility of taking it home with him and getting rid of it there. But because of the fine weather, he imagine that there would by many Jewish tourists and also may police on the roads between Jerusalem and what the Jews called the “territories”, and this thought frightened him to death. He thought, too, of the searches and arrests in the wake of the murder of the tourist in the Old City, which were probably still going on. He dug his fingers into the damp ground and wondered what to do. His younger brother had been arrested a few months before on suspicion of hostile activities. Nobody in the hospital knew about it. He realized that he would have no peace of mind until the pistol disappeared both from his sight and his thoughts. He didn’t want any trouble.
119: In the most formal tone of his repertoire and with all the civility of a British civil servant, Michael explained that he could not allow him to leave and suggested that he cancle all his appointmenets for the rest of the morning. The reaction was virulent. Things were said about “this country” where you got screwed for behaving like a good citizen and the oly way to survive was to “shut up and mind mind your own business” (…)
157: Michael pricked his ears and asked about the gardener’s relations with the pations, and Baum sang Ali’s praises at lenght. When asked were Ali could be found, he said he couln’t say; he only knew that Ali lived in Dehaisha. Ohayon shivered when he tought of the wretched conditions of the refugee camp, only a half hour away from Jerusalem.
163: He (…) asked the swithchboard operator to put him in touch with Bethlehem.
The Arab policeman who answered the phone connected him with the officer on duty, who sounded overjoyed to hear his voice.
“Ohayon, my dear fellow, how are you this morning? When are we going to see you? You haven’t visied us in agaes. Is there something I can do for you? Anyhting -just say the word!”.
Michael performed the social rites, inquired after the health of his wife and children, hoped the little one was over his pneumonia. In his mind’s eye, he saw the round face and vast paunch of Itzik Gidoni, renounwned amonth his cohorts for his geniality.
“You can put the water on to boil”, Michael joked. “I’m coming aournd for some real coffee.”
Cries of joy burst from the receiver.
“But first of all” -Michael grew serious- “you’ll have to locate one Ali Abu Mustafa from the Dehaisha camp.”
Gidoni, too changed his tone. “Have you got anything else on him? With them. Abu Mustafa is like Cohen or Levy.”
182: Michael was afraid that he wouldn’t manage with his Arabic. “You can’t conduct an interogation when you’re busy trying to convert Moroccan into Jorndanian Arabic; you have to be fluent and precise.
184-85: Michael looked at the slack limbs, at the eyes, which contaiened the defeated expression of someone who knew that the game was lost in advance. (…). After a long silece, he repeated the question. Michael, who understood Arab ic well but was always nervious about differences in accent and vocabulary, about missing nuances, kept his eyes fixed on the young gardener, who finally said that he was sick.
Eli inquired as to the nature of the sickness, and Ali pointed to his head and said that he had been feverish all night. After a slight hesitation, he asked if his absence from work was the reason for his arrest. There was no irony in the question. only the rsignation of a man who had grown used to the fact that you could be arrested for anything. Eli explaiened that the arrest wa snot political but connected to the investigation of a murder. (…)
Eli raised his eyes from the sheet of paper and the littel boxes that were rapidly filling it and asked what religious reasons could possibly make a muslim choose Sunday as his day off from work. Later he explained to Michael that the great majority of the population of Dehaisha were muslims, so he hadn’t taken much of a risk. Ali’s face looked gray as he stammered that most of his friends worked on Saturdays, so that the social life of the refugee camp and its environs took place mainly on Sundays. The answer was persuasive, but Eli looked skeptical and suddenly asked how long his brother had been in jail. The prisoner trembled and tried to explain that there was no justifications for his brother’s administrative detention. He wasn’t blaming the authorities, he said, only his brother; he was so young and foolish, he did not know what he was saying, and because of this he had been arrested on suspicion of rioting and incitement, whereas the trugh was that he didn’t even know how to throw a stone straight.
255: He spoke about his elderly parents, Holocaust survivors. About the fact that he was the eldest, the only son; his sister didn’t matter so much he explained, he was their “Kaddish”, the only one who would say the mourner’s prayer when they died”.(…)Alon spoke about the Hashomer Hatzair youth movements and the ieal of equality, about volunteering for tough combat units in the army as the highest value, about his distinction as a student, about his promotion in the army and the expectations that he would rise all the way to the top. (…)
Afterwards he spoke about his first day as military governor in the territories. He had signed a permit for an old peasant to grow olives on his ancestral land, and the peasant had looked at him in a way that mdade him feel like an arrogant fool.From day to day, said Alon, he had tried to make himself more insensitive, and he had succeeded, or so he believed when he sgned expulsion orders, when he forbade family unifications, “all in accordance with policy, just doing my job. And with the G.S.S. breathing down my neck all the time. I don’t know what your political opinons are, but it’s completely irrelevant, believe me. No one can be a liberal military governor; those are two mutually contradictory terms.

Guy, Gregory R. . 1989. International Perspectives on Linguistic Diversity and Language Rights. Language Problems and Language Planning (Spri ng):45.

Guy, Gregory R., Feagin Crawford, Deborah Schiffrin, and John Baugh, eds. 1997. Towards a Social Science of Language: Papers in honor of William Labov. : Social interaction and discourse structures. 2 vols, Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 127-128.

This is a two-volume collection of original research papers designed to reflect the breadth and depth of the impact that William Labov has had on linguistic science. Four areas of ‘Labovian’ linguistics are addressed: First is the study of variation andchange; the papers in sections I and II of the first volume take this as their central theme, with a focus on either the social
context and uses of language (I) or on the the internal linguistic dynamics of variation and change (II). The study of African American English, and other language varieties in the Americas spoken by people of African descent and influenced by their linguistic heritage, is the subject of the papers in section III of the first volume. The third theme is the study of discourse; the papers in section I of the second volume develop themes in Labovian linguistics that go back to Labov’s work on narrative, descriptive, and therapeutic discourse. Fourth is the emphasis on language use, the search for discursive, interactive, and meaningful determinants of the complexity in human communication. Papers with these themes appear in section II of the second volume. Contributors volume 1: Peter Trudgill; Anthony Kroch; Penelope Eckert; Raymond Mougeon; Niloofar Haeri; Claude Paradis; Crawford Feagin; Junko Hibiya; Charles Ferguson; Fernando Tarallo; Gregory R. Guy; Richard C. Steiner; Malcah Yaeger-Dror; Philip F. Seitz; Derek Bickerton; Peter Patrick; John Rickford; Ralph Fasold; John Baugh. Contributors
volume 2 : Charlotte Linde; Emanuel A. Schegloff; Deborah Schiffrin; Anne Bower; Marjorie Harness Goodwin; Barbara M.
Horvath; Roger W. Shuy; E. Judith Weiner; Sylvie Dubois & David Sankoff; John Gumperz; Maria Luiza Braga & Marco
Antonio de Oliveira; Ellen F. Prince; John Myhill; Sally Boyd; Shana Poplack; Benji Wald.

Gwyn, Richard. 1980. The Northern Magus. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.

Cité par Bissoondath, N. (1995). Le Marché aux Illusions: la méprise du multiculturalisme. Montréal, Boréal – Liber, p. 54:
139: Après 1972, Trudeau ne cherchait plus à faire ce qui était juste, rationnellement, mais ce qui était politiquement avantageux (…). Il avait été accusé de vouloir écarrter les ethnies? Il instaurait une politique multiculturelle inflationiste fonctionnant comme une sorte de caisse occulte où on puisait l’argent pour acherter les votes ethniques.

Gyldén, Axel. 2000. Brésil: Un géant du XXIème siècle. Le Point Edition Affaires avec Business Week, 21 avril, 74-79.

Cinq siècles jour pour jour après

D. GROSSMAN society de lecture theatre de Carouge 13 Novembre
Words are not enough but after a while I desperately need to map my sorrow with my own word
Monolithic dimension of death but the only way to Be in touch with it is art
I try to never be a victim. How can you remain true to yourself ? Not to be a slave to the bureaucracy of the senses
Politics is just a very narrow layer of reality
Each and everyone of us has a major suffering, so how come we are not nicer to each other!
All this region is soaked with suffering
Vicious circle of suffering
Real dramas of life don’t happen on battlefields but in kitchens and bedroom
In Hebrew there’s a specific term for parents’ bereavement, something that doesn’t exist in all languages
The left in Israel is what’s left of the left, a leftover almost!
I want to have a real border. Borders in Israel is like living in a house with mobile walls
Army cannot be the only way to converse with our neighbors

2 thoughts on “Bibliography (G) like Grin

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