cosmopolitanism

a blog on English and cultures in a cosmopolitan world

Bibliography (E) like Edwards


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Last update: 19 october 2012

Earlie, J. (2012). Transnational lives. Interdependence Day 2012, Los Angeles, Benjamin Barber.

You all live transnational lives. Young people have to invent the terminology of transnational lives and organisations.

Eastman, Carol. 1993. Language Planning: an Introduction. San Francisco: Chandler & Sharp.

Eckermann, Ann-Katrin. 1994. One Classroom, Many Cultures: Teaching Strategies for Culturally Different Children. St Leonards, Nouvelle Galles du Sud, Australie: Allen & Unwin.

Eco, Umberto. 1994. La Recherche de la langue Parfaite,. Paris: Editions du Seuil.

Edwards, John. 1984. Linguistic Minorities, Policies and Pluralism. London: Harcourt Brace.

Language. 1985. Language, Society and Identity. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

1994. Multilingualism. 1 ed. London: Routledge.

preface: ix. Following a considerable period in which the social aspects of languagne were quite neglected, Joyce Hertzler wrote a paper in 1953, “Toward a Sociology of language” which advocated that more attention be paid to the interaction of language and situation (cf. . Hertzler dans biblio). In 1965 Hertzler published a book on the topic, in 1966 a sociolinguistics conference was held in California and since then developments have accelerated rapidly.
ix: There has been some debate whether sociolinguistics or the sociology of language is the best title for the approach or, indeed, if the two terms represent different emphases altogether. While the latter term impies emphasis upon social behaviour elucideated through the study of language, sociolingusitics tends to stress the linguistic variation presented in different contexts.(…) So, the two terms may be different in emphais and in degree of autonomy. In practice, they are used loosely and sometimes interchangeably.
1:« Serious questions have been raised, however, about the greater language-killing potential of the present « world language », English, and this is something to be discussed further. »
To be bilingual or multilingual is not the aberration supposed by many (particularly, perhaps, by people of Europe and North America who speak a “big” language); it is, rather, a normal and unremarkable necessity for the majority in the world today.
While here exist something like 5000 languages in about 200 countries, a fact which itself argues for the prevalence of multilingualism, only a quarter of all states recognize more than one langue. Also, even in those countries in which two or more varieties have legal stgatus, one language is usually predominant, or has regional limitations, or carries with it disproportionate amounts of social, economic and political power.
2: Switzerland, with its recognition of German, French, Italian and Romansch, whows clear linguistic domiance for one vaiety at the canton level and the four langages are not, in any event anything like equal in cross-community utility. Singapore also has four official languages -English, Mandarin, Tamil and Malay- but the latter two are much less important than the former pari. Ireland recognizes both Irish and English as national varieties, but the first has, inclreasingly, only sympolic significance in the general life of the country.
Even in countries where more than one language has legal status, one cannot assume that multilingual encounters are commun. On thee other hand, they may not be rare in states officially recognizing only one or two varieties. Many African countries, for example, are societies so linguistically complex that multilingual interaction is commonplace; in officailly English Nigerioa, some 80 million pleple speak about 400 languages
4: Charles V, the Holy Roman Emeror (1519-56), is supposed to have neatly disributed his linguitic fluencies, speaking Spanish to God, Itoalian to women, French to men and German to horses.
Sadly, and particularly within the English-speaking world, the power of English has meant a progressive dilution oefforts and achievement here, a retreat to be seen even at the highest postgraduate levels, where traditional language requirements are increasinglay waived.
6: Edwin Guest, in his History of English Rhythms (1838), noted that:
“That language, too (English) is rapidly becoming the great medium of civilisation, the language of law and literature to the Hindoo, of commerce to the African, ofreligion to the scattered islands of the Pacific. The range of its influence, even at the present day, is greater than eveer was that of the Greek, the Latin or the Arabic; and the circle widens daily” (p.703)
7: George Marsh said in 1860, that:
“English is emphatically the language of commerce, of civilisation, of social and religious freedom, of progressive intelligence, and of an active catholic philanthropy; and beyond anyt ongue ever used by man, it is of reght the cosmopolite speech” ( Lectures on the English Language, NY, 1860, p. 23)
8: Also, more evenly matched contests are being waged; the most widely known, perhaps, is that betwen English and French. The play here is occuring simultaneoulsy in several contexts, two of the most instructive being in Canada – where linguistic matters have been particularly marked recently- and in Africa, where battles for linguistic hegemony take place on old colonial ground.
Whether we look at large or small combattants here, we shalll have to deal with the ramifications of language contact, competition and conflict, with language maintenance and language shift, decline and death and in some instances,with language revival efforts.
Languages do, then, have a span of existence shich is granted by human society and culture rather than by natural laws. Linguists (…) do recognize that the fortunes of languages are inexorably bound up with those of their users. Perhaps we might consider languages as inorganic parasites on human hosts.
9: The Irish nationalist, Padraic Pearse, worte about the niteenth-century English educational system in Ireland as a “murder machine” devoted to the elimination of indigenous culture and, especially, the Irish language, and more contemporary worters have also claimed that languages do not “die naturally”, but are, rather, killed by those seeking to destroy a nation. On the other hand, some observers (Irish among them) have suggested that languages may commit suicide, that it may be impossible to eradicate d language which its speakers truly wish to retain.
In geographic terms, it seems useful to ascertain if a (minority) language in question is unique to one state, if it occurs in more than one, or if it is a minority variety in some settings but a majority language elsewhere. Also important are the types of connections existing between polically separated minority groups: do they adjoin one another (as, for example, the Basques in FGrance and Spain) or is there a geographical gulf (as exists between the Catalans in Spain and Sardinia)? We might also want to know fi communities exist in some cohesive manner (the Occitan group, for example) or if speakers are scattered, generally lacking a “heartland” (the Saami community of Finland, Norway, Sweden and Russia; or the diffuse Romany-speaking population of Europe.
10. Religious matters often interpenetrate with linguistics. As already pointed out, Irish revivalistgs made much of the connection they felt between the Irish lanuage and Catholicism. The usefulness of this sort of linkage is that the strength of religion can be used to prop up and valized a threatened language and, if the comination can be made firm enough, the united front can powerfully oppose a rival: thus in the Irish case, English was attacked not solely as the linguistic foe, but more specifically as the vehicle of the materialist and secular society.
Sociologically, we should consider the prevalence of in-group or outgroup marriage as a factor in language viability, as is what has been termed « instittutionale completeness », roughly the degree to which a language community finds it possible to live a normal and complete life in and through its own tongue.
We need to be aware, for example, not only of a group’s own views of its linguistic situation, but also of the attitudes held by those outside the group, particularly those whose social, economic andpolitical positions are, or could be powerful. It is quite common nowadays (…) to find that mainstream tolerance for linguistic and cultural diversity within a society does not extend to active promotion of that diversity; an inability toperceive the difference betwena passive goodwill and something more diynamic will clearly have serious consequences .
Sociologically, we should consider the prevalence of in-group or outgroup marriage as a factor in language viability, as is what has been termed « instittutionale completeness », roughly the degree to which a language community finds it possible to live a normal and complete life in and through its own tongue.
We need to be aware, for example, not only of a group’s own views of its linguistic situation, but also of the attitudes held by those outside the group, particularly those whose social, economic andpolitical positions are, or could be powerful. It is quite common nowadays (…) to find that mainstream tolerance for linguistic and cultural diversity within a society does not extend to active promotion of that diversity; an inability toperceive the difference betwena passive goodwill and something more diynamic will clearly have serious consequences .
21:It may also be quite difficult to ascertain just when a language is dead, since the process of decline may be a gradual one in which speakers’ compentence and language functions shrink.
It may also be quite difficult to ascertain just when a language is dead, since the process of decline may be a gradual one in which speakers’ compentence and language functions shrink.

Whatever the reasons, it is surely a sad day when any language becomes extinct as an ordinary communicative medium. To the degree that different languages represent and transmit differnet perspectives of the world, we are all diminished when one is lost.

A dialect, strictly speaking, is a variety of a language which differs from other varieties in its vocabulary, grammar and pronunciation (accent); because, however, dialects are forms of the same language, they are stensibly mutually intelligible. (…) However, we have all heard some dialects that are lamost impossible to comprehend b ecause of the extreme variation in one or another of the 3 components (i.e. vocabulary, grammar and pronunciation)- so, mutal intelligibility can certainly be problematic. Indeed, there are degrees of distinction within dialects themselves.
idiolect: speech of one person.

We must also bear in mind here issues of political allegiance and national identity. “A language said Max Weinreich, is a dialect that has an army and a navy”

33:
(…) multilingualism -the ability to speak, at some level, more than one language- is a widespread global phenomenon (cf.Fasold, R. (1984). The Sociolinguistics of Society. Oxford, Basil Blackwell). Simple observation of the number of existing languages, and of the degree of their spread and contact, reveals that at least a bilingual competence is commonly required. It is not difficult to understand hwo such a situation arises:

1. the simple movement of people. Immigrants to a new country bring their languages into contact with each other, and with those of existing populations. This iws a common experience in all the new-world « receiving » societies.
2. Territorial expansion is another type of migration, with similar results. Soemtimes, as weith imperialsist and colonial expansion, it is not necessary for large numbers of people to phisically move; they may « move » their language into contact with others through military and economic pressures with require but a handful of soldiers, merchants and bureaucrats. A few thousand people ruling the Indian sub-continent brought about a massively expanded base for English among a (current) population of some 800 millions. Now, about 75 million of these popole can speak English-in addition, of course to at least one toher variety.
3. political union among different linguistic groups. People who may have existed in sufficient isolation as not to need a broadened language ability may find themselves more closely united, with obvious linguistic consequences. Switzerland, Belgium, Canada.34:In addition to these untions, there are federations based upon more arbitrary , and often involuntary, amalgamations. These often result from colonial boundary marking and country-creation (Africa, Asia).
Multilingualismis also commonly observed in border areas. 2 North American example can be found along the Mexican-American border int he south, and on that between New England and Quebec in the north. The latter instance also illustrates and interesting but unsurprising extension of the usual border multilingualism (i.e., where French speakers, originally from Quebec, and continuing to have ties with it, have come to require English competence because of American residence). Historically monolingual speakers who have no cross-border connections (American shopkeepers in norther Vermon) may begin to develop a halting ability in French in order to (…) deal wtih Quebec shoppers. This is on the increase as American prices become even more attractive to tax-beleaguered Canadians.

35:
Whether or not a language is in some way or other recognized in legislation, many societies try to assess regularly the type and extent of multilingualism within their borders. This is most obviously done by census, although census information is often limited in important ways. An initial difficulty arises in the phrasing of questions. Should we ask « what is your mother tongue? » If so, hwo do we know that all informatns will interpret « mother tongue « in the same way? And what of those who feel they have more than one mother tongue or of those who have forgottn their maternal variety? In Canada, censuses:

36: up to 1941 defined mother tongue as the language first learned and still spoken (cf. De Vries, J. (1985). “Some methodological aspects of self report questions on language and ethnicity.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 6: 347-68.)
From 1941 to 1976, it was was the language first spoken and still understood.
In 1981 informants were asked about the language first learned and still understood.
In other national cesus, mother tongue is essentially defined as the language spoken in the informant’s home when he or she was a child; in this case, a “mothertongue might never have been actually learned by the informant.
Should we ask the question in simpler form, such as “what is the first language you spoke”. But perhaps this will not provide us with the up-to-date inforamtion required. Perhaps, then, a useful question migth be something like”what language do you most often speak now”. Apart from altering the thrust of the enquiriy, this type of probe also raises difficulties; how will it be answered by those who speak two ormore varieties to more or less equal degree?Such problems are compounded by usual census practice which, for ease of data coding, often permits one response only and which offers the respondent little or no room for elaboration, explanation or qualification. However, a format which permitted “open-ended” responding would createhuge difficulties of summary. In short, cesus questionnaires cannot ask about language matters with sufficient scope and breadth to illuminate details which language planners and policy-makers might really require for accurate assessment and action. An illustrative example is provided by the Canadian census for 1986 (cf. Crystal, D. (1987). Encyclopedia of Language. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.) . One question was “Can you speak English or French well enough to conduct a conversation?” This is obviously open to a huge degree of interpretation by the informants (….)
It has been suggested that there are, in fact, 3 main kinds of language questions usually found in censuses (cf. De Vries):

1- those asking about the informant’s main language (here, the emphasis is on the present)
2- those asking about mother tongue (with a stgress on the past)
3- those probing abilities in specific languages of interest to the census authorities

37: The type of answer given may also vary with the way in which the question is administered: in Canada, the 1961 census employed enumerators, while in 1971 it was purely a self-reported effort.
Questions may as well vary from one census to another; this hinders comparisons. In 1960, informants born in the United States were not asked at all about their mother tongue. In 1970 (cf. [Waggoner, 1981 #282], a question was asked (…)102: years ago a French-Canadian moving to English could
be labelled a vendue, and his or her Spanish-American counterpart a vendido – both terms meaning a ‘sell-out’, a defector to the other side. For members of groups who are visibly distinguishable from the ‘other side’, a shift may also be virtually useless if the intent is to acquire the status of the ‘others’, and for all the danger of ‘marginalization’, of falling between stools, of quitting one group yet not seamlessly fitting into the other, is a constant unwelcome possibility. None the less people do shift, do move completely from one variety to another (i.e., without retaining the first in some bidialectal or bilingual accommodation). Many members of groups whose speakers are under pressure to shift are naturally dismayed at the process, having the
understandable feeling that a large and unpleasant language is undermining their small and attractive one.
103 MURDER AND SUICIDE

the Irish dialectologist O’Rahilly, who observed in 1932 that when a language surrenders itself to modern idiom, and when all its speakers become bilingual, the penalty is death.
Well, we have seen that bilingualism can be a stable phenomenon, but we also have more than enough evidence of the transitional variety to be able to agree with O’Rahilly.
Yet another metaphor has been applied to languages in conflict and it is a criminal one.Languages may die: are they murdered, or do theycommit suicide? Writers have discussed
linguistic demise in these very emotional terms and, as one would expect, varying conclusions have been reached. Many have felt, for example, that languages do not die ‘natural deaths’ but are killed by those wishing to destroy the nation. Thus, Irish was murdered by English. Others have held, if not the suicide view, a perspective somewhat more complex than the linguistic murder approach.

The factors in the decline of languages are many and varied, and I shall be turning to them in some detail below.’No single cause” explains language loss; a ‘chain of events'”” is involved.
112: :threatened languages often produce an increase in the number of people knowing the language.This is sometimes temporary, however, and, as already noted, often rather selfconscious. Where the activities have some longer-term success, and where (for example) a place is found for the language in schools, we still must realize that ‘secondary’ bilinguals are less vital elements for the continued life of the language than are native speakers.

The numbers game that is often played to show how an imperilled variety is making headway also often involves confusion between those who can speak – and the degree of fluency is clearly important here too – and those who do.There is simply no equivalent substitute for normal, uninterrupted domestic language transmission. If this can be sustained there is always hope; if it cannot, then all other interventions remain terribly vulnerable.

A ‘cultural loyalty’ is often more widespread than a narrower ‘language loyalty’ . It may be seen as another perspective on the tension between old and new, tradition and change in that, while acting to support a declining language may be risky, stigmatizing and unproductive, retaining (or developing) an interest in other cultural manifestations is easier. It has been argued that what the son wishes to forget, the grandson wishes to remember'” – that is, immigrants who ‘lose’ their culture in the second generation regret this, and wish to recapture it in the third; the notion can be extended to all who seek this sort of’return: While there is a great deal of truth to this idea and while it is equally true that people – like the modern-day Scottish-Canadians with their kilts, Highland Games, bagpipes and dance – will try to ensure that the ‘return’ stabilizes; it is not generally true that a desire to learn the ancestral language is central.
04:For languages to come into conflict, they must first come into contact, and this involves either an existing contiguity or the spreading of one or both varieties.language spread.: Language spread was always closely allied to trade, to imperialist military ventures and to hopes for religious conversion and proselytism. Some cultures have had more explicit policies here than have others – compare, for instance, the mission civilisatrice of the French with the more pragmatic attitude of the English – but all imperial powers have, directly or indirectly, made their languages attractive and sometimes necessary to conquered or colonized groups. Because of power, and because of opportunities available to those who learn their languages, expansionist regimes often become associated,over time, with a cultural prestige which coexists with the simple trappings of dominance and which often long outlives them. This is a factor in the continued adherence to European languages which exists in former colonial areas
106: Few people could have predicted the present scope of English in 1500, when it had only 4 or 5 million speakers (well behind German, Spanish, French and Italian), and perhaps, in another half-millennium, some currently unlikely contender will predominate.

It is the case, however, that so far we have not seen the reemergence of a ‘world’ language once eclipsed.

One language gains, another loses; we move from spread to decline.The first and most important point to be made is that the fortunes of a language cannot usefully be considered in isolation from those of its speakers. To put it another way,language phenomena are social phenomena and all are intricately interwoven. Examination of Gaelic in Nova Scotia: Scottish emigration to Nova Scotia began in the 1770s and continued until the 1850s; it was first on a voluntary basis – if any emigration is completely voluntary – and later was a result of the Scottish Highland clearances. At the end of the nineteenth century more than 80,000 spoke Gaelic in the province, this representing the largest overseas concentration of any Celtic language. It is estimated that in this century Gaelic decreased by about 50 per cent every ten years and the number of people who now understand it is probably less than 1,000, of whom fewer than 100 are fluent speakers. This dramatic decline has not meant, however, the decline of ‘Scottishness’ per se, although some would see most current manifestations as commercially driven; the fact that a provincial ministry calls itself the
Department of Tourism and Culture is telling. None the less, there is a strong sense of being Scottish-Canadian and a much greater sense of identity based on past and place than exists in most Canadian regions. For most people, this is now completely unrelated to the original language and, while there is a fund of passive goodwill towards Gaelic, there are few who are actively committed to it. Even the main Gaelic society, on Cape Breton Island, holds its meetings in English and, with some lingering sadness perhaps, most are reduced to praising Gaelic in the language of the Sasannach.
As noted above, a language is in decline if it is no longer passed on to children; it comes to be the preserve of middle-aged or elderly people who no longer see any point in transmitting it.
107 sur le cas de la nouvelle ecosse et du language shift and decline

Eftiemi, Alexandra and Macovei, Oana (2012), ‘Protection des locuteurs et protection des langues minoritaires ou régionales en Roumanie’, Droit et Cultures, 63 (S’entendre sur la langue), 145-70.

Eggington, William. 1997. The English Language Metaphors We Plan By. In Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges, edited by W. Eggington and H. Wren. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

29:A growing number of linguists and philosophers have cme to an understanding that we explain and relate much of our everyday experience in terms of metaphor. In this context, metaphor is defined as “understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another” (Lakoff, G. and M. Johnson (1980). Metaphors We Live By. Chicago, University of Chicago Press:5.)
Societies in which English is the historically dominant language hold an approximate common set of metaphors for the English language.
31:As English speakers, we share a set of cumulative metaphors dealing with English that have grown out of the historical sociopolitical history of the language. For example, commencing int he 17th century, many people in England began to think that there was a connection between “correct” lanaguag use and moral fiber.(…) Thus, if we accept the “correct English is morality” metaphor, then we must also accept the “incorrect English is immorality/lazy” metaphor.
32: There are many overlapping cultural features among nations wehre English is the dominant language. One feature is a ^similar set of metaphors about the English language, and English-speaking people, and about languages other than English and non-native English-speaking people. For example, Recevied Pronunciation (RP) IS GENERALLY REGARDED AS THE INTERNATIONAL PRESTIGE VARIETY OF eNGLISH; among English-speaking peoples, French is the language of romance; non-native English speakers can understand English only if English speakers engage them in loud, stited, reduced English, and foreigners with certain accents cannot be trusted, or are lazy, or unintelligent.
33: FOUNDATION METAPHORS (5th-17th century)
They developed during the period when Egnlish was the language spoken in the British Isles and nowhere else. It is the period that contains the birth of the language, the interweaving of lthe language with the culture, identity and early history of the British peoples, the invasion of England by the Normans and the development of Englsih as a literate language:
1. English is our language
2. English is oppresssed language.
3. English is ascending language.
4. English is national language.
5. English is language of beauty.
6. “correct” English is language of moral people.
7. “correct” English is language of intelligent people.
EXPANSION METAPHORS (17th- mid-20th century)
They grew out of the period when the English language developed from relative obscurity, to the language of a vast empire.This period has the language becoming a language of colonial imperialism, world business, and scientific communication:
8. English is colonizing language
9.. English is civilizing language
10. Standard English is morality
11. Literacy (in English) is survival.
12. Literacy (in English) is power.
13. Literacy (in English) is state of grace.
14. English literacy is gateway to social rewards
15. Standard English is liberating language
16. Standard English is assimilating language
17. Standard English is the language
18. Standard written English is the language

CONTEMPORARY METAPHORS (mid-20th century- )
Although the sun has set upon the British Emppire, its linguistic legacy continues to expand leading into the development of a set of contemporary metaphors, which, in all likelihood, will continue for generations:
19. English is international language of wider communication
20. Standard written English is language of information storage and retrieval
21. Standard English is empowering language
22. English is oppressing language
23. English is world cultural literacy
24. English is language of cultural imperialism
25. English is language under threat.
(Fig. 4, a cumulative list of metaphors about the English Language)

35: English language grew out of a contact language, pidgin, creaol process during the fifth and sixth centureies amont the Ango-Saxon, Jute, and Danish peoples (collectively known as the Angles, or Angelcynnn -kin or race of Angles)who were invading the Southern British Isles during this period. Englisc was the language they spoke, and about AD 1000 the land they invaded became known as Englaland (Baugh, A. and T. Cable (1993). A History of the English Language. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, Prentice-Hall.). (…) Thus English is the people’s language, and English is the land’s language.
These metaphorical links were not unique to the English, except that these people lived on an island and thus did not share fussz linguistic borders with other languages. Note that English speaking colonial derivatives of England (USA, Canada, Australia) share many of these same language-people-nation root metaphors in their historical development. Indeed, when Great Britain colonized these land masses, the colonizers not only presumed a terra nullus attitude, but also a lingua nullus attitude which refused to recognize the legitimate existence and need for survival of any indigenous languages. English was simply the language of the empire.
These notions of land, people, and language became reinforced as a result of the Norman conquest of England in 1066. The French-speaking Normans established a governing structure in which French was the conqueror language and the language of government and law . The English language became more strongly identified as “our” language.
36:During the reign of Henry V (1413-1422), the power of French waned while the power of English ascended to become the antional language.
39:Commencing in the 17th century, the English language became a language of colonial conquest.
40: The colonial education policy of the United States carried with it the same “civilizing” and assimilation set of metaphors as elaborated by Victor Clark, an early Commissioner of Education in Puerto Rico. He suggests that “if schools became American and the teachers and students were buided by the American spirit, the the island would be essentially American in sympathies, opinions, and attitudes toward government” (Kachru, B. B., Ed. (1990). The Alchemy of English:The Spread, Functions, and Models of Non-Native Englishes. Champagne-Urbana, University of Illinois Press.)
In Australia, language policies for Australia’s Aboriginal peoples can be described within four distinct periods :
1. The colonial period during which the success of education was measured by how many children could be removed from the cultural and linguistic influence of their parents who spoke “rubbish” languages;
2. The protection-segregation period during which Aboriginal peoples were placed on reserves with severe personal restrictions. RThe speaking of Aboriginal languages was sometimes forbidden in favour of English;
3. The assimilation-integration period during which “All Aborigines and part-Abo are expected eventually to attain the same manner of living as other Australians and to live as members of a single Australian community enjoying the same rights and privileges, accepting the same responsibilities, observing the same customs and influenced by the same beliefs;
4. The self-determination period during which Aboriginal cultures and languages were recognized as important to Aboriginal survival. Unfortuanltely, so much damage has been done, only a few languages have any chance to survive.
42:Due to a number of factors including key historical turns and the econoic power of Great Britain and the United States of America, the English language has emerged a the world’s language of wider communication in most fields of cross-linguistic international communication. For example, in 1981, 86% of all published material dealing wit the biological sciences was in English (a gain of 11% since 1965), medicine (73% -a gain of 12% since 1965), A similar trend can be found in physics (85% -a gain of 12% since 1965), medicine (73% -a gain of 22% since 1965), and most of the modern sciences (Swales, J. (1985). “English as the International language of research.” RELC Journal(16.1.): 1-7.). This means that if an individual or nation wishes to gain access to , or contribute to, a huge portion of the world’s current scientific knowledge, the language of access is Englsih. English has become the key to unlocking the world’s information strorage and retrieval systems (…). In a linguistic sense, the world is coming to English.
43: Among non-English speaking populations in many of these nations, English has become a symbol of social and political modernization.
44: A language policy that promotes multilingualism in an English-dominant nation must account for long-term, cross-generational resistance as a ocial default -resistance, in part, derived from the metaphors. Filure to plan for these socially share assumptions about English can result in society rejecting new multilingual metaphors for the set of English molingual metaphors.
Consequently, language plannersneed to know about the strenght of the metaphors shared by those who will be affected by the plan; for example, which metaphors might have the most weight or influence among the general English-speaking population, language instructors, students, and specific groups within society.

and Helen Wren, eds. 1997. Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Eisenberg, Avigail. 1994. The Politics of Individual and Group Difference in Canadian Jurisprudence. Canadian Journal of Political Science (27):3-21.

quoted by Kymlicka, Will. Multicultural Citizenship. Edited by David Miller and Alan Ryan, Oxford Political Theory. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995.

Elliot, Michael. 1998. A letter to the French: we don’t think that France is a nightmare; we just think it should be more like Holland. Newsweek, June 22nd, 1998, 2.

Eisner, Jane (2012), ‘keynote’, J Street, Making History (Washington DC).

Editor of the Forward,
Few words of context, not text. Historic turning point for jewish communities in USA. From a victimized minority to extraordinary wealth and power…which we should use well. Good journalism is about comforting the afflicted and afflicting the comfortable. “American jews are crazy to demonstrate their religion in public” for European Jews. At Occupy Wall street, 100 jews castigated themselves in public. The jews who chanted kol nidre were continuing a faith tradition of progressive politics. Occupy Judaism. Realistic appraisal of who we are in Society. Assumptions of last century: jews are vulnerable and on the verge of the next disaster. Think of Spain in the XIVth century and Germany last century. I’m a jewish mother, guilt and fear are my constant compassion. Americans love us here, they really do! We jews are the most popular religious group in America (Puttnam). Some people react with “you’re wrong, they do hate us”. Right now, here, in America, we are a fundamentally different people. Power is a privilege which comes with a sense of responsibility. We should militate for continuing of separation of religion and state. By linking public prayer with protest, it implies that such work is divinely inspired. That can make us feel uncomfortable. “Men willing to be coworkers with god” Luther King

Elliott, Jean Leonard. 1985. Two Nations, Many Cultures: Ethnic Goups in Canada. Carborough, Ont.: Prentice Hall.

Elliot, Michael (1998), ‘A letter to the French: we don’t think that France is a nightmare; we just think it should be more like Holland’, Newsweek, CXXXI (25), 2.

“They order, said I, this matter better in France”. This opens “A sentimental Journey”, the spendid and weird 1768 travelogue by the English writer Laurence Sterne (…). Sterne’s french tastes -which ran to fricasseed chicken and flirtatious chambermaids- are not necessarily mine; but I share with him a generalized belief that the good life is more evident, and enjoyable, in France than anywhere else in the world.
I make this protestation of unbridled Francophilia to refute my old friend Alain Franchon, who, writing in Le Monde, has accused NEWSWEEK of thinking France a “nightmarish” country. The bone of contention is our story last week on the state of France as the World Cup got underway, when the Air France pilots were on strike and the riot police readying them to ahul off anyone they found undesirable. We could plead that our story was nothing more than an innocent jeu d’esprit. (…) Hell, we went out of our way to praise the sports minitster, noted a “great gust of energy” coming out of the suburbs and even made reference to France’s timeless charms”.To no avail; for our pains, all we get is a reputation as Anglo-Saxon Francophobes.
So we might as well add to it. Too often, France looks silly. There is a strange prickliness about the place righgt now, a defensiveness that ill-becomes a great nation. You can’t listen to a French politician without hearing the same old claimes: France has a universal vision; France has an ancient culture; France is the fourth largest economy in the world; France has the best trains, airplanes, mobile phones, rockets and software engineers (even if thousands of them choose to work in Silicon Valley).
Methinks they do protest too much. A society that continually tells everyone how wonderful its attributes are is usually one on the skids. Or, to put it anotherway, a culture that is scared witess of a cartoon mouss and mass-produced hamburgers isn’t one worth saving. WQuci -name three great modern French novelists. Artists? Composers? Find three modern French films whose plots are not either (a) middle-aged man meets young woman, falls in love, soulfully examines existence, finds it wanting; or (b) anything that requires Gérard Depardieu to impersonate a grizzly bear. (..)
But this, of course, is not the whole story. Imagine -it’s hard to do, but try it anyway – a France that wasn’t continually telling the world what a wonderful place it was. You’d then see a society that valued tolerance; that took intellectual pursuits seriously; that valued social cohesion. You’d find a nation that, though with high-population densities, protected its countryside, and that had built a successful modern economy. In fact, you just discovered the Netherlands.
(…)
There is nothing in the stars that says that either the American model of capitalism, or the continental European one, is uniquely suited to everywhere on the globe.
The problem is, it’s difficult to have a sensible discussion about te merits of different types of capitalism when the noisies advocates o fthe European view are the French. Nobody outside Frrance willingly takes French advice, because it is usually offered with such a sense of natural superiority. If the French could only learn how to be a little more Dutch, the world would recognize that they now have a very effective government. Even if they don’t say it publicly, France’s leaders know that the United States is not a barren wasteland and Western Europe not a utopia. (…)
A quieter France would be a France to which the world paid attention.
And a quiet nation would still be La Belle France.There is nowhere elese I’d rather be, or less like a nightmare.
Provided, of course, that Air France is not on strike…

Ellis, Rod. 1999. Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

El-Mekkaoui, Fatima. 1997. Problèmes d’Immigration aux Etats-Unis d’Amérique entre 1900 et 1926, UFR d’Etudes Anglaises et Nord-Américaines, Sorbonne, Paris 4.

Eloy, J.-M. (2010). Aménagement, politique, droits linguistiques: de la pertinence de ces notions dans le cas de la France. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Epp, Charles R. 1998. The Rights Revolution: Lawyers, Activists and Supreme Courts in Comparative Perspectives. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.

ERCOMER. European Centre on Migration and interethnic relations. Utrecht. http://www.ercomer.eu/

Esling, J., ed. 1989. Multicultural Education and Policies: ESL in the 1990s. Toronto: OISE Press.

Abstract: L’inégalité linguistique, avec le privilège dont jouit aujourd’hui une seule de nos langues nationales, met en danger la diversité culturelle qui est une des richesse de l’Europe, et elle aggrave le déséquilibre économique et social de cette Europe. Pour respecter la règle d’une égalité des droits de toutes les langues de l’Union Européenne (UE), celle-ci dépense chaque année 2 milliards d’euros (34% de ses dépenses de fonctionnement) pour l’interprétation et la traduction. Sans qu’il y ait eu de débat public sur le problème, c’est l’anglais qui est le plus fréquemment utilisé au sein des instances européennes. Ceci entraîne des privilèges et des discriminations injustes et inacceptables. Est-ce que l’UE souhaite forcer tous les Européens à parler anglais.

Les Effets économiques et sociaux de l’inégalité des langues
Tous les intellectuels européens doivent apprendre l’anglais s’ils veulent accéder à une certaine reconnaissance de leurs travaux. Ette étude leur coûte beaucoup de temps et d’argent, pour un résultat incertain, tandis que leurs collègues anglais ou américains sont dispensés de ces efforts et peuvent se concentrer à 100% sur leurs travaux. Aulourd’hui, nos spécialistes sont jugés en priorité sur leur connaissance de l’anglais plutôt que sur leur compétence!
La discrimination envers les locuteurs qui n’ont pas l’anglais comme langue maternelle
La discrimination linguistique s’affiche dans les organisations financées par l’UEU et dont les offres d’emploi (plus de 600 recensées par l’Union EUropéenne d’Espéranto) s’adressent aux “Native English Speakers” au mépris de l’égalité linguistique proclamée par l’UE.
Dans la pratique, l’usage de l’anglais nous est de plus en plus imposé. Certains pays, au sein de l’UE, appuient une proposition selon laquelle les locuteurs de toutes les autres langues devront “faire la demande et payer” pour l’interprétation dans leur propre langue.
Or pour 84% des citoyens de l’UE, la langue maternelle n’est pas l’anglais. Ils dépensent actuellement des sommes astronomiques pour apprendre cette langue et pour s’y perfectionner. Nombreux sont, dans ce but, les étudiants inscrits dans des universités anglaises et américaines. Sans que cela leur donne aucune garantie d’emploi, compte tenu de la discrimination ambiante.
Existe-t-il une solution à cette injustice?
Les privilèges linguistiques débordent sur l’économie, la culture et la politique. Imaginez les protestations indignées des anglophones si l’UE devenait un bloc francophone ou germanophone!
Mais pourquoi l’UE devrait accepter la domination de l’anglais?
Dans le fonctionnement des instances de l’UE, on pourrait réaliser des économies énormes et préserver le multilinguisme démocratique des débats et l’objectivité de l’information qu’on se donne, par l’utilisation d’une langue-relais neutre pour la traduction et l’interprétation
Une telle langue existe, facile et précise, c’est l’espéranto.
Les qualités démontrées de propédeutique de cette langue, mises en application dans les systèmes d’enseignement faciliteraient et feraient aimer l’étude des langues étrangères chez les jeunes citoyens européens.
Grâce à la facilité ainsi donnée à la communication internationale et à l’accès aux cultures des autres, les échanges, la compréhension et la solidarité se développeraient plus vite entre les parties riches et pauvres de l’UE.
Qu’est-ce que l’espéranto?
C’est une langue élaborée en 1887 par un jeune médecin polonais, le Docteur Zamenhof. Cette langue n’a pas pour but de remplacer des langues nationales, mais plutôt de servir de langue auxiliaire commune et indépendante. Elle constitue aujourd’hui une langue bien développée, avec des locuteurs répartis dans plus de 110 pays.
“Mi amas la vivon”: en espéranto, c’est ainsi qu’on dit “j’aime la vie”.
L’espéranto a une orthographe phonétique et une grammaire régulière, sans exception. Toutes ses racines sont naturelles, puisées dans les principales langues européennes. Ainsi nous pouvons reconnaître la plus grande partie d’un texte en espéranto, et nous pouvons apprendre la langue 7 à 8 fois plus vite que l’anglais! Nous pouvons l’assimiler très vite et la mettre en pratique de manière active dans la conversation, et pas seulement passive par la lecture.
L’espéranto est enseigné dans des cours privés, des écoles, des universités, sur Internet et par correspondance.
Qui soutient l’espéranto?
Plusieurs Prix Nobel soutiennent l’espéranto, plusieurs linguistes come Ariette Walter, ainsi que 120 eurodéputés, et des hommes politiques comme Jacques Chirac qui a écrit en mai 2002: “Il s’agit d’une cause à laquelle je suis sincèrement favorable (…). J’estime pour ma part que la progression de l’espéranto, dans le respect de la diversité culturelle qui lui est consubstantiel, serait un facteur puissant d’harmonie et de compréhension entre les peuples. Il ne fait aucun doute que, si le sort des urnes m’est favorable, je soumettrai au prochain gouvernement, et au ministère de l’éducation nationale en particulier, la question de son inclusion au baccalauréat (…)”.
Vous avez peut-être remarqué que le pape termine toujours en eséranto ces voeux “urbi et orbi” multilingues. Umberto Eco, quant à lui, écrit dans son livre “La Recherche de la Langues Parfaite” que “l’espéranto pourrait fonctionner comme langue internationale(…)”. Par ailleurs, trois résolution de l’Unesco (1954, 1985, 1993) “invitent les Etats-membres à inciter à l’introduction de programmes d’études sur les problèmes de langues et sur l’espéranto dans leurs écoles et établissements d’enseignement supérieur.
L’espéranto et les médias
Des stations de ratio émettent régulièrement en espéranto, en Australie, au Brésil, en Chine, à Cuba, en Hongrie, en Italie et en Pologne.
Plus d’une centaine de magazines et de journaux sont régulièrement publiés dans cette langue, et un nouveau livre paraît en moyenne chaque jour. Sur Internet, plusieurs centaines de listes de diffusion et de dizaines de milliers de sites existent en espéranto.
Comment apprendre l’espéranto?
Vous pouvez apprendre l’espépranto sur Internet avec http://www.ikurso.net
Notre association nationale est aussi à votre disposition: Espéranto-France 4bis rue de la Cerisaie 75004 Paris.
Téléphone: 01 42 78 68 86
Adresse Internet: info@espéranto-France.org
Site: http://www.espéranto-france.org
Egalement à votre disposition:
L’Association Mondiale d’Espéranto (UEA). L’UEA compte 20 000 membres dans 117 pays, et un million de personne parlent cette langue à travers le monde. L’UEA bénéficie de relations consultatives avec l’Unesco.
Pour de plus amples renseignements, consultez son site internet:
http://www.uea.org ou http://www.esperanto.net
Comment utiliser l’espéranto?
L’Association Mondiale des Jeunes Espérantophones (TEJO) dispose d’un réseau d’accueil chez l’habitant nommé “Pasporta Servo”. (…)
Voulez-vous contribuer à la recherche d’une plus grande justice linguistique?
Les espérantophones peuvent se rencontrer dans les festivals et congrès dont la langue officielle est l’espéranto: à Zagreb en 2001, Fortalieza au Brésil, Göteborg en 2003…Des centaiens d’événements sont organisés chque année. Pour fêter les cent ans de l’espéranto, le congrès de Varsovie a réuni 5946 espérantophones de plus de 70 pays et aucun interprète n’a été requis.
Tous ceux qui recherchent comment surmonter la barrière des langues constatent que l’espéranto est la frmule qui présente le maximum d’avantages pour le maximum de gens. Toutefois, une information objective est nécessaire pour que le grand public prenne conscience du fait que l’espéranto offre la meileure chance de contrecarrer l’évolution actuelle vers la disparition progressive de la plupart des langues du monde.

  1. Eugenides, Jeffrey. 2003. Middlesex. 2nd ed. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc.
  2. Ewers, Traute. 1996. The Origin of American Black English: Be-Forms in the HOODOO Texts. Berlin and New York: Mouton.

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