Bibliography (C) like Calvet

Cosmo

December 14, 2020

243 minutes

Links to my bibliography from A to Z:

A B C (this page) D E F G H I J K L

M N O P Q R S T U V W/X/Y/Z

Last update: December 14, 2020

PART 1: Full list

Cadart, Jacques. 1990. Institutions politiques et droit constitutionnel (Economica: Paris).
Cain, Bruce. 1992. ”Voting rights and democratic theory: toward a colour-blind society.’ in Grofman B. and Davidson C. (ed.), Controversies in minority voting: the voting rights act in perspective ( Brookings Institution: Washington D.C.).
Cairns, Alan. 1991. ”Constitutional change and the three equalities.’ in Ronald Watts and Douglas Brown (eds.), Options for a new Canada (University of Toronto Press: Toronto).
———. 1995. ‘Aboriginal Canadians, citizenship and constitution reconfigurations: Canadian citizenship and constitutional change ‘ in (McClelland and Stewart: Toronto).
Cajete, G., K. Nuuhiwa, and et al. 2011. “Ancestral knowledge of Sacred places.” In World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People (WIPCE 2011). Cusco, Peru.
Calderon, Laurence
Gilli, Charles 2015. “Silence! On tourne: l’interactivité au service de l’analyse cinématographique.” In Journée d’étude internationale EDUCATION AU CINEMA: histoire, institutions et supports didactiques. Cinémathèque de Lausanne.
Calhoun, Craig 2005. ” Cosmopolitanism and Belonging.” In 37th International Institute of Sociology Conference: Migration and Citizenship, edited by Masamichi Sasaki. Stockholm, Norra Latin, Aula 3d Floor: NYU.
Calvet, Louis-Jean. 1993. L’Europe et ses Langues (Plon: Paris).
Calvet, Louis-Jean. 1996. Les Politiques Linguistiques (PUF Que-Sais-Je?: Paris).
Calvet, Louis-Jean. 2004. Essais de linguistique: la langue est-elle une invention des linguistes? (Plon: Paris).
Calvet, L.J. 1974. Linguistique et Colonialisme
Petit Traité de Glottophagie (Bibliothèque Scientifique Payot: Paris).
———. 1981. Les Langues Véhiculaires (PUF Que-Sais-Je?: Paris).
Camus, Renaud. 2012. “Même pas contre: Le mariage gay, c’est trop la honte pour l’homosexualité.” In Causeur.
Canada. 1990. Loi sur le multiculturalisme canadien, Guide à l’intention des Canadiens (Ottawa).
Canada, Patrimoine. 1999. “10ème Rapport annuel sur l’application de la Loi sur le multiculturalisme canadien 1997-1998.” In. Ottawa: Ministère du Patrimoine canadien.
———. 2013. “BACKGROUNDER: Aboriginal Offenders – A Critical Situation.” In. Ottawa: Ministère du Patrimoine canadien.
Canovan, Margaret. 1996. Nationhood and Political Theory (Edward Elgar: Cheltenham).
Capotorti, Francesco 1979. “‘Etude des droits des personnes appartenant aux minorités ethniques, religieuses et linguistiques.” In. Centre pour les Droits de l’Homme, Genève: Sous-commission de la lutte contre les mesures discriminatoires et de la protection des minorités des Nations Unies.
Caravedo, Rocío and Klee, Carol A. 2012. ”Migración y contacto en Lima: el pretérito perfecto en las cláusulas narrativas’, Lengua y migración / Language and Migration, 4.
Carby V., Hazel. 1999. Cultures in Babylon (Verso: London and New York).
Carens, Joseph. 1987. ‘Aliens and citizens: the case for open borders’, Review of Politics, 3.
———. 1995. “Citizenship and aboriginal self-government.” In. Ottawa: Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples.
Carey, Jonathan. 2018. ‘The Africans Who Called Tudor England Home: Hundreds of Africans lived freely during the reign of Henrys VII and VIII.’, Atlas Obscura, Accessed June 5, 2020.
Carver, Craig. 1992. ‘The Mayflower to the Model T: the development of American Eglish.’ in T.W. Machan and Scott Ch.T. (eds.), English in its Social Contexts: Essays in Historical Sociolinguistics, (Oxford University Press: Oxford).
Casey, John W. 1998. ‘The Ebonics Controversy: Critical Perspectives on African-American Vernacular English’, The Keiai Journal of International Studies, 1: 179-214.
Cashmore, Ellis. 1996. Dictionary of Race and Ethnic Relations (Routledge: London).
Casier, M. , and J. Jongerden (ed.)^(eds.). 2010. Nationalisms and Politics in Turkey: Political Islam, Kemalism and the Kurdish Issue (Routledge).
Cassen, Bernard. 2005. ‘on peut déjà se comprendre entre locuteurs de langues romanes: Des confins au centre de la galaxie’, Le Monde Diplomatique: 22.
———. 2005. ‘on peut déjà se comprendre entre locuteurs de langues romanes: Un monde polyglotte pour échapper à la dictature de l’anglais’, Le Monde Diplomatique: 22.
Castellanos, Diego. 1992. ‘A Polyglot Nation.’ in, Language Loyalties: A source-book on the Official English ControversyCrawford, James (The University of Chicago Press: Chicago).
Castile, George Pierre. 1998. To Show Heart (The University of Arizona Press: Tucson).
Castles, Stephen. 1997. ‘Multicultural citizenship: a response to the dilemna of globalisation and national identity’, Journal of Intercultural Studies, 18.
Castonguay, Charles. 1994. L’assimilation linguistique: mesure et évolution 1971-1986 (Publicatiosn du Québec: Sainte-Foy, Québec).
Castro, Max J. 1992. ‘On the Curious Question of Language in Miami.’ in James Crawford (ed.), Language Loyalties: A Sourcebook on the Official English Controversy (University of Chicago Press: Chicago).
Cham, Mbye B., and Claire Andrade-Watkins. 1988. Critical Perspectives on Black Independant Cinema (MIT Press: Cambridge).
Chambers, Iain. 1994. Migrancy, Culture and Identity (Routledge: London,).
Chamot, A. 1988. ‘Bilingualism in Education and Bilingual Education: the State of the Art in the United States’, Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development: 11-35.
Charbit, Denis. 2013. “Comprendre pour mieux convaincre.” In JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories. Tel Aviv: JCall.
Chatziefremidou, Katerina 2020. “Initiation à l’art Romain.” In, edited by Cours d’initiation à l’histoire générale de l’art. Paris: Le Louvre.
Chaudenson, Robert, and Didier Robillard (de). 1990. Langues, Economie et Développement (Institut d’Etudes Créoles et Francophones, Université de Provence: Aix-Marseille).
Chavez, Lydia. 1998. The Color Bind (University of California Bress: Berkeley).
Chayes, Abram, and Antonia Handler Chayes. 1998. The New Souvereinty (Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Massachussetts).
Chemin, Ariane 2019. ‘L’écrivain, aujourd’hui âgé de 90 ans, avait été naturalisé français après avoir été déchu de sa nationalité’, La République tchèque a rendu à Milan Kundera sa nationalité, quarante ans après, 03 décembre 2019.
Chemla, David. ‘Ensemble des écrits à redispatcher’.
———. 2011. ‘Gardons-nous de nous laisser entraîner dans le refus de l’autre, Entretien avec Michel Serfaty.’ in David Chemla (ed.), JCall: les raisons d’un appel ( Liana Levi Paris).
———. 2013. “Présentation du programme.” In JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories. Tel Aviv: JCall.
Cherruau, Pierre. 2001. “Luc Lagouche: Dans le club qu’il a créé à Kano, au Nigéria, il s’obstine à faire jouer ensemble musulmans et chrétiens, alors que règne la charia.” In Télérama, 40-41.
Cheshire, J. 1991. English Around the World: Sociolinguistic Perspectives (Cambridge University Press,: Cambridge,).
Cheshire, Jenny. 2011. “Adolescents as linguistic innovators: dialect contact and language contact in present-day London.” In Langues en contact: le français à travers le monde. Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg.
Chevallier, Anne-Claire. 2000. “Francophones.” In Télérama, 6.
Chevreul, Michel-Eugène. 1839. De la loi du contraste simultané des couleurs.
Chiswick, B. (ed.)^(eds.). 1992. Immigration, Language and Ethnicity (The AEI Press: Washington D.C.).
Chomsky, Noam. 1977. Dialogue avec Mitsou Ronat (Flamarion: Paris).
———. 2000. ‘Al-Aqsa Intifada’, Mid-East Realies. http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/51a/092.html.
Chomsky, Noam, and Morris Halle. 1968. The Sound Pattern of English (Harper and Row: New York).
Chrétien, Jean. 1997. “APEC CEO Summit Opening Ceremony Keynote Address, Vancouver, British Columbia.” In.: e-mail.
———. 1997. “Prime Minister to Host 5th APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting in Ottawa, Ontario.” In.: e-mail.
Chumbow, B. S. . 2010. “Towards a legal framework for language charters in Africa.” In “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.
Churchill, S. 1986. The Education of Linguistic and Cultural Minorities in OECD Countries (Multilingual Matters: Philadelphia).
Cinquin, Chantal 1989. ‘President Mitterand Also Watches Dallas: American Mass Media and French National Policy.’ in Roger Rollin (ed.), The Americanization of the Global Village: Essays in Comparative popular Culture (Bowling Green State University Popular Press: Bowling Green).
Clarini, Julie. 2014. ‘Zeev Sternhell, une passion française’, Le Monde, 24 mai 2014.
Clark, Gordon L. , Dean Forbes, and Roderic Francis (ed.)^(eds.). 1993. Multiculturalism, Difference and Postmodernism (Longman Cheshire: Melbourne).
Clarke, T , and B. J. Galligan. 1995. ”Aboriginal Native’ and the Institutional Construction of the Australian Citizen 1901-48.’, Australian Historical Studies, 26: 523-43.
Clarkson, Adrienne. 1999. ‘Exerpts from her adress on Thursday Oct.7, 1999: to be complex does not mean to be fragmented” – At her installation yesterday, Canada’s new Governor-General spoke of “the paradox and the genius of our Canadian civilization”‘, The Globe and Mail, Friday, Oct. 8, 1999, pp. A11.
———. 1999. ‘Governor’s General Address’, The Globe and Mail, Friday, October 8, 1999, pp. A11.
Claude, Patrice. 2000. ‘Et si un ou une papiste montait bientôt sur le trône d’Angleterre’, Le Monde, Mercredi 1er Novembre 2000, pp. 1.
Clément, Catherine. 2006. Qu’est-ce qu’un peuple premier ? (Ed. du Panama: Paris).
Cloonan, J.D., and J.M. Strine. 1991. ‘Federalism and the development of language policy: preliminary investigations’, Language Problems and Language Planning: 268-81.
Cloud, N., F Genesee, and E. Hamayan. 2000. Dual Language Instruction: A handbook of enriched education (Heinle & Heinle: Boston).
Clyne, Michael, G. 1992. Community Languages in Australia (Oxford University Press: Oxford).
Clyne, M.G. 1985. Multilingual Australia: Resources, Needs, Policies. (Monash University Press: Burnley, VIC).
Clyne, Michael G.., in , vol. , No. , april 1997. 1997. ‘Language policy in Australia: achievements, disappointments, prospects’, Journal of Intercultural Studies, 18: 63-71.
Cobarrubias, J., and Fishman J. (ed.)^(eds.). 1983. Progress in Language Planning, International Perspectives (Mouton: Berlin).
Cohen, Eliaz. 2013. “Un poète au Goush Etsion.” In JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories, edited by David Chemla. Tel Aviv: JCall.
Cole, Michael, and Jerome S Bruner. 1972. ‘Cultural differences and inferences about psychological processes’, American
Psychologist: 867-76.
Colombo, Jean Robert (ed.)^(eds.). 1991. The Dictionary of Canadian Quotations (René Lévesque) (Stoddart: Toronto).
Combes, Mary Carol. 1992. ‘English Plus: Responding to English Only.’ in James Crawford (ed.), Language Loyalties: A source-book on the Official English ControversyCrawford, James (The University of Chicago Press: Chicago).
Combesque, Agnès. 1999. ‘Comme des papillons vers la lumière’, Le Monde Diplomatique: 16 et 17.
Commissaire, aux Langues Officielles. 1990. “Rapport Annuel 1989.” In. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
———. 1991. “Rapport Annuel 1990.” In. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
———. 1992. “Rapport Annuel 1991.” In. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
———. 1993. “Rapport Annuel 1992.” In. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
———. 1994. “Rapport Annuel 1993.” In. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
———. 1995. “Rapport Annuel 1994.” In. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
———. 1996. “Rapport Annuel 1995.” In. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
———. 1997. “Rapport Annuel 1996.” In. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
Commission. 1991. “Human Rights and Equal Oppportunity Commission.” In.
Commission, Aboriginal Lands Rights. 1973. “First Report.” In. Canberra: Australian Parliament.
———. 1974. “First Report.” In. Canberra: Australian Parliament.
Commonwealth. 1984. “Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection Act 1984.” In. Canberra: Commonwealth.
Conley, John M. , and William O’Barr. 1998. Just Words: Law, Language and Power (University of Chicago Press: Chicago).
Conseil, de l’Europe. 1991. “Europe 1990-2000: Multiculture dans la Cité, l’Intégration des immigrés.” In Conférence permanente des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux de l’Europe. Francfort-sur-le-Main: Les Editions du Conseil de l’Europe.
———. 2001. “Cadre européen commun de référence pour les langues: apprendre, enseigner, évaluer.” In.: Didier.
Cook, Ramsay. 1986. Canada, Québec and the uses of Nationalism (McClelland & Stewart: Toronto).
Cooper, R.L. 1989. Language Planning and Social Change ( Cambridge University Press: Cambridge).
Coronel Molina, Seraphin. 2012. ” Indigenous Languages as Cosmopolitan and Global Languages: The Latin American Case.” In Languages in the City. Berlin.
Correa da Costa, Sergio. 1999. Mots sans Frontières (Editions du Rocher: Paris).
Corrigan, Tim. 1991. A Cinema Without Walls: Movies and Culture After Vietnam (Routledge: London).
Corson, David. 1997. ‘Social Justice in the Work of ESL Teachers.’ in William Eggington and Helen Wren (eds.), Language Policy:
Dominant English, pluralist challenges (John Benjamins Publishing Company: Amsterdam/Philadelphia).
Corson, D, and S Lemay. 1996. Social Justice and Language Policy in Education: The Canadian Research (OISE Press: Toronto).
Cortanze (de), Gérard. 2002. Assam (Albin Michel: Paris).
Coulmas, Florian. 1991. ‘The Language Trade in the Asian Pacific’, Journal of Asian Pacific Communication, 2: 1-27.
———. 1992. Language and Economy (Basil Blackwell: Oxford).
Courtney, John C. 1996. Do Conventions Matter? : Choosing National Party Leaders in Canada (McGill Queens University Press).
Couzens, Vicki, and Christina Eira. 2014. ‘Meeting point: Parameters for the study of revival languages. .’ in Peter K. Austin and Julia Sallabank (eds.), Endangered languages: Beliefs and ideologies in language documentation and revitalisation (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, UK).
Craven, I. (ed.)^(eds.). 1994. Australian Popular Culture (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge).
Crawford, James. 1978. ‘English and Colonialism in Puerto Rico.’ in James Crawford (ed.), Language Policy Taskforce on Language Loyalties: A source-book on the Official English Controversy (The University of Chicago Press: Chicago).
——— (ed.)^(eds.). 1988. The Rights of Peoples (Clarendon Press: Oxford).
———. 1989. Bilingual Education: History, Politics, Theory and Practice (Crane Publishing: Trenton, New Jersey).
———. 1992. Hold your Tongue (Addison-Wesley Publishing Company: Reading, MA).
———. 1992. Language Loyalties: A Sourcebook on the Official English Controversy (University of Chicago Press: Chicago).
Creel, George. 1947. Rebel at Large: Recollections of Fifty Crowded Years (G.P. Putnam’s Sons: New York).
Creissen, Thomas. 2020. “Art des premiers chrétiens et art byzantin.” In, edited by Cours d’initiation à l’histoire générale de l’art. Paris: Le Louvre.
Crépeau, François, Stéphanie Fournier, and Lison Néel (ed.)^(eds.). 19991. Séminaire International de Montréal sur l’Education Interculturelle et Multiculturelle (Société Québécoise de Droit International: Montréal).
Crépon, Marc. 2000. Le Malin Génie des langues (J. Vrin: Paris).
Crowley, Terry. 1998. An Introduction to Historical Linguistics (Oxford University Press: Oxford).
Crystal, David. 1995. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of English Language (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge).
———. 1997. English as a Global Language (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge).
Cubertafond, Bernard. 1995. L’Algérie contemporaine (PUF: Paris).
Culhane, J.G. 1992. ‘Reinvigorating Educational Malpractice Claims: A Representational Focus”‘, Washington Law Review, 2: 349-414.
Cumming, Alister. 1997. ‘English Language-in-Education Policies in Canada.’ in William Eggington and Helen Wren (eds.), Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges (John Benjamins Publishing Company: Amsterdam/Philadelphia).
Cummins, J. (ed.)^(eds.). 1984. Heritage languages in Canada: Research Perspectives (OISE Press: Toronto).
———. 1989. ‘Heritage language teaching and the ESL student: fact and friction.’ in J. Esling (ed.), Multicultural Education and Policies: ESL in the 1990s (OISE Press: Toronto).
Cunningham, S. 1992. Framing Culture: Criticism and Policy in Australia (Allen & Unwin: Sydney).
Cusin, Philippe. 1999. ‘Abd el-Krim, le Mythe du Rebelle’, Le Figaro Littéraire, 12 aout, pp. 3 (17).

PART 2: Detailed list

Cadart, Jacques (1990), Institutions politiques et droit constitutionnel (Paris: Economica).

p. 607 : Cité par Pierré-Caps, Stéphane (1996), ‘Deuxième Partie: Le Droit des Minorités’, in Norbert Rouland (ed.), Droit des Minorités et des Peuples Autochtones (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France), p. 300: (l’auteur) qualifie la Suisse de “démocratie des minorités, démocratie équilibrée par les minorités”
609: “chaque citoyen est membre de plusieurs groupes presque tous minoritaires mais il n’est jamais majoritaire dans plus d’un groupe et en ce cas seulement dans un groupe religieux ou linguistique”

Cain, Bruce. (1992.), ‘Voting rights and democratic theory: toward a colour-blind society’, in Grofman B. and Davidson C. (eds.), Controversies in minority voting: the voting rights act in perspective (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution).
Cairns, Alan. (1991), ‘Constitutional change and the three equalities’, in Ronald Watts and Douglas Brown (eds.), Options for a new Canada. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press).

___(1995), ‘Aboriginal Canadians, citizenship and constitution’, Reconfigurations: Canadian citizenship and constitutional change (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart).

Cajete, G., K. Nuuhiwa, et al. (2011). Ancestral knowledge of Sacred places. World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People (WIPCE 2011). Cusco, Peru.

Calderon, Laurence and Gilli, Charles (2015), ‘Silence! On tourne: l’interactivité au service de l’analyse cinématographique’, paper given at Journée d’étude internationale EDUCATION AU CINEMA: histoire, institutions et supports didactiques, Cinémathèque de Lausanne, 31 janvier 2015.

Présentation d’un didacticiel interactif (DVD-Rom) axé sur le visuel . Extraits de films par notions. Intention de prendre la plus grande variété d’extrait possible pour convier l’élève à un petit parcours culturel de l’histoire du cinéma. Brièveté qui coupe la dimension de rêve cinématographique pour en faire un objet d’étude et cela peut susciter la curiosité. Proposer un seul support pour beaucoup d’extrait, très interactif sans l’obstacle de la linéarité d’un document. Ne pas se substituer à l’enseignant mais lui servir de support. Production de 3 DVD rom sur
1) le montage
2) achevé en 2008
3) l’image au cinéma, réalisé en 2008-10
Diffusé dans les CEDOC Romands
Droit de citation art. 25 fédéral sur droit de citation (non commercial et aspect pédagogique). Utilisable aussi sur moodle et accessible dans le secondaire II. aspect du cadrage et du point de vue.

Calhoun, Craig . 2005. Cosmopolitanism and Belonging. Paper read at 37th International Institute of Sociology Conference: Migration and Citizenship, at Stockholm, Norra Latin, Aula 3d Floor.

other Presenters: Morawska, Ewa, University of Essex: Immigrants and Citizenship: An Ethnographic Assessment Turner, Brian National University of Singapore, Global Religion, Diaspora and the Future of Citizenship Question in the real world affairs and categories of sociology, to belong or not to belong, cf. U. Beck. Cosmopolitan question. Some people can ask the question more freely. Cf. Analysis of Global Inequality Cosmopolitan Elite of frequent international travellers. Inhabitation of the world seen as superficially cosmopolitan. Post 9/11 created a divide between Euro-US and the rest of the world. “Global Order Control Regime”. Belief that nation matters less. Sense of connection to the World as a whole. Cosmopolitan Elites are hardly free. Secularism rule finds religion odds, virtuous deracination. Idea of citizenship and rights, political liberal theory. Earlier liberalism focused on nations, tacitely assuming that this was the ideal account of where people came from. Prioritization of individual values. Most inequalities are inter-societal. Cosmopolitan theorists take scale of humanity. Multiculturalism falls under suspicion. Morally questional move to a morally irrelevant sense of belonging. US Melting Pot: in the US, all is melted into one culture. In the 70s, rise of the unmeltable ethnic groups. Deep anxiety that hispanics don’t want to integrate (S. Huntington). In fact they can’t. Mixed race identity issue. Illusion that intermarriage will erase racism. Before Zangwill, there had been other accounts of the melting pot. Cf. Zionist theory of Zangwill: “a land without people for a people without a land” (abt Israel). Neglects to address issues about why some refuse this model. Hierarchy of belonging for cosmopolitans. cf. example of European constitution: pan european public sphere. Fear created strange alliances. Who wins and loses is still an open question. “Unification favours the dominants”, Bourdieu about Algeria.

Calvet, Louis-Jean et Alain. Le Poids des langues. Université d’Aix-en-Provence http://podcast.univ-provence.fr/~colloques/Podcast/Drop%20Box/calvets.pdf

1993. L’Europe et ses Langues. Paris: Plon.
1996. Les Politiques Linguistiques. Vol. 3075. Paris: PUF Que-Sais-Je?
2004. Essais de linguistique: la langue est-elle une invention des linguistes? Paris: Plon.

12: Trop longtemps en effet a régéné ce que j’appelerais volontiers le syndrome de Jéricho: l’idée qu’en tournant autour de la citadelle générativiste ou fonctionnaliste, en claironnant que la langue est un fait social, les (socio)linguistes allaient faire que les murailles de la linguistique mécaniste finissent par s’écrouler
cf. sur langues juives les pp.91 et ss. et chapitre 9 sur le plurilinguisme alexandrin 239: (…)Barthes concluait son texte par une phrase qui figure en exergue de mon Linguistique et Colonialisme: “Voler son langage à un homme au nom même du langage, tous les meurtres égaux commencent par là”

1974. Linguistique et Colonialisme: Petit Traité de Glottophagie. Paris: Bibliothèque Scientifique Payot.
1981. Les Langues Véhiculaires. Paris: PUF Que-Sais-Je?

Camus, Renaud (2012), ‘Même pas contre: Le mariage gay, c’est trop la honte pour l’homosexualité’, Causeur, (53).

Un article contre le « mariage gay », Patronne ? Mais c’est que je n’ai pas que ça à faire, moi ! Je travaille, j’ai une famille de chiens à nourrir, un branlant manoir à soutenir, un parti politique à conduire au pouvoir, sept ou huit livres à mener de front pour essayer de ne pas trop mourir de faim. Vous n’auriez rien de plus sérieux, comme sujet à me proposer ? Dois-je vous rappeler que la France est en train de changer de peuple, que l’Iran va avoir la bombe, que la démographie de notre pays connaît la croissance la plus alarmante d’Europe, que 60 000 hectares sont artificialisés tous les ans, que si ça continue comme ça, la banquise va bientôt croiser au large de la Casamance ?
Parlons-en, de la banquise. Moi qui suis phoque autant qu’on peut l’être, même si j’ai fait valoir mes droits à la retraite, et ancien combattant du front achrien, gay d’honneur malgré les soucis, votre histoire de « mariage gay », là, je ne veux même pas être contre, tellement je trouve ça ridicule. Qu’ils se marient s’ils le veulent, je ferai semblant de ne pas les connaître. D’ailleurs, je n’en connais déjà pas, de candidats à cette farce. Non, vraiment, c’est trop la honte pour l’homosexualité, cette histoire, et surtout pour l’amour des hommes. Abaisser « tout ce triomphe inouï », comme on dit dans Parallèlement1, à une imitation kitsch de l’hétérosexualité, ramasser ses restes, en somme, au moment où elle les oublie dans son assiette, ah non ! Entre nous, c’est encore un coup de l’égalité qui, décidément, n’en ratera pas une. C’est comme si les géants voulaient être jockeys, au prétexte qu’y a pas de raison. Vous voyez Verlaine et Rimbaud devant M. Raoult, vous ? Whitman convolant en juste noces avec un de ses camerados ? Rien que d’y penser, on tournerait straight, sans vouloir vous désobliger.
Ce n’est pas à vous que je devrais dire ça, Patronne, mais non, c’est vraiment trop débandant, comme idée. Vous en avez déjà vu, des mariages gays ? On se croirait chaque fois dans un gâteau Leader Price, sous sa coquille en plastique. Et plus ça a coûté, plus ça fait travelo au carré, Michou délocalisé à Cannes. Moi je crois que l’esthétique dit la vérité des choses : wysiwyg – vous voyez l’enveloppe, vous savez à peu près ce que dit la lettre.
J’avoue qu’entre les chars de la Gay Parade et les dessins de Jean Cocteau, j’ai toujours eu un problème avec le folklore pédérastique.
Comme les garçons, pour moi, c’est l’objet du désir, et que je ne sais rien de moins sexy que tout ça, de mieux coupe-la-chique et petit-bourgeois, je ne me sens pas concerné. L’adoption, bon, là, je ne dis pas. L’homosexualité, y compris la plus chaste et collet monté, a les meilleures références en matière de pédagogie, depuis vingt-cinq siècles et plus. Je me demande même si ce n’est pas elle qui l’a inventée. Hélas c’est l’adoption en général, pas spécialement l’homosexuelle, qui me semble à remettre en cause. Trouver des parents aux enfants, très bien. Mais des enfants aux parents…
Parallèlement est un recueil de poèmes de Verlaine publié en 1889 (NDLR). ↩
Cet article a été publié dans le Magazine Causeur n° 53 – Novembre 2012

Canada. 1990. Loi sur le multiculturalisme canadien, Guide à l’intention des Canadiens. Ottawa.

Article 3.(1) paragraphe a. “La politique du gouvernement fédéral en matière de multiculturalisme consiste à reconnaître que le multiculturalisme reflète la diversité culturelle et raciale de la société canadienne et reconnaît la libert éde tous ses membres de maintenir, de favoriser et de partager leur patrimoine culturel, ainsi qu’à sensibiliser la population à ce fait” (p.13)

Patrimoine. 1999. 10ème Rapport annuel sur l’application de la Loi sur le multiculturalisme canadien 1997-1998. Ottawa: Ministère du Patrimoine canadien.

Avant propos (de Jean Chrétien): Le Canada est reconnu pour sa richesse culturelle, et le modèle qu’il propose est devenu un exemple pour le monde entier. (…)
L’évolution des données démographiques et de la société canadienne confirme l’importance du multiculturalisme pour l’avenir du Canada, voire du monde entier.
message de (Hedy Fry), secrétaire d’état (multiculturalisme): (…)La politique du multiculturalisme a évoluté avec le temps. D’abord axée sur des groupes particuliers de la société, elle est devenue un moyen pour tous les Canadiens (…) de concrétiser les idéaux au coeur même de notre démocratie.(…) Par exemple, la Campagne du 21 mars de lutte contre l’élimination de la discrimination raciale est devenue l’élément le plus populaire et le plus visible des efforts que nous déployons afin d’éliminer le racisme au Canada.

——–(2013), ‘BACKGROUNDER: Aboriginal Offenders – A Critical Situation’.

quoted by Jamieson, Rebecca (2017), ‘A celebration of Indigenous Resilience’, paper given at WIPCE 2017, Toronto, 24-28 July 2017.
Outcome Gaps: Aboriginal vs. Non-Aboriginal Offenders
Aboriginal offenders lag significantly behind their non-Aboriginal counterparts on nearly every indicator of correctional performance and outcome. These men and women are:
Routinely classified as higher risk and higher need in categories such as employment, community reintegration and family supports;
Released later in their sentence (lower parole grant rates), most leave prison at Statutory Release or Warrant Expiry dates;
Over-represented in segregation and maximum security populations;
Disproportionately involved in use of force interventions and incidents of prison self-injury; and
More likely to return to prison on revocation of parole, often for administrative reasons, not criminal violations.
High and Growing Incarceration Rates for Aboriginal Peoples
While Aboriginal people make up about 4% of the Canadian population, as of February 2013, 23.2% of the federal inmate population is Aboriginal (First Nation, Métis or Inuit). There are approximately 3,400 Aboriginal offenders in federal penitentiaries, approximately 71% are First Nation, 24% Métis and 5% Inuit.
In 2010-11, Canada’s overall incarceration rate was 140 per 100,000 adults. The incarceration rate for Aboriginal adults in Canada is estimated to be 10 times higher than the incarceration rate of non-Aboriginal adults.
The over-representation of Aboriginal people in Canada’s correctional system continued to grow in the last decade. Since 2000-01, the federal Aboriginal inmate population has increased by 56.2%. Their overall representation rate in the inmate population has increased from 17.0% in 2000-01 to 23.2% today.
Since 2005-06, there has been a 43.5% increase in the federal Aboriginal inmate population, compared to a 9.6% increase in non-Aboriginal inmates.
Aboriginal Women: Aboriginal women are even more overrepresented than Aboriginal men in the federal correctional system, representing 33.6% of all federally sentenced women in Canada. According to Statistics Canada, “the disproportionate number of Aboriginal people in custody (is) consistent across all provinces and territories and particularly true among female offenders. In 2010/2011, 41% of females (and 25% of males) in sentenced custody (provincially, territorially and federally) were Aboriginal.” (Juristat, October 2012)
Aboriginal Youth: Aboriginal offenders tend to be younger than their counterparts. In 2013, 21.3% of all federally incarcerated Aboriginal offenders were 25 years of age or younger as compared to 13.6% of non-Aboriginals. The Aboriginal population in Canada is young. According to the 2006 Census data, nearly one-third (32%) of the 698,025 people who identified themselves as North American Indians (status and non-status Indians) were aged 0 – 14. Population projections released by Statistics Canada in 2005 show that Aboriginal people could account for a growing share of the young adult population over the next decade. By 2017, Aboriginal people aged 20 to 29 could make up 30% of that age cohort in Saskatchewan; 24% in Manitoba; 40% in the Yukon Territory; and 58% in the NWT.
Regional Aboriginal Offender Rates on the Rise
In the period between March 2010 and January 2013, the Prairies Region of the Correctional Service of Canada (primarily the provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta) accounted for 39.1% of all new federal inmate growth. Most of this growth was led by Aboriginal offenders, who now comprise 46.4% of the Prairie Region inmate population. Last month:
At Stony Mountain Institution in Manitoba, 389 out of 596 inmates – 65.3% of the population – were Aboriginal;
At Saskatchewan Penitentiary, 63.9% of the population was Aboriginal;
At the Regional Psychiatric Centre in Saskatoon, 55.7% of the count was Aboriginal; and
At Edmonton Institution for Women, 56.0% of the population was Aboriginal.
So far this year, CSC’s Prairie Region leads the country in double bunking, lockdowns, self-harm incidents, inmate homicides and assaults.
Factors Impacting Over-representation of Aboriginal People in Corrections
The high rate of incarceration for Aboriginal peoples has been linked to systemic discrimination and attitudes based on racial or cultural prejudice, as well as economic and social disadvantage, substance abuse and intergenerational loss, violence and trauma.
These well-documented social, economic and historical factors have been recognized by the Supreme Court of Canada, originally in R. v. Gladue (1999) and reaffirmed in R. v. Ipeelee (2012): “To be clear, courts must take judicial notice of such matters as the history of colonialism, displacement, and residential schools and how that history continues to translate into lower educational attainment, lower incomes, higher unemployment, higher rates of substance abuse and suicide, and of course higher levels of incarceration for Aboriginal peoples.” (Justice LeBel for the majority in R. v. Ipeelee, 2012)
Correctional decision-makers must take into account Aboriginal social history considerations when liberty interests of an Aboriginal offender are at stake (e.g. security classification, penitentiary placement, community release, disciplinary decisions). These Gladue factors include:
Effects of the residential school system.
Experience in the child welfare or adoption system.
Effects of the dislocation and dispossession of Aboriginal peoples.
Family or community history of suicide, substance abuse and/or victimization.
Loss of, or struggle with, cultural/spiritual identity.
Level or lack of formal education.
Poverty and poor living conditions.
Exposure to/membership in, Aboriginal street gangs

Canovan, Margaret. 1996. Nationhood and Political Theory. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.

Capotorti, Francesco (1979), ‘Etude des droits des personnes appartenant aux minorités ethniques, religieuses et linguistiques.’ Centre pour les Droits de l’Homme (Genève: Sous-commission de la lutte contre les mesures discriminatoires et de la protection des minorités des Nations Unies ).

cité (entre autres) par Pierré-Caps, Stéphane (1996), ‘Deuxième Partie: Le Droit des Minorités’, in Norbert Rouland (ed.), Droit des Minorités et des Peuples Autochtones (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France), pp. 218-219
A la fois enquête exhaustive sur les situations minoritaires dans le monde, assortie d’une évocation des politiques gouvernementales à leur encontre, mais aussi oeuvre conceptuelle, cette étude possède, à ce dernier titre, le mérite de délivrer une définition éclairante de la notion deminorité entendue comme “un groupe numériquement inférieur au reste de la population d’un Etat, en position non domiante, dont les membres -ressortissants de l’Etat- possèdent du point de vue ethnique, religieux ou linguistique, des caractéristiques qui diffèrent de celles du reste dela population et manifestent, même de façon implicite, un sentiment de solidarité, à l’effet de préserver leur culture, leurs traditions, leur religion ou leur langue”
(…) il est permis de se demander si la définition du Pr. Capotorti n’a pas aujourd’hui acquis valeur coutumière, même si certains auteurs lui reprochent essentiellementd’exclure de son champ d’analyse les minorité nationales.
Egalement cité dans le même ouvrage par Norbert Rouland p. 415.

Carby V., Hazel. 1999. Cultures in Babylon. London and New York: Verso.

Caravedo, Rocío and Klee, Carol A. (2012), ‘Migración y contacto en Lima: el pretérito perfecto en las cláusulas narrativas’, Lengua y migración / Language and Migration, 4 (2).

Communicated by Maria Sancho, an SLonFB member, in November 2012. Other papers in this issue:
2. “Linguistic identity and the study of Emigrant Letters: Irish English in the making” – Carolina P. Amador-Moreno y Kevin McCafferty
3. “Reducción de /-s/ final de sílaba entre transmigrantes salvadoreños en el sur de Texas” – José Esteban Hernández y Rubén Armando Maldonado
4. “La migración sefardí en la Amazonia brasileña: lengua hakitía e identidad” – Carlos Cernadas Carrera
5. Reseña: Francisco Lorenzo, Fernando Trujillo y José Manuel Vez, Educación bilingüe. Integración de contenidos y segundas lenguas – Olga Cruz Moya

Carens, Joseph (1995) ‘Citizenship and aboriginal self-government’, (Ottawa: Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples).

___(1987.), ‘Aliens and citizens: the case for open borders’, Review of Politics, 3 ( 49).

Carey, Jonathan. 2018. ‘The Africans Who Called Tudor England Home: Hundreds of Africans lived freely during the reign of Henrys VII and VIII.’, Atlas Obscura, Accessed June 5, 2020.

Black Trumpeteer celebrating heralding the birth of Henry VIII’s son.

At the College of Arms in London on a 60-foot-long vellum manuscript sits an image of a man atop a horse, with a trumpet in hand and a turban around his head. This is John Blanke, a black African trumpeter who lived under the Tudors. The manuscript was originally used to announce the Westminster Tournament in celebration of the 1511 birth of Henry, Duke of Cornwall, Henry VIII’s son. Blanke was hired for the court by Henry VII. The job came with high wages, room and board, clothing, and was considered the highest possible position a musician could obtain in Tudor England.
Blanke was no anomaly, but was one of hundreds of West and Northern Africans living freely and working in England during the Tudor dynasty. Many came via Portuguese trading vessels that had enslaved Africans onboard, others came with merchants or from captured Spanish vessels. However once in England, Africans worked and lived like other English citizens, were able to testify in court, and climbed the social hierarchy of their time. A few of their stories are now captured in the book, Black Tudors by author and historian Miranda Kaufmann.
cf. Jan Mostaert’s 16th-century painting Portrait of an African man.
Pulling from exchequer papers, parish records, letters, and petitions, Kaufmann pieces together the lives of 10 Africans living in Tudor England. She sets out to change the way we understand Tudor life, Medieval England, and dispel the notion that the first Africans arrived in England as slaves. “Once people learn of the presence of Africans in Tudor England, they often assume their experience was one of enslavement and racial discrimination,” Kaufmann writes in her opening introduction.
The idea that Africans were mistreated by the English well before the Atlantic slave trade comes from a Queen Elizabeth I letter sent to the Privy Council in 1596, a sort of board of directors for England. In the letter Queen Elizabeth I largely blamed the African population for England’s ongoing social issues, writing that the country did not need “divers blackmoores brought into this realme.” This proclamation was sent to the mayors of England’s major cities. She later arranged for a merchant named Casper van Senden to deport Africans from England.
However, this edict wasn’t what it appeared. Kaufmann writes that van Senden originally approached the queen telling her that Africans were taking jobs away from English citizens, a problem that could be readily solved by paying him to deport them. “In the queen’s understanding, everyone she cared about would profit: there would be more work for good English folk who would then complain less to the queen, and a grateful merchant would make money from her kind deal. But like several other of Elizabeth’s schemes, they solved a problem that nobody really saw or worried about,” says Janice Liedl, Professor of History at Laurentian University in Sudbury, Ontario.
There was one caveat in the proclamation: as Kaufmann notes, deportation was based on the consent of their masters, which in this case was likely in the context of an apprenticeship. In 1569 an English court ruled that “England has too pure an air for slaves to breathe in,” setting the first legal precedent barring slavery from England. This was so well known that according to Kaufmann the idea of England as a free land reached slaves working in Mexican silver mines. Juan Gelofe, a 40-year-old West African slave working in the mines around 1572 told an English sailor by the name of William Collins that England, “must be a good country as there are no slaves there.” The merchants thus refused to comply with the edict, unwilling to lose their African apprentices. This prompted van Senden to plead with the council to expand his authority over the situation. A second letter went out from the queen, but it too was largely unsuccessful and ignored.
While the African population in England would have been relatively small, possibly a little more than 300 individuals according to Kaufmann, they were respected members of Tudor society. In Black Tudors the importance of the church is discussed at great length. Through her research, Kaufmann uncovered evidence that Africans were married and baptized by the Church of England. More than 60 Africans were baptized in England between 1500 and 1640, along with hundreds of burials. “The church was the central social and cultural institution. Your membership in the church helped cement you as a legal person—if you became poor, sick or were injured, your parish had an obligation to take care of you,” says Liedl. The church gained further importance after King Henry VIII’s reformation where you could be tried as a heretic for not attending church, according to Liedl.
cf. A tapestry showing the meeting of Kings Henry VIII and François I, c. 1520
As Black Tudors details, Africans weren’t just members of society but were present during some of the major events of the Tudor era. Jacques Francis, a salvage diver from Guinea in West Africa, worked the wreck of the Mary Rose and Diego the circumnavigator explored the globe with Francis Drake. The aforementioned John Blanke would have certainly enjoyed some celebrity during his time due to his position in the royal court. He even performed at Henry VIII’s coronation and married a London woman. So, what changed? What prompted England to become a key nation in promulgating the Atlantic slave trade?
English expansion and colonization is often seen as the driving factor. In the 1640s the Dutch introduced sugar cane to the island of Barbados, showing Bajan planters how to cultivate the crop and providing them with African slaves as labor. Sugar dominated agriculture on the island, the English relied heavily on convict labor, but it was far scarcer than slaves. Taking their cues from the Dutch and to increase profits, the English began the triangular trade of African slaves to the Caribbean. But there was another factor, the transformation from the concept of slavery holding the generic meaning of another person owning another, to one defined by ethnic identities says Liedl. She explains that defining “white” and “black” in English literature comes from this decision toward the end of the Tudor period. The idea of racial superiority wasn’t a common theme in Tudor England. “As more black people were enslaved, Europeans began to write of black people as naturally slaves or as benefiting from slavery. These benefits included Christianity and civilization, both of which black Africans were assumed to lack,” says Leidl.

Carver, Craig. 1992. The Mayflower to the Model T: the development of American Eglish. In English in its Social Contexts: Essays in Historical Sociolinguistics,, edited by T. W. Machan and S. Ch.T. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Casey, John W. 1998. The Ebonics Controversy: Critical Perspectives on African-American Vernacular English. The Keiai Journal of International Studies 1 (1):179-214.

Envoyé par Bill Casey lui-meme. sur le genetical basis du premier draft.
180: Despite much impassioned -and often misinformed (see Rothstein, R. “The Myth of Public School Failure.” The American Prospect 13.Spring (1993).)- discussion in the United States over a decline in educational standards and the national debate over the methods and relevance of standardized testing procedures, averages for verbal scores on at least one major achievement test taken by many high school students have shown improvements in past years. In the period from 1980 to 1989 scores on the verbal section of the widely-administered SAT rose a modest 12 points from 387 to 399, leading observers to remark that despite overall deteriorating conditions in American schools, improvements in some areas are still evident.
181: (…) What strikes one most about the scores, however, is the large and persistent gap between white and black students in both verbal and math sections. In verbal skills alone this gap over the period in question measured close to 100 points (see table) And it remains so today with no apparent sign of narrowing. As a reflection of what is generally referred to in testing literature as “performance”, SAT scores are routinely used by universities in admission processes and, in this sense, are a measure of a student’s presumed marketability in an age when education has become more and more to assume the stark characteristics of basic skills traning to fill slots in a highly mobile and unpredictable labor pool.
In the Oakland, California Unified School District the average grade point average (GPA: scale of 4.0) in the 1995-96 school year for all students was 2.1. On this scale, sores for white and Asian-Americans were above 3.0, whereas African-American students found themselves at the bottom with an average of 1.80 -a startling figure considering 53% of the Oakland, California school district student population is black -one of the highest percentages in the United States.
(…) Although the history of black activism in the Oakland community dates from well before the 1960s, it was during that time community leaders took to the street to demand that he municipal goverment allocate tax funds in a more equal manner. It was in Oakland also that the Black Panther self-defense group first organized itself to confront police violence, to help provide poor African-Americans with better housing and jobs, and to teach inner-city children language skills and respect for black culture.
182: One might argue that the place of Oakland’s black community in the current debate over academic standards finds its roots, at least in parts, in differences betweenn Panghters on one hand and black cultural nationalists whose message to black children of the time was that, since Africa remained their ancestral home, all white cultural symbols should be rejected. Oakland’s Panther leadrs, on the other hand, argued for an approach built on radical democracy and less on purely cultural symbols as a means of instilling concepts of individual pride and self improvement. English, they insisted, was as much theirs as anyone’s (…).
In Contrast to cultural nationalists of the 1960s, Panthers appeared to see Englsih more as a political weapon with which they hoped to transform society. This dispute parallels a divide in social linguisitcs which often contraposes those who regard language as semehow peripheral to larger social and political questions with those who insist that language is a crucial factor in determining social discourse.(…) with this history of community activism as a background that the Oakland Unified School District unanimously passed a resolution on December 18, 1996, officially recognizing African American Vernacular English/Ebonics as -among other things – “genetically based”, a “legitimate language” and “not a dialect of English”. The board recommended that in light of the continual underperformance of young African-American in reading and wiring skills, the school district should be allowed to use funds from the U.S. Federal Bilingual Education Act to fund a program “featuring African Language Systgem principles to move students from the language pattens they bring to school to English proficiency”
183: After several days fo furious criticism from legislators, new wirters, political action groups, national politicians and a host of others, the board reconvened and amended the resolution removeing what were considered to be the most offending phrases.
184-85: Buat as has ofteh been the case, many of the strongest critics of the Ebonics resoultion were African-Americans. Some, like the Television personality Arsenio Hall (“it’s abusurd. Absurd. I think it creates awful self-esteem in black kids…”; cf. Olszewski, L. 1997. ‘Oakland Teachers Put Ebonics to the Real World Test”‘ The San Francisco Chronicle. San Francisco.) and well known comedian Bill Cosby, (“legitimizing the street in the classroom is backwards”, Olszewski, L. 1997. ‘Oakland Teachers Put Ebonics to the Real World Test”‘ The San Francisco Chronicle. San Francisco.) might possibly be dismissed as somehow lacking informed opinions. But of anumber of prominent black intellectuals involved in local and antional policy-making have also spoken out against the resolution. Ezola Foster, a veteran black educator in the Los Angeles Unified School District, joined (….) Senator Haynes as co-leader of a national campaing to oppose Ebonics. Respected black newspaper columnist William RASPBERRY ALSO APPEARED TO SEE LITTLE CONNECTION BETWEEN the social effects of language education policies and poor student academic performance when he remarked in the Washington Post (Raspberry, W. 1997. ‘Innovating Isn’t Educating’ The Washington Post. Washington, D.C.) that “the solution llie less in changing the way teachers teach than in the commitment of the rest of us -particularly the black middle class- to change the way these youngsters view their world”. Even Jesse Jackson, perhaps the most prominent liberal black leader in the U.S., initially called the resolution “an unacceptable surrender bordering on disgrace”
186: The genetic Basis of Language
The Board’s use of the term “genetically based” in referring to Ebonics was clearly the most controversial point in the entire December 18th resolution. It was quickly replaced in the amended version due to laud protest from around the country which accused the Oakland administrators of racial determinism, reverse discrimination, bigtry, and simple ignorance of human evolution and cognition.
Arthur Jensen [Jensen, A. 1969. ‘How Much Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement?’. Harvard Educational Review: 1-123.), basing his work on what was described as “verbal deprivatgion” theory, concluded that “racism, or the belief in the genetic inferiority of Negros, is a correct view in the light of the present evidence”. And genetics remains a factgor today in continued attempts by Amercian academics, such as Richard Herrnstein, Charles Murray, and others, to explain black academic inferiority.
187: Thus, if the English spoken by African-Americans were actually a kind of pidgin with a limited lexical range and no fixed grammar, it would only have persisted a generation or so before the process of creolization initiated by second-and third-generation speakers began to fill in the various linguistic gaps.
The only other conceivable intermpretation of the resoutions’s reference to genetics follows from the first condition: Ebon ics is a language variety spoken by a cognitively -subnormal group that because of a gentic predisposition can neither communicate effectively among themselves nor hope to speak any differently. In other workds, some AAVE speakers might like to learn SAE BUT are unable because of a genetic inability. Needless to say, this is clearly the veiw the board was contesting.
188: The members were clearly surprised atthe depth of reaction provoked by hteir resolution, and their subsequent willingness to amend the document would seem to imply that wording was not a vital issue. The board clearley used the term “genetically-based” without regard for the extreme interpretation it often carries and in the ensuing hail of criticism was unable to debate the essential triviality (in this context) of the phrase. In a later synopsis of the adopted policy the board writes “the term “genetically-based” is used, according to the standard dictionnary definition of “has origins in”. It is not used to refer to human biology”. This disclaimer stikes one as an attempt at backpedalling, hurriedly issued in response to accusation of racism, although in view of the above discussion it seems to be a meaningless concession.
To summarize, I believe we can view use of the term “genetically-based” in the Oakland resolution as both a political blunder, considering the eagerness withwhich so many groups used to condemn it, and as an unexceptional comment on the baiss of human language.
189: The point is that the Ebonics debate, occurring as it did in a highly conservative political atmosphere, with limited time constraints (the school board was holding its final session of the year) and within an ethnically divided community already sensitive to qustions of race and language, seemed almost destined to ignite despite this fairly common reference to a shared genticc trait that in other circumstances might have passed unnoticed.
190: In general, mutually comprehensible speakers are said to pssess the same language, although Chambers and Trudgill note a number of exceptions to this principle (…).
Dialects, on the other hand, are normally considered to exist within one language and to be mutually intelligible.
In a similar fashion to the prestige dialects in many othe rcountires, the SAE dialect in the United States has succeeded in capturaing a place as the national language (although this remains an extremely contentious issue today).
In light of these factors, it would seem reasonable then to regard SAE and AAVE equally as two deparate dialects of the english language. Although is very clearly the prestige form used for business and education, in purely linguistic terms (…) there is no basis for valuing one dialect over another. Even so, the word dialect obviously carries a number of negative connotations, and many linguists therefore prefer to use the term variety.
Creoles (…) are fully formed natural languages evolving out of pigins, and this is the manner in which some historical linguist believe AAVE may have been formed.
Whether “creolization” is a viable origin for AAVE or not -and a number of researchers debate the point, Muhlhausler(Muhlhausler, P. 1986. Pidgin and Creole Linguistics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.) notably, who contests the African “substratum” theory of a deep, core layer of bother grammar and lexicon underlying AAVE -it is important to keep in mind that te legitimacy of AAVE as a natural langauge does not depend in any way onthe resolution of this question.
191: (…) it has been suggested that AAVE lacks the appropriate grammatical means of expressing complex thought patterns and that its speakers are thereby somehow incapable of fully rational thought. Among other clains one commonly hears about AAVE are: that it cannot express tense and therefore its peakers wander in and out of temporal sppech at random; it is lazy speech which fails to show correct verb inflections and noun markers; its speakers enunciatiate poorly and do not pronounce certain SAE sounds properly; its speakers use verbal elements randomly, sometimes leaving them out altogether. Maany of these criticisms, although heard recently from opponenets of the Ebonics resoluiton are far from new. Some date back to the early days of African slavery in both the Americas and in West Africa – the principal “source” of slaves taken by Dutch, British and Portuguese traders.
Had 17th century businessmen exported their human commodity from a single port on the West African Coast, the likelihood of one or two African langauges persisting among a displaced populace would have been greatly enhanced. The policy among slavers, however, was to mix tribal and language groups in order to revent communication among prisoners and thereby to void revold. In his ook on the origins of American English, Dillard (Dillard, J.L. 1972. A History of American English. New York: Longman.) quotes an ealier historian who explains:
the means used by those who trade to Guinea, to keep the Negroes quiet, is to chose them from severall parts of ye Contry, of diffeeent Languages; so that they find they cannot act joyntly, when they are not in a Capacity of Consulting one an other, and this they can not doe, in soe far as they understand no one an other)
193: According to Loewen (Loewen, J.W. 1995. Lies My Teachers Told Me. New York: Routledge.), the first non-native settlers in the United states were actually black not white, since Spanish colonizers in the early 17th century had brought and later abandoned 100 slaves in what is now South Carolina.
In the sea islands of Georgia and South Carolina, Gullah is perhaps the best documented and notably the only African American creole whose West African originis remain uncontested.
The dramatic increase in slaves in Alabama, Mississipi, and Luisiana from 1820-40 thus began what has been called the “southernization” of Black English.
According to some researchers, large concentrations of slaves on a single plantation allowed for more intese linguistic interaction and some limited measure of family life, both of which led to a sustained community (Dillard, J.L. 1972. Black English: its History and Usage in the United States. New York: Random House.). But as mentioned earlier, plantations would not necessarily have been the boundaries of all social life. Under conditions such as these, the creole hypothesis is a distinct possibility, although in amny areas by the late 1800s it also appears that AAVE was undergoing a reverse process of decreolization inwhich features that were noticeably unlike the mainstream varietY (e.g. anterior verb markers such as de and blan) were being lost (Mufwene, S.S. 1997. ‘Gullah Development: Myth and Socio-historical Evidence’ in Berstein, C., Nunnally, T. and Rabino, R. (eds.) Language Variety in the South Revisited: The University of Alabama Press.)
Historical linguists mark the final stage in the evolution of AAVE from Emancipation throught the endo fo World War II. During this time a large number of newly liberated slaves began to congretate in isolated rural areas throughout the South (due largely to discriinatory policies established by the majority of white reisents, but in many cases through their own inititatives) to found all-black settlements.
195: The increasing monoculture of commercial television that began in the 1950s has had a leveling effect not only on AAVE but on many regional dialects.
The dying out or maintenance of minority language vaireties despite (or often in spite of) social or racial persecution is an historical phenomenon well documented by linguistst and ethnographers (cf. Edwards, J., Language 1985. Language, Society and Identity. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.).
cf. his description of AAVE, PP. 196-199
203: Linguistic usage, thus, cannot be analyzed apart from the society iwthin which it is used; it must be regarded as one element of a societal whole -historic, social, and eecononic. In describing the linguistic interactions between predominantly SAE-speaking teachers and AAVE-speaikng students in innercity schools, the question then becomes not so much what iis said but why it is communicated as it is. What social, economic, and historic influences have shaped the forms and social usage of both AAVE and SAE and the way they interact? How has SAE come to maintain its positin as the seemingly untentested national language to be used in exclusion of other varieties?Are there larger economic factors which make AAfrican-Aamericans and therefore the variety of English they speak less acceptable? To disregard such questions is to engage in a type of myopic elevation of common sense notions about language similar in some regards to childen’s assumptions that others should aslways want to play the game they are playing.
Fairclough (Fairclough, N. 1985. Language and Power. New York: Longman Publishing.) refers to this preempting of common sense assumption by one language vairety or discourse type and its resultant acceptance by a larger public as the “opacity of discourse”- an inability essentially to see through the historical imposition of one discourse upon others.
The medium of instruction itself is seldom recognized as one language variety among others.
204: Of equal importance, however, is the way the opacity of discourse affects African-Americans as representatives of a large economic underclass. As a measure of the basic inequality of economic power in any society, the discourse of more powerful elements -corporate elites, gouvernment bureaucrats, media tycoons-will tend to replace other discrouse types through the process of normalilzati. Although a corporate perspective has come to imbue discourse in virtually every sector of society, it might be argued that ^due to AAVE’s relative isolation it has remianed less susceptbible of such influences. African-Amercan’s lower educational levels and hence ehtier restricted access to higher paying jobs (both of these, needless to say, affected by discriminatory attitudes within society) has ironically limited the influence corporate discours has had upon AAVE.
Despite resistance from African-Americans toward assimilation into white cullture, the attraction corporate culture holds for many youngh African Americans is powerful. Inevitably, this has transformed the way they speak.
205: CONCLUSION: As much as can be said about the importance of placing language in its social and historical context so that students may understand the role it plays in shaping their lives, one must guard against the reduction of social struggle to a simple discussion of language.
Rather than simply being places of inculcation in which the dominant patterns of society are rehearsed, schools can be and often are places that teach what might be called “liberation skills”. These can include lessons non only in critical language awareness (CLA)in which students learn to look at the reasons how and why different language vaireties are used, but also the practical skills necessray to change the conditions of oppressionin which students often find themselves.
envoyé par Bill Casey lui-meme. sur le genetical basis du premier draft.180: Despite much impassioned -and often misinformed ( see Rothstein, R. “The Myth of Public School Failure.” The American Prospect 13.Spring (1993).)- discussion in the United States over a decline in educational standards and the national debate over the methods and relevance of standardized testing procedures, averages for verbal scores on at least one major achievement test taken by many high school students have shown improvements in past years. In the period from 1980 to 1989 scores on the verbal section of the widely-administered SAT rose a modest 12 points from 387 to 399, leading observers to remark that despite overall deteriorating conditions in American schools, improvements in some areas are still evident.181: (…) What strikes one most about the scores, however, is the large and persistent gap between white and black students in both verbal and math sections. In verbal skills alone this gap over the period in question measured close to 100 points (see table) And it remains so today with no apparent sign of narrowing. As a reflection of what is generally referred to in testing literature as “performance”, SAT scores are routinely used by universities in admission processes and, in this sense, are a measue of a student’s presumed marketability in an age when education has become more and more to assume the stark characteristics of basic skills traning to fill slots in a highly mobile and unpredictable labor pool.
In the Oakland, California Unified School District the average grade point average (GPA: scale of 4.0) in the 1995-96 school year for all students was 2.1. On this scale, sores for white and Asian-Americans were above 3.0, whereas African-American students found themselves at the bottom with an average of 1.80 -a startling figure considering 53% of the Oakland, California school district student population is black -one of the highest percentages in the United States.(…) Although the history of black activism in the Oakland community dates from well before the 1960s, it was during that time community leaders took to the street to demand that he municipal goverment allocate tax funds in a more equal manner. It was in Oakland also that the Black Panther self-defense group first organized itself to confront police violence, to help provide poor African-Americans with better housing and jobs, and to teach inner-city children language skills and respect for black culture.182: One might argue that the place of Oakland’s black community in the current debate over academic standards finds its roots, at least in parts, in differences betweenn Panghters on one hand and black cultural nationalists whose message to black children of the time was that, since Africa remained their ancestral home, all white cultural symbols should be rejected. Oakland’s Panther leadrs, on the other hand, argued for an approach built on radical democracy and less on purely cultural symbols as a means of instilling concepts of individual pride and self improvement. Engllish, they insisted, was as much theirs as anyone’s (…).In Contrast to cultural nationalists of the 1960s, Panthers appeared to see Englsih more as a political weapon with which they hoped to transform society. This dispute parallels a divide in social linguisitcs which often contraposes those who regard language as semehow peripheral to larger social and political questions with those who insist that language is a crucial factor in determining social discourse.(…) with this history of community activism as a background that the Oakland Unified School District unanimously passed a resolution on December 18, 1996, officially recognizing African American Vernacular English/Ebonics as -among other things – “genetically based”, a “legitimate language” and “not a dialect of English”. The board recommended that in light of the continual underperformance of young African-American in reading and wiring skills, the school district should be allowed to use funds from the U.S. Federal Bilingual Education Act to fund a program “featuring African Language Systgem principles to move students from the language pattens they bring to school to English proficiency”183: After several days fo furious criticism from legislators, new wirters, political action groups, national politicians and a host of others, the board reconvened and amended the resolution removeing what were considered to be the most offending phrases.184-85: Buat as has ofteh been the case, many of the strongest critics of the Ebonics resoultion were African-Americans. Some, like the Television personality Arsenio Hall (“it’s abusurd. Absurd. I think it creates awful self-esteem in black kids…”; cf. Olszewski, L. 1997. ‘Oakland Teachers Put Ebonics to the Real World Test”‘ The San Francisco Chronicle. San Francisco.) and well known comedian Bill Cosby, (“legitimizing the street in the classroom is backwards”, Olszewski, L. 1997. ‘Oakland Teachers Put Ebonics to the Real World Test”‘ The San Francisco Chronicle. San Francisco.) might possibly be dismissed as somehow lacking informed opinions. But of anumber of prominent black intellectuals involved in local and antional policy-making have also spoken out against the resolution. Ezola Foster, a veteran black educator in the Los Angeles Unified School District, joined (….) Senator Haynes as co-leader of a national campaing to oppose Ebonics. Respected black newspaper columnist William RASPBERRY ALSO APPEARED TO SEE LITTLE CONNECTION BETEWEEN the social effects of langauge education policies and poor student academic performance when he remarked in the Washington Post (Raspberry, W. 1997. ‘Innovating Isn’t Educating’ The Washington Post. Washington, D.C.) that “the solution llie less in changing the way teachers teach than in the commitment of the rest of us -particularly the black middle class- to change the way these youngsters view their world”. Even Jesse Jackson, perhaps the most prominent liberal black leader in the U.S., initially called the resolution “an unacceptable surrender bordering on disgrace”186: The genetic Basis of LanguageThe Board’s use of the term “genetically based” in referring to Ebonics was clearly the most controversial point in the entire December 18th resolution. It was quickly replaced in the amended version due to laud protest from around the country which accused the Oakland administrators of racial determinism, reverse discrimination, bigtry, and simple ignorance of human evolution and cognition.Arthur Jensen [Jensen, A. 1969. ‘How Much Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement?’. Harvard Educational Review: 1-123.), basing his work on what was described as “verbal deprivatgion” theory, concluded that “racism, or the belief in the genetic inferiority of Negros, is a correct view in the light of the present evidence”. And genetics remains a factgor today in continued attempts by Amercian academics, such as Richard Herrnstein, Charles Murray, and others, to explain black academic inferiority.187: Thus, if the English spoken by African-Americans were actually a kind of pidgin with a limited lexical range and no fixed grammar, it would only have persisted a generation or so before the process of creolization initiated by second-and third-generation speakers began to fill in the various linguistic gaps.The only other conceivable intermpretation of the resoutions’s reference to genetics follows from the first condition: Ebon ics is a language variety spoken by a cognitively -subnormal group that because of a gentic predisposition can neither communicate effectively among themselves nor hope to speak any differently. In other workds, some AAVE speakers might like to learn SAE BUT are unable because of a genetic inability. Needless to say, this is clearly the veiw the board was contesting.188: The members were clearly surprised atthe depth of reaction provoked by hteir resolution, and their subsequent willingness to amend the document would seem to imply that wording was not a vital issue. The board clearley used the term “genetically-based” without regard for the extreme interpretation it often carries and in the ensuing hail of criticism was unable to debate the essential triviality (in this context) of the phrase. In a later synopsis of the adopted policy the board writes “the term “genetically-based” is used, according to the standard dictionnary definition of “has origins in”. It is not used to refer to human biology”. This disclaimer stikes one as an attempt at backpedalling, hurriedly issued in response to accusioaation of racism, although in view of the above discussion it seems to be a meaningless concession.To summarize, I believe we can view use of the term “genetically-based” in the Oakland resolution as both a political blunder, considering the eagerness withwhich so many groups used to condemn it, and as an unexceptional comment on the baiss of human language.189: The point is that the Ebonics debate, occurring as it did in a highly conservative political atmosphere, with limited time constraints (the school board was holding its final session of the year) and within an ethnically divided community already sensitive to qustions of race and language, seemed almost destined to ignite despite this fairly common reference to a shared genticc trait that in other circumstances might have passed unnoticed.190: In general, mutually comprehensible speakers are said to pssess the same language, although Chambers and Trudgill note a number of exceptions to this principle (…).Dialects, on the other hand, are normally considered to exist within one language and to be mutually intelligible.In a similar fashion to the prestige dialects in many othe rcountires, the SAE dialect in the United States has succeeded in capturaing a place as the national language (although this remains an extremely contentious issue today).In light of these factors, it would seem reasonable then to regard SAE and AAVE equally as two deparate dialects of the english language. Although is very clearly the prestige form used for business and education, in purely linguistic terms (…) there is no basis for valuing one dialect over another. Even so, the word dialect obviously carries a number of negative connotations, and many linguists therefore prefer to use the term variety.Creoles (…) are fully formed natural languages evolving out of pigins, and this is the manner in which some historical linguist believe AAVE may have been formed.Whether “creolization” is a viable origin for AAVE or not -and a number of researchers debate the point, Muhlhausler(Muhlhausler, P. 1986. Pidgin and Creole Linguistics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.) notably, who contests the African “substratum” theory of a deep, core layer of bother grammar and lexicon underlying AAVE -it is important to keep in mind that te legitimacy of AAVE as a natural langauge does not depend in any way onthe resolution of this question.191: (…) it has been suggested that AAVE lacks the appropriate grammatical means of expressing complex thought patterns and that its speakers are thereby somehow incapable of fully rational thought. Among other clains one commonly hears about AAVE are: that it cannot express tense and therefore its peakers wander in and out of temporal sppech at random; it is lazy speech which fails to show correct verb inflections and noun markers; its speakers enunciatiate poorly and do not pronounce certain SAE sounds properly; its speakers use verbal elements randomly, sometimes leaving them out altogether. Maany of these criticisms, although heard recently from opponenets of the Ebonics resoluiton are far from new. Some date back to the early days of African slavery in both the Americas and in West Africa – the principal “source” of slaves taken by Dutch, British and Portuguese traders.Had 17th century businessmen exported their human commodity from a single port on the West African Coast, the likelihood of one or two African langauges persisting among a displaced populace would have been greatly enhanced. The policy among slavers, however, was to mix tribal and language groups in order to revent communication among prisoners and thereby to void revold. In his book on the origins of American English, Dillard (Dillard, J.L. 1972. A History of American English. New York: Longman.) quotes an ealier historian who explains:the means used by those who trade to Guinea, to keep the Negroes quiet, is to chose them from severall parts of ye Contry, of diffeeent Languages; so that they find they cannot act joyntly, when they are not in a Capacity of Consulting one an other, and this they can not doe, in soe far as they understand no one an other)193: According to Loewen (Loewen, J.W. 1995. Lies My Teachers Told Me. New York: Routledge.), the first non-native settlers in the United states were actually black not white, since Spanish colonizers in the early 17th century had brought and later abandoned 100 slaves in what is now South Carolina.In the sea islands of Georgia and South Carolina, Gullah is perhaps the best documented and notably the only African American creole whose West African originis remain uncontested.The dramatic increase in slaves in Alabama, Mississipi, and Luisiana from 1820-40 thus began what has been called the “southernization” of Black English.According to some researchers, large concentrations of slaves on a single plantation allowed for more intese linguistic interaction and some limited measure of family life, both of which led to a sustained community (Dillard, J.L. 1972. Black English: its History and Usage in the United States. New York: Random House.). But as mentioned earlier, plantations would not necessarily have been the boundaries of all social life. Under conditions such as these, the creole hypothesis is a distinct possibility, although in amny areas by the late 1800s it also appears that AAVE was undergoing a reverse process of decreolization inwhich features that were noticeably unlike the mainstream varietY (e.g. anterior verb markers such as de and blan) were being lost (Mufwene, S.S. 1997. ‘Gullah Development: Myth and Socio-historical Evidence’ in Berstein, C., Nunnally, T. and Rabino, R. (eds.) Language Variety in the South Revisited: The University of Alabama Press.)Historical linguists mark the final stage in the evolution of AAVE from Emancipation throught the endo fo World War II. During this time a large number of newly liberated slaves began to congretate in isolated rural areas throughout the South (due largely to discriinatory policies established by the majority of white reisents, but in many cases through their own inititatives) to found all-black settlements.195: The increasing monoculture of commercial television that began in the 1950s has had a leveling effect not only on AAVE but on many regional dialects.The dying out or maintenance of minority language vaireties despite (or often in spite of) social or racial persecution is an historical phenomenon well documented by linguistst and ethnographers (cf. Edwards, J., Language 1985. Language, Society and Identity. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.).
cf. his description of AAVE, PP. 196-199203: Linguistic usage, thus, cannot be analyzed apart from the society iwthin which it is used; it must be regarded as one element of a societal whole -historic, social, and eecononic. In describing the linguistic interactions between predominantly SAE-speaking teachers and AAVE-spekaing students in innercity schools, the question then becomes not so much what iis said but why it is communicated as it is. What social, economic, and historic influences have shaped the forms and social usage of both AAVE and SAE and the way they interact? How has SAE come to maintain its positin as the seemingly untentested national language to be used in exclusion of other varieties?Are there larger economic factors which make AAfrican-Aamericans and therefore the variety of English they speak less acceptable? To disregard such questions is to engage in a type of myopic elevation of common sense notions about language similar in some regards to childenre’s assumptions that others should aslways want to play the game they are playing.Fairclough (Fairclough, N. 1985. Language and Power. New York: Longman Publishing.) refers to this preempting of common sense assumption by one language vairety or discourse type and its resultant acceptance by a larger public as the “opacity of discourse”- an inability essentially to see through the historical imposition of one discourse upon others.The medium of instruction itself is seldom recognized as one language variety among others.204: Of equal importance, however, is the way the opacity of discourse affects African-Americans as representatives of a large economic underclass. As a measure of the basic inequality of economic power in any society, the discourse of more powerful elements -corporate elites, gouvernment b ureaucrats, media tycoons-will tend to replace other discrouse types through the process of normalilzati. Although a corporate perspective has come to imbue discourse in virtually every sector of society, it might be argued that ^due to AAVE’s relative isolation it has remianed less susceptbible of such influences. African-Amerciacn’s lower educational levels and hence ehtier restricted access to higher paying jobs (both of these, needless to say, affected by discriminatory attitudes within society) has ironically limited the influence corporate discours has had upon AAVE.Despite resistance from African-Americans toward assimilation into white cullture, the attraction corporate culture holds for many youngh African Americans is powerful. Inevitably, this has transformed the way they speak.205: CONCLUSIONAs much as can be said about the importance of placing language in its social and historical context so that students may understand the role it plays in shaping their lives, one must guard against the reduction of social struggle to a simple discussion of language.Rather than simply being places of inculcation in which the dominant patterns of society are rehearsed, schools can be and often are places that teach what might be called “liberation skills”. These can include lessons non only in critical language awareness (CLA)in which students learn to look at the reasons how and why different language varieties are used, but also the practical skills necessary to change the conditions of oppression in which students often find themselves.

Cashmore, Ellis. 1996. Dictionary of Race and Ethnic Relations. London: Routledge.

Cité par Wievorka, M. 2001. La Différence. Paris: Balland: 82.

Casier, M. and J. Jongerden, Eds. (2010). Nationalisms and Politics in Turkey: Political Islam, Kemalism and the Kurdish Issue. Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics, Routledge.

By Hassan Ghazi (Member and Admin of SLonFB )
Nationalisms and Politics in Turkey
Political Islam, Kemalism and the Kurdish Issue
Edited by Marlies Casier, Joost Jongerden
• Price: $125.00
• Binding/Format: Hardback
• ISBN: 978-0-415-58345-9
• Publish Date: August 5th 2010
• Imprint: Routledge
• Pages: 236 pages
Series: Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics
This book examines some of the most pressing issues facing the Turkish political establishment, in particular the issues of political Islam, and Kurdish and Turkish nationalisms. The authors explore the rationales of the main political actors in Turkey in order to increase our understanding of the ongoing debates over the secularist character of the Turkish Republic and over Turkey’s longstanding Kurdish issue.
Original contributions from respected scholars in the field of Turkish and Kurdish studies provide us with many insights into the social and political fabric of Turkey, exploring Turkey’s secularist establishment, the ruling AKP government, the Kurdistan Worker’s Party and the Institutions of the European Union. While the focus of concern in this book is with the social agents of contemporary politics in Turkey, the convictions they have and the strategies they employ, historical dimensions are also integrated in their analyses. In its approach, the book makes an important contribution to a widening investigation into the making of politics in the contemporary world.
Incorporating the importance of the growing transnational connections between Turkey and Europe, this book is particularly relevant in the light of the ongoing negotiations over Turkey’s membership to the European Union, and will be of interest to scholars interested in Turkish studies, Kurdish studies and Middle Eastern Politics.

Cassen, Bernard. 2005. on peut déjà se comprendre entre locuteurs de langues romanes: Des confins au centre de la galaxie. Le Monde Diplomatique (Janvier 2005):22.

Les travaux du linguiste néerlandais Abram de Swaan (1), repris et complétés par ceux du Français Louis-Jean Calvet (2), proposent un modèle de fonctionnement du système linguistique mondial dit « gravitationnel » ou « galactique », dont le centre est occupé par l’anglais. Ce système n’est pas tombé du ciel : il est le résultat historique de logiques de pouvoir, de guerres, d’invasions, de migrations, de dominations coloniales, etc. Dans la période récente, il procède aussi de rapports de forces économiques et, surtout, idéologiques : la conquête des esprits est, à cet égard, plus déterminante que celle des territoires.A la base, environ 6 000 langues, dont 90 % sont parlées par moins de 5 % de la population mondiale, et que l’on appellera périphériques. On en compte 500 utilisées par moins de 100 personnes. A l’intérieur d’un même Etat, on peut parfois en dénombrer plusieurs centaines, le record étant détenu par la Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée (850), suivie de l’Indonésie (670), du Nigeria (410) et de l’Inde (380). Pour ne pas rester complètement isolée, une communauté linguistique périphérique peut se connecter horizontalement avec la voisine par des locuteurs bilingues, mais ce cas est rare : en général, les membres de ces groupes communiquent par l’intermédiaire d’une langue commune de niveau immédiatement supérieur – comme le quechua en Amérique du Sud ; le wolof, le lingala et le bambara en Afrique – que l’on caractérisera comme langue centrale.
Les langues centrales, autour desquelles gravitent entre une ou deux unités et plusieurs dizaines de langues périphériques, sont au nombre d’une centaine. Ce sont les langues officielles ou nationales, celles de l’administration, de la justice, de l’écrit en général, celles aussi de la communication électronique. Toutes les langues européennes sont centrales pour les langues régionales et « minoritaires » d’un territoire national donné : le néerlandais pour le frison ; le finnois pour le saami ; le danois pour le féroien ; l’anglais pour le cornique, l’écossais, le gallois et l’irlandais ; le français pour l’alsacien, le basque, le breton, le corse, l’occitan.
Certaines de ces langues, tout en étant centrales à l’intérieur d’un Etat, sont cependant plus centrales que les autres, car également situées au cœur de constellations regroupant d’autres langues centrales « étrangères » : ce sont les langues dites supercentrales. Abram de Swaan en a identifié douze : l’allemand, l’arabe, le chinois, l’anglais, l’espagnol, le français, l’hindi, le japonais, le malais, le portugais, le russe, le swahili. Louis-Jean Calvet, pour sa part, considère que l’allemand et le japonais, faute d’avoir un nombre significatif d’autres langues en orbite autour d’eux, ne jouent pas ce rôle supercentral, bien que leur nombre de locuteurs dépasse les cent millions. Les langues supercentrales sont celles de la communication dans un espace régional ou international, lui-même parfois hérité de la colonisation (anglais, espagnol, français, portugais).
Mais quand un Chinois et un Russe se rencontrent – et sauf si chacun d’eux a été coopérant à Cuba, ce qui leur permettra de dialoguer en espagnol – les chances sont faibles que l’un des deux parle ou comprenne la langue de l’autre. Ils utiliseront alors vraisemblablement, s’ils la connaissent, la langue de connexion des langues supercentrales : l’anglais, langue hypercentrale. On voit ainsi que, de la plus petite langue amérindienne ou africaine à l’anglais, il existe de multiples chaînes de locuteurs bilingues ou multilingues qui, aspirés vers le haut par paliers successifs, garantissent la communicabilité de la périphérie au centre.

2005. on peut déjà se comprendre entre locuteurs de langues romanes: Un monde polyglotte pour échapper à la dictature de l’anglais. Le Monde Diplomatique (Janvier 2005):22.

Pour toutes les élites « offshore » de la planète, l’usage de l’anglais est le premier des signes de reconnaissance. Il existe un lien logique entre la soumission volontaire ou résignée à l’hyperpuissance américaine et l’adoption de sa langue comme unique outil de communication internationale. Or le chinois, les langues romanes – si l’on promeut l’intercompréhension au sein de la grande famille qu’elles forment – et demain l’arabe ont tout autant vocation à jouer parallèlement ce rôle. C’est affaire de volonté politique.
M. Alain Minc en avait rêvé, il s’en est fallu de peu que M. Claude Thélot réussisse à le faire. Dès 1989, le premier s’enthousiasmait à l’idée de « rendre l’enseignement de l’anglais obligatoire dès le primaire ; n’admettre le choix d’une autre première langue qu’une fois vérifiée la parfaite maîtrise de l’anglais ; renforcer les moyens pédagogiques ; faire de la connaissance de cette langue un préalable dans les études au même titre que les mathématiques ou l’orthographe (1)… » Quant au second, en tant que président de la commission du grand débat national sur l’avenir de l’école, il avait remis au ministre français de l’éducation nationale, M. François Fillon, un rapport dans lequel il préconisait l’apprentissage obligatoire de l’« anglais de communication internationale » dès le cours élémentaire 2e année, donc à l’âge de 8 ans (2). Prudent, le ministre a seulement retenu l’idée d’enseigner une langue vivante à partir du cours élémentaire 1re année. Dans la pratique, le résultat sera à peu près le même, tant la pression, notamment médiatique, est grande pour faire de l’anglais la seule langue de « communication internationale », sans que l’on sache exactement ce que cela signifie (3). Faute d’une réflexion minimale sur l’articulation entre ces trois paramètres que sont la réalité et la prévision des véritables besoins langagiers de l’ensemble des citoyens (et non pas simplement des représentations que s’en font les associations de parents d’élèves), la géopolitique des langues et la géopolitique tout court, les rapports du type de la commission Thélot aboutissent à des conclusions dignes de propos de comptoir au Café du commerce. Proposer l’enseignement obligatoire de l’anglais, en France ou ailleurs dans l’Union européenne, est une affaire hautement politique, sans grand rapport avec des besoins de « communication », et n’a de sens qu’en fonction d’une vision de l’avenir de l’Europe et du monde, et singulièrement des rapports avec les Etats-Unis.
La puissance impériale américaine ne repose pas seulement sur des facteurs matériels (capacités militaires et scientifiques, production de biens et de services, contrôle des flux énergétiques et monétaires, etc.) : elle incorpore aussi et surtout la maîtrise des esprits, donc des référents et signes culturels, et tout particulièrement des signes linguistiques. La langue anglaise se situe ainsi au centre d’un système global où elle joue un rôle identique à celui du dollar dans le système monétaire international. Empruntant au lexique de l’astrophysique, ce système repose sur l’existence d’un astre suprême (l’anglais, langue dite « hypercentrale ») autour duquel gravitent une douzaine de langues-planètes, elles-mêmes entourées d’environ 200 langues-lunes, dans l’orbite desquelles évoluent quelque 6 000 autres langues (lire Des confins au centre de la galaxie). Tout comme le double statut de moyen de règlement et de monnaie de réserve internationale dominante du billet vert permet aux Etats-Unis de vivre aux crochets du reste de la planète, la détention de la langue hypercentrale leur confère une formidable rente de situation.
Une rente idéologique, d’abord, car elle incite la plupart des « élites » du monde entier, ce parti américain transfrontières, à faire allégeance à la langue des maîtres, aux concepts qu’elle exprime et à la vision du monde qu’elle véhicule (4). Et, comme le remarque M. Claude Hagège, professeur au Collège de France, « le prestige des élites industrielles et économiques conduit par snobisme – un ressort dont on ne parle pas suffisamment – les classes moyennes à les imiter, et donc à vouloir apprendre l’anglais (5) ». Il n’est pas certain que les « valeurs morales » sur lesquelles le président George W. Bush a bâti sa campagne et sa victoire servent longtemps de repoussoir à ces assoiffés du « modèle » américain.
La rente des pays anglophones est aussi économique : c’est aux autres pays de financer les coûts d’apprentissage et de traduction de (ou vers) l’anglais. L’enseignement de cette langue, en termes de méthodes, d’outils d’évaluation et de personnels, est devenu une véritable industrie et un poste d’exportation non négligeable pour les Etats-Unis et le Royaume-Uni. Quand la Commission européenne, au mépris du règlement linguistique de l’Union, ne publie certains programmes et appels d’offres communautaires qu’en anglais, et exige qu’il y soit répondu dans cette langue, elle favorise indûment les entreprises et les institutions des pays de langue anglaise et oblige les autres à acquitter des surcoûts de traduction pour concourir. Est-ce là la fameuse « concurrence libre et non faussée » à laquelle le projet de Constitution européenne fait constamment référence ?
Ces facteurs idéologiques et économiques se renforcent mutuellement et contribuent à la consolidation d’une unipolarité linguistique planétaire. Si elle se veut conséquente, la recherche d’un monde multipolaire doit avoir pour corollaire celle d’un ordre linguistique lui aussi multipolaire. Elle implique de ne laisser ni symboliquement ni matériellement à l’anglais le monopole de l’hypercentralité.
La réponse, au moins partielle, réside dans la prise en compte du concept de « familles linguistiques », et dans l’apprentissage de l’intercompréhension au sein de ces familles (lire Esprit de famille), en particulier de celle qui regroupe les langues romanes. Dans cette optique, ces dernières pourraient être considérées comme une seule et unique langue en termes d’apprentissage.
Ce n’est pas là une vue de l’esprit : des méthodes existent, qui demandent seulement à être développées. Un tel regroupement repose sur une masse critique internationale : à elles seules, les langues romanes sont officielles dans 60 pays : 30 pour le français, 20 pour l’espagnol, 7 pour le portugais, 2 pour l’italien (Italie et Suisse) et 1 pour le roumain. Ajoutons Andorre pour le catalan… L’anglais, lui, n’est langue officielle que dans 45 pays, et l’arabe dans 25.
Avec le chinois, trois blocs comparables
En termes démographiques, des projections à l’horizon 2025 donnent 1 561 millions de Chinois, 1 048 millions de ressortissants de pays anglophones, 484 millions d’hispanophones, 285 millions de lusophones et 506 millions de francophones (ce dernier chiffre appelant cependant des réserves, car les habitants d’un Etat officiellement francophone sont loin de tous parler le français, de même que, par exemple, au Nigeria, officiellement anglophone, seule une petite minorité est capable de s’exprimer en anglais) (6). Ces précautions prises, qui ne modifient pas les ordres de grandeur, il apparaît que, avec l’Italie et la Roumanie, les « romanophones » susceptibles de se comprendre entre eux représenteront plus de 1,3 milliard de locuteurs dans une vingtaine d’années. Ce sont donc trois blocs d’importance comparable (anglais, chinois, langues romanes), et, à terme, l’arabe, (448 millions de locuteurs prévus en 2025), qui ont une égale vocation à incarner une hypercentralité linguistique au niveau mondial. Figer cette dernière dans le seul anglais n’est pas faire preuve d’une grande capacité d’anticipation.
Si des Etats de langues romanes prenaient la décision de promouvoir ensemble dans leurs systèmes éducatifs respectifs des méthodes d’apprentissage de l’intercompréhension, ces langues pourraient conjointement acquérir un statut mondial de cohypercentralité avec l’anglais. Quant au chinois, deuxième candidat à ce statut, les choses sont déjà en marche. M. Joël Bel Lassen, inspecteur général de cette discipline, indique que, « dans une douzaine d’années, 100 millions de touristes chinois vont parcourir le monde. En Asie, le chinois est devenu la langue véhiculaire. Quand des Japonais et des Coréens négocient, ils utilisent maintenant l’anglais et le mandarin. En Corée, le chinois est devenu incontournable. Il a acquis une dimension pratique, à la manière de l’anglais (7) ». Qui pourrait en effet penser sérieusement que plus d’un milliard et demi de Chinois, même dans les filiales d’entreprises transnationales, vont dialoguer dans une langue de « communication internationale » autre que la leur ?
Puisque tous les fantasmes se focalisent sur l’anglais de « communication internationale », parlons-en. On en connaît seulement le périmètre dans des communautés professionnelles au lexique bien délimité : celle des pilotes de bateaux, le Seaspeak, désormais remplacé par les Standard Marine Communication Phrases (SMCP), élaborées à partir de l’anglais par des locuteurs de plusieurs autres langues ; l’Airspeak, utilisé par les équipages des avions et les contrôleurs aériens ; l’anglais de spécialité, partagé par les « collèges invisibles » des chercheurs de différentes disciplines ; celui de l’hôtellerie, des diverses branches du droit, de la finance, etc. Ce n’est de toute évidence pas ces langues-là qu’il est question d’enseigner à l’école primaire, d’autant qu’elles peuvent s’apprendre ultérieurement sur le tas si le besoin s’en fait sentir.
Alors quelle langue ? Les rudiments de la grammaire et le lexique de la vie quotidienne ? Il faudrait dès lors définir un « paquet » pédagogique et se doter des outils didactiques adéquats. Un tel « paquet » n’aurait nullement besoin d’être enseigné de l’école primaire à la terminale. Quatre à cinq années d’études, placées à un moment quelconque de la scolarité, devraient largement suffire.
En attendant, et dans les structures existantes, ne pas insulter l’avenir consiste, en Europe, à enseigner non pas une, mais deux langues étrangères à l’école primaire (8). C’est d’ailleurs ce qu’avait décidé le Conseil européen de Barcelone des 15 et 16 mars 2002, sans cependant indiquer que l’anglais devrait être l’une d’entre elles.
Si l’on croit à la nécessité du pluralisme linguistique en Europe, bien des raisons militent, au contraire, pour que l’on y enseigne toutes les langues (y compris régionales et asiatiques) ou familles de langues, sauf précisément l’anglais : il y aura tout le temps de l’apprendre ensuite comme troisième langue, le cas échéant de manière accélérée, si le « paquet » évoqué plus haut est élaboré. Que l’on cesse de dire aux Européens qu’ils ne peuvent communiquer entre eux qu’en anglais. Au sein de l’Union européenne, on compte 174 millions de locuteurs de langues romanes, contre moins de 70 millions d’anglophones de naissance.
Comme le dit Umberto Eco, « une Europe de polyglottes n’est pas une Europe de personnes qui parlent couramment de nombreuses langues, mais, dans le meilleur des cas, de personnes qui peuvent se rencontrer en parlant chacune sa propre langue et en comprenant celle de l’autre, sans pour autant être capable de la parler couramment (9) ». Introduire l’intercompréhension des langues romanes dès le primaire, c’est d’emblée donner aux enfants le plaisir d’accéder à la compréhension de deux ou trois autres langues d’Europe.
La fausse modernité des « Gallo-Ricains » A cet égard, le Conseil de l’Europe a élaboré des outils précieux, notamment le Cadre européen commun de référence pour les langues (10), qui propose une échelle en six niveaux et reconnaît comme parfaitement légitime la possibilité, pour un apprenant, de posséder des niveaux de compétence très différents dans les capacités de compréhension ou d’expression dans une même langue. Il faudrait en tirer toutes les conséquences pédagogiques, et elles sont révolutionnaires, car les enseignants considèrent actuellement que leur vocation, comme le prescrivent les programmes, est de faire acquérir toutes les compétences à la fois (production écrite et orale, compréhension écrite et orale), ce qui relève de la mission impossible.
Les résistances prévisibles des enseignants de langues à des objectifs limités, pour partie, à l’intercompréhension pourront être surmontées si, en tant que citoyens, ils sont parties prenantes d’un débat à la fois planétaire, européen et national. Un débat géopolitique et culturel. Une vraie « Grande Querelle » de début de siècle, digne de celle des Anciens et des Modernes, mais où la modernité ne se situe pas là où le croient les « Gallo-Ricains (11) ».
(1) Alain Minc, La Grande Illusion, Grasset, Paris, 1989.
(2) Le 24 novembre dernier a été décerné à M. Claude Thélot le prix 2004 de l’Académie de la carpette anglaise, qui couronne « un membre des élites françaises qui s’est particulièrement distingué par son acharnement à promouvoir la domination de l’anglo-américain en France ». Le « prix spécial à titre étranger » a été attribué à M. Jean-Claude Trichet, président de la Banque centrale européenne (BCE), pour avoir exposé en anglais la politique de la BCE. Informations sur l’académie : 06-75-26-88-05.
(3) Dans un éditorial exceptionnellement titré en anglais (Last but not least), Le Monde daté du 22 octobre 2004 avait approuvé avec enthousiasme la proposition de la commission Thélot et brocardé ceux qui s’y opposaient : « Déjà se lèvent la grande armée des défenseurs de la francophonie et les bataillons syndicaux prêts à défendre leurs prés carrés. »
(4) Lire « Au service des langues romanes », « Parler français ou la langue des maîtres », « Le mur de l’anglais » et « La langue-dollar », respectivement dans Le Monde diplomatique de mars 1994, avril 1994, mai 1995 et mai 2000.
(5) Entretien accordé à Enjeux, mai 2002. M. Claude Hagège a su toucher de très larges publics par ses travaux de vulgarisation exigeante: Le Français et les siècles (1987), L’Enfant aux deux langues (1996) et Halte à la mort des langues (2000), tous publiés chez Odile Jacob (Paris).
(6) La Francophonie dans le monde, 2002-2003, Organisation internationale de la francophonie, Conseil consultatif/Larousse , Paris, 2003.
(7) Libération, 13 septembre 2004.
(8) Michel Candelier (sous la dir. de), L’Eveil aux langues à l’école primaire. Evlang : bilan d’une évaluation européenne, De Boeck, Bruxelles, 2004.
(9) Umberto Eco, La Recherche de la langue parfaite dans la culture européenne, Seuil, coll. « Points », Paris, 1997.
(10) Texte intégral du Cadre européen commun de référence pour les langues, sur le site du Conseil de l’Europe; Lire le dossier « L’enseignement des langues vivantes à l’étranger : enjeux et stratégies », Revue internationale d’éducation, Sèvres, n° 33, septembre 2003.
(11) Expression proposée par Henri Gobard dans Le Monde diplomatique, décembre 1974.
Pour en savoir plus:

– Claire Blanche-Benveniste et André Valli (coordination), L’Intercompréhension : le cas des langues romanes, Le Français dans le monde éd., coll. « Recherches et applications », janvier 1997 (27, rue de la Glacière, 75013 Paris).
– Claire Blanche-Benveniste (sous la dir. de), avec Raffaele Simone, Antonia Mota, Isabel Uzcanga, Apprentissage simultané de quatre langues romanes : portugues, español, italiano, français (un volume et un cédérom), Nuova Italia, Florence, 1998.
– Eric Castagne, « Intercompréhension et inférences : de l’expérience Eurom4 (langues romanes) au projet ICE (langues germaniques) », actes du colloque « Pour une modélisation de l’apprentissage simultané de plusieurs langues apparentées ou voisines », Publications de la faculté des lettres, Nice, décembre 2001.
– Actes du colloque international Eurosem, Premières Journées de l’intercompréhension européenne « Intercompréhension et inférences ».
– Paul Teyssier, Comprendre les langues romanes. Méthode d’intercompréhension, Chandeigne, Paris, 2004.
– Intercompréhension européenne et plurilinguisme : propositions pour quelques aménagements linguistiques favorisant la communication plurilingue, Shaker-Verlag, série « Editiones EuroCom », Aix-la-Chapelle, 2004.
– Hermès, « Francophonie et mondialisation », n° 40, CNRS éditions, Paris, 2004, 25 euros.

Castellanos, Diego. (1992). A Polyglot Nation. Language Loyalties: A source-book on the Official English ControversyCrawford, James. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 13-18.

13:Scholars believe that the first Americans simply wandered in from Asia, crossing the Benng Strait from Siberia to Alaska. Although these prehistoric nomads preceded the Europeans by thousands of years, they–the ancestors of the ‘hative” Amencans–were migrants nonetheless. It is believed that at the time of the first European arnvals, there were more than a million natives living in what is today the contiguous United States. Spreading out over their new continent, they formed new nations. The Apache and Nauajo would eventually settle in the southwestern deserts; the Kickapoo in the central prairies; the Cheyenne, Pawnee, and Crow in the northern plains; the Comanche in the southern plains: the Washo in the Great Basin; the Natcher and Arawak along the Gulf Coast; the Taino and Carib in the Caribbean Basin; the Chickasaw, Choctaw, Cherokee, Creek, and Shawnee in the southeastern woodlands; the Lenni Lenape along the mideastern seaboard; the Mohegan, Ottawa, Cayuga, Mohawk. Delaware, and Seneca in the northeastern woodlands; and others–all having their own peculiar ntuals, culture, and language or dialect.prior to the arnval of the Europeans, more than five hundred languages were spoken in North America.’
The first part of (what is today) the United States to be settled bythe Europeans was Puertorico. The island was colonized by Juan Pence de LeOn in 1508, fifteen years after it had been visited by Christopher Columbus
After serving as puerto I~co’s first governor. Ponce de Leon migrated toward the North Amencan continent, reaching its southern peninsula in 1513. He explored the area,named it Florida, resettled there, and became its first governor. The lands discovered by Ponce de Leon and Juan de Garay were given in 1527 to Panfilo de Narvaez by the King of Spain.
The lands discovered by Ponce de León and Juan de Garay were given in 1527 to Pánfilo de Narváez by the king of Spain. Ponce de León was followed by Alonso de Pineda. who reached the mouth of the Mississippi River in 1519.
The Spanish established a colony (which did not survive) in the Carolinas in 1526, sixty years before Sir Walter Raleigh made a similar unsuccessful attempt· Around 1529, when he was governor of Florida, Narváez visited Louisiana,with Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca. In 1536 Hernando Cortés visited California and Cabeza de Vaca explored Texas. In 1539 Hernando de Soto visited Georgia and Tennessee, García López de Cárdenas discovered the Grand Canyon of Colorado, General Francisco Vásquez de Coronado explored New Mexico and Kansas, and Hernando Alarcón discovered the Colorado River. In1541 de Soto discovered the Mississippi River near Memphis. The following year; twenty years before French colonizers reached the New World. Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo. a portuguese. became the first European to set foot on the Pacific Coast, by the San Diego harbor.
The first permanent European settlement on this contment was Spanish-speaking, St. Augustine, established in 1565 by Pedro Menéndez de Aviles (later governor of Florida) on a site where French Huguenots had failed two years earlier. The colony remained Spanish far more than two and a half centuries. In 1566 the colony of Santa
Elena was founded at the site of today’s Parris Island marine base in South Carolina. The settlement. which lasted twenty-one years. had sixty houses and reached a population of four hundred. It served as the capital of Spanish Florida. In 1573 Pedro Márquez discovered the Chesapeake Bay and in 1582-five years before the first attempt to
establish an English colony there (which failed)–Antonio de Espejo explored and named New Mexico. Sixteen Years later Juan de Oñate led four hundred soldiers and their cattle into New Mexico and settled in the territory.
Spaniards held a virtual monopoly over the southern half of this country for one entire Century before the arrival of other Europeans. They conducted explorations. discovering and naming many of our national landmarks and spreading the gospel among the natives. Jesuits accompanying these pioneers used the autochthonous dialects of Florida, as Well as Spanish, to teach Christianity to the natives. A similar bilingual approach was used by Franciscan missionaries in the Southwest by Dominicans elsewhere. Spain’s domain in the Western Hemisphere between the early sixteenth and nineteenth centunes extended southward to include Mexico, all of Central and South America except Brazil, and most of the Carribbean Islands. It seemed possible during the sixteenth century that Spanish would become not only the language of the Western Hemisphere, but of the entire world. That possibility was terminated by the defeat of the Spanish Armada by the British in 1588, as well as by further Spanish defeaths y the French, who in the mid-seventeenth century became the leading power in Europe.
18:During the eighteenth centurv, the German Lutheran and Reformed churches built a comprehensive private elementary schoolsystem, which at times received public funds. By the beginning of the Revolutionary War, 78 Reformed and 40 Lutheran parochial schools were thriving, and the total number (in both denominations) increased to 254 by 1800.8 As the number of Germans increased. public schools began to adjust their programs to the needs of these children. Instruction in several districts in Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas, and later Wisconsin was given in German often to the exclusion of English. It is quite obvious that this nation was born multilingual and multicultural, despite the indisputable fact that English became accepted as a iingua franca.
14: The French came to the New World in 1534, and by the end of the sixteenth century, France had established colonies in the St. Lawrence Valley, the region around Lake Superio, and the northern part of the Ohio Valley. In 1605 they settled Acadia, off the coast of Canada.Castellanos, D. (1992). A Polyglot Nation. Language Loyalties: A source-book on the Official English ControversyCrawford, James. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 13-18.

Castile, G. P. (1998). To Show Heart. Tucson, The University of Arizona Press.

Castles, S. (1997). “Multicultural citizenship: a response to the dilemna of globalisation and national identity.” Journal of Intercultural Studies 18(1).

Castonguay, C. (1994). L’assimilation linguistique: mesure et évolution 1971-1986. Sainte-Foy, Québec, Publications du Québec.

Quand on parle de francophone en Amérique, on cite surtout le Canada comme en témoignent des remarques telle “Montréal est la deuxième ville d’expression française du monde”. Malgré cet optimisme, les Montréalais son loin d’être uniformément francophones. De même il semble que le français n’y soit ni la langue de prestige i celle de l’enrichissement financier; ce rôle appartenant clairement à l’anglais. Dans son ouvrage L’assimilation linguistique: mesure et évolution 1971-1986, Charles Castonguay a tenté de tracer la progression des trasferts linguistiques à travers trois recensements officiels, ceux de 1971, 1981 et 1986. Il y définit en quoi toute comparaison entre ces trois recensements se trouve faussée en raison de la différence dans la nature des questions posées et en arrive à la conclusion qu’en dépit des apparences, c’est bien le taux d’anglicisation qui l’emporte sur les transferts linguistiques en faveur du français, bien qu’un tel constat soit nuancé par le fait que, malgré une progression, “l’anglicisation individuelle des francophones au Canada (pour les 20 à 44 ans) s’est plutôt stabilisée depuis 1971, après avoir connu une croissance certaine au cours des décennies précédentes”(p. 121)

Castro, M. J. (1992). On the Curious Question of Language in Miami. Language Loyalties: A Sourcebook on the Official English Controversy. J. Crawford. Chicago, University of Chicago Press: 178-186.

178: Although more stereotyped for other vices, Miami is the birthplace of the contemporary English Only movement in the United States. On November 4. 1980, more than 59 percent of the voters in Dade County, Florida, approved an “antibilingual” ordinance.” Its first clause said that “the expenditure of county funds for the purpose of utilizing any language other than English, or promoting any culture other than that of the United States, is prohibited.” The second clause established that “all county governmental meetings, hearings and publications shall be in the English language only”

Cham, M. B. and C. Andrade-Watkins (1988). Critical Perspectives on Black Independant Cinema. Cambridge, MIT Press.

Chambers, I. (1994.). Migrancy, Culture and Identity. London,, Routledge.

1- On southern Californian highways, around Tijuana close to the Mexican border, are road signs usually associated with teh encounter of nature and culture: symbols of leaping deer or porwling bears that warn usto look out for them crossing the road. This time the icon is divers, it refers to cros-cultural traffic. The graphic indicates people on foot (…).
22- language is not primarily a means of communication; it is, above all, a means of cultural construction in wghich our very selves and sense are constituted. (…)This understanding of language, as a material that is potentially shared and yet differentiated, is then further compounded when we shift our gaze from the local underworlds of the West, its hidden histories and suballtern cultures, to the further horions and territories of contemporary metropolitan cultures elsewhere. For here the “typ9ical” may no longer be London or New York, butz Mexico City and Calcutta -contexts and languages that can no longer be assumed to be regulated by a Euro-American norm.
23- Language is appropriated, taken apart, and then put back together with a new inflection, an unexpected accent (…).
30- The earlier European intertwining of national language, literature and identity is unpicked, and the epic of modern nationalism is forced open to meet the exigencies that emerge from more complex patterns.

Chamot, A. (1988). “Bilingualism in Education and Bilingual Education: the State of the Art in the United States.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development(9): 11-35.

Chandhoke, Neera (1999), Beyond secularism: the rights of religious minorities (Delhi: Oxford University Press).

Chapdelaine, J.-P. (2010). La corédaction des textes législatifs comme laboratoire de la culture juridique et linguistique au Canada. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Charbit, Denis. 2013. “Comprendre pour mieux convaincre.” In JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories. Tel Aviv: JCall.

Présupposés qui consistent à relever des défis en Israel et en Europe pour JCall. Oû pouvons-nous mieux faire pour que les choses bougent.

Quel attitude faut-il avoir vis-à-vis du gouvernement actuel qui vient à peine d’être formé dans le contexte de l’initiative arabe? On constate que Netanyahu est mal à l’aise. Il ne s’est pas prononcé puisqu’il ne peut ni l’approuver ni le réfuter. L’opinion juive ne s’exprime pas. Les thèmes de la campagne prouvent bien que le sort des palestiniens, en dépit du travail des journalistes et politiques, ne fait pas partie de nos préoccupation quotidienne.

Que faire devant ce blocage? Adopter le registre de la condamnation et de l’indignation? C’est la position des post-sionistes. Ou alors, pour convaincre et ouvrir des portes, on fait des stratégies de concessions. On essaie non pas de se mettre à la place mais de comprendre les inquiétdudes psychologieques, les craintes.

La position de l’intellectuel engagé est l’intransigeance. Attitude de splendide isolement…ou alors une stratégie de concession pour lacher du terrain et tirer les groupes sociaux de l’autre côté. Tout en étant ferme dans mes convictions, je pense qu’il y a du travail à faire. Je ne suis pas sur que le discours seul de la normalité et de la raison suffise pour convaincre ceux qui, sans être les extrêmistes auxquels je renonce, sont animés par la foi . Il est normal que les enfants enterrent leurs parents et pas le contraire.

Dans cette région et ses mythes fondateurs religieux, peut-on faire abstraction de cette dimension idéale.

N’abandonnons ni le sionisme ni le judaïsme. Il y a un travail à faire et cela implique de prendre en considération des identités, des communautarisme, et pas se contenter d ‘une sorte de transcendance civique et citoyenne. Hypothèse à travailler plus que solution.

Le défi de la paix est aussi un défi culturel à relever. Comment s’adresser aux juifs orientaux pour qui le langage de la raison est celui qu’ils veulent entendre? Comment relier la question de la justice sociale à celle de la paix?

Ces peurs là, il faut les écouter. L’invocation de la Shoah n’est pas de l’instrumentalisation mais de réelles inquiétudes. Retraits d’Israel du sud-liban et de la bande de Gaza expliquent les réticences des Israéliens. Sensibilité qu’il ne faut ni mépriser ni sous-estimer.

Certes, il y a des gens qui exploitent et instrumentalisent ces peurs, mais le phénomène n’est pas réductible à cela.

Cela ne remet pas dou tout en cause l’indignation, la protestation dans la condamnation et la critique des gouvernements Isrraélien et la complexité de laq société israélienne.

Je reste convaincu que la clef de la négocation israélo-palestinienne, c’est la population des concitoyens qui la détiennent.

On ne parle plus de processus de paix mais de processus politique.

S’il y avait une campagne à faire, c’est le caractère exceptionnel de ce bonhomme!

Pour la majorité libérale, le processus procedurier et des droits de l’homme manque de chair.

Toutes les initiatives de paix sont remarquables, mais ce qui me semble le plus nécessaire aujourd’hui c’est de montrer des images de la normalité palestienne. Comment on vit à Ramallah.

Que chacun continue son travail de contestation et de dénonciation, mais à côté, faire également un travail positif.

Je crois qu’il faut cesser d ‘être obsédés par la dénonciation instinctive et systématique de tout propos qui se tient contre Israël. Il faut le faire avec mesure, faute de quoi on s’aliène la majorité juive. Ne pas laisser le terrain aux instance communautaire hyper-réactives qui font un tort énorme. Contredire la voix des instances communautaire.

Pas de discopurs radical pro-palestiien mais pas non plus celui qui domine à l’heure actuelle les communautés juives.

Pas de message optimiste concernant les négociations car la société israélienne n’en fait pas sa préoccupatoin majeure. Aujourd’hui on n’arrive pas à mobiliser ici. D’où le role qu’a la diaspora à jouer. L’obligation de réserve ne concerne que les fonctionnaire, ce que ne sont pas les juifs de la diaspora!
C
Droits historiques: ce sont des droits relatifs et non absolus.

C’est moins une position politique que pédagogique qu’il faut défendre, entre le bien et le meilleur. Il faut aussi dynamiser cette relation. Avoir plus de visibilité en Israël et en diaspora. Initiatives professionnelles à priviliéger. Rechercher le terrain commun pour que l’information circule et sortir du sentiment d’isolement.

Coopération politique.

Travail à propos du racisme parmi les jeunes. Les esprits sont échauffés et intolérants. Effort à faire pour soutenir initiatives pédagogiques dans le domaine de l’instruction civique. Ce qu’on appelle l’éducation informelle est ce par lequel cette idéologie nationaoiste source à la revendication d’un autre peuple s’insinue et fait des ravages.

Qu’attendre des palestiniens? La reconnaissance de facto ou de jure? Si la négociation porte sur mémoire, identité, on n’y arrivera jamais. Le traité de paix devrait être exclusivement technique. On peut toutefois envisager un préambule sur les questions qui tiennent aux consciences des uns et des autres. Je ne peux pas faire changer d’avis les palestiniens sur le fait que le sionisme est un colonialisme.

Léo Kanneman: prend exemple des artistes de par le monde (Chine, US) qui se positionnent contre leur gouvernement.
R: Pétition d’acteurs refusant de jouer à Ariel. cf le succès de Gatekeepers.

La revendication de la reconnaissance d’Israël comme état juif est la preuve de la psychologie israélienne qui est de l’ordre de l’inassouvi. Psychique israélien: hier la charte, aujourd’hui cette reconnaissance…Il est temps de dire à Israël: “il faut se faire soigner”

Chatterjee, Partha. . (1994), ‘Secularism and toleration, Economic and Political Weekly, 28 ( 29), 1768-77.

Chaudenson, R. and D. Robillard (de) (1990). Langues, Economie et Développement. Aix-Marseille, Institut d’Etudes Créoles et Francophones, Université de Provence.

Chavez, L. (1998). The Color Bind. Berkeley, University of California Bress.

La République tchèque a rendu à Milan Kundera sa nationalité, quarante ans après

Par Ariane CheminPublié le 03 décembre 2019 à 12h14 – Mis à jour le 03 décembre 2019 à 15h09Lecture 2 min.

L’écrivain, aujourd’hui âgé de 90 ans, avait été naturalisé français après avoir été déchu de sa nationalité.

L’écrivain français Milan Kundera, 90 ans, vient de retrouver la nationalité tchèque qu’il avait perdue en 1979. La décision a été prise le 6 novembre, mais le certificat qui l’officialise lui a été remis de la main à la main par l’ambassadeur de la République tchèque en France, jeudi 28 novembre, lors d’une cérémonie privée au domicile parisien du romancier.

Certificat de nationalité tchèque de l’écrivain Milan Kundera.

L’écrivain est né à Brno, la deuxième ville du pays, en avril 1929. Il avait été exclu du Parti communiste en 1970 et avait été autorisé légalement à rejoindre la France en 1975, pour enseigner à l’université de Rennes. Son visa avait été renouvelé au bout de deux ans. Mais en 1979, après la publication d’extraits du Livre du rire et de l’oubli dans Le Nouvel Observateur, puis d’un entretien au journal Le Monde, il avait été déchu de sa nationalité tchèque. En juillet 1981, juste après l’élection de François Mitterrand, le ministre socialiste de la culture, Jack Lang, l’avait naturalisé français.

L’écrivain Milan Kundera, en juin 1967. JOVAN DEZORT / AP

Après la « révolution de velours », en 1989, beaucoup de Tchèques qui avaient perdu leur nationalité à la suite du « “coup de Prague” de 1968 et l’invasion des troupes du pacte de Varsovie, avaient pu retrouver la leur. Ce n’était pas le cas de Milan Kundera, qui estimait qu’il n’avait pas à remplir de démarches administratives pour une nationalité qui lui avait été retirée. Il estimait aussi “que la nouvelle élite en place dans le pays autour de l’ancien président de la Tchécoslovaquie Vaclav Havel” ne lui était pas favorable », confie l’ambassadeur de la République tchèque à Paris.

Une rencontre avec le premier ministre tchèque

A la mi-novembre 2018, à l’occasion d’un déplacement à Paris du premier ministre tchèque, Andrej Babis, à Paris, une rencontre a été organisée avec l’écrivain. « Un geste important a accéléré les choses », confie M. Drulak au Monde.L’officiel tchèque avait en effet rendu publiquement hommage à Kundera à l’issue de cette rencontre. « Je viens de vivre une expérience inoubliable, avait confié le premier ministre à la presse. Milan Kundera, l’un des écrivains les plus célèbres du monde, ses 17 romans traduits en 44 langues, nous a invités, moi et Monika, à lui rendre visite dans son appartement parisien. Nous les avons invités chez nous en République tchèque, où ils ne sont plus allés depuis vingt-deux ans et je pense qu’ils mériteraient la citoyenneté tchèque qu’ils ont perdue après leur émigration », ajoutait M. Babis. « J’ai présenté jeudi à Milan Kundera des excuses à titre personnel », ajoute Petr Drulak.

L’auteur de La Plaisanterie (1968) et de L’Insoutenable Légèreté de l’être (1984) possède désormais la double nationalité. Lors de ces démarches administratives, la femme de l’écrivain, Vera Kundera, née à Prague en 1935, a appris qu’elle n’avait pas été déchue de sa nationalité en 1979. Un certificat confirmant qu’elle est demeurée tchèque lui a été délivré

Chayes, A. and A. Handler Chayes (1998). The New Souvereinty. Cambridge, Massachussetts, Harvard University Press.

Chemla, D. (2011). Gardons-nous de nous laisser entraîner dans le refus de l’autre, Entretien avec Michel Serfaty. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 105-116.

Chemla, D., Ed. (2011). JCall: les raisons d’un appel. Paris, Liana Levi

Voir aussi la page JCall. Contient les articles suivants:
Barnavi, E. (2011). Se taire s’apparente à non assistance à pays en danger. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 19-24.
Bensoussan, G. (2011). Eviter l’Etat unique et arabe. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 25-36:
Chemla, D. (2011). Gardons-nous de nous laisser entraîner dans le refus de l’autre, Entretien avec Michel Serfaty. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 105-116.
Chemla, D., Ed. (2011). Les raisons d’un appel: JCall, appel à la raison des Juifs européens. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. Paris, Liana Levi
Chemla, D. (2011). Mon inquiétude: l’avenir d’Israël, Entretien avec Dominique Schnapper. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 97-104.
Chemla, D. (2011). Pour l’amour d’Israël, Entretien avec Bernard-Henry Lévy. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D.Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 67-86.
Chemla, D. (2011). Pour que ces deux rêves deviennent mutuels: entretien avec Daniel Cohn-Bendit. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 37-48.
Chemla, D. (2011). Préface: l’âge de raison. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 11-18.
Chemla, D., G. Baltiansky, et al. (2012). Changing Paradigms Among World Jewry for a Two-State Solution. J Street: Making History, Washington D.C.
Finkielkraut, A. (2011). Les yeux ouverts. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 49-53.
Grossman, D. (2011). Ce que je connais de la guerre me donne le droit de parler de la paix. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 55-66.
Meyer, D. (2011). Parce que la Bible n’est pas un cadastre. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 81-86.
Nora, P. (2011). Pour un sursaut de la volonté et de la raison. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 87-89.
Rousso, H. (2011). Il faut qu’une porte soit ouverte. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 91-96.
Yehoshua, A. B. (2011). Juifs de la Diapsora, c’est votre droit d’agir. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 117-124.

Chemla, D. (2011). Mon inquiétude: l’avenir d’Israël, Entretien avec Dominique Schnapper. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 97-104.

97:Le conflit au Moyen-Orient a d’autant plus d’écho que l’antisémitisme se développe dans certaines zones géographiques et sociales de la société française. Certains font l’expérience douloureuse de devoir retirer leurs enfants des établissements scolaires publics parce qu^’ils y sont persécutés en tant que Juifs. Cela ne peut que renforcer un semtiment d’injustice. Cette perception d’un monde hostile les pousse au repli. Il est toujours plus facile d’être dans l’entre-soi que de aire l’effort de rencontrer l’Autre (…). La tentation du repli sur soi est un mode de déense contre une situation qui est marginalement dangereuse en rance et qui l’est fondamentalement en Israël.
98: la tendance à l’”ethnicisation” trouve son origine dans l’afaiblissement du lien civique et du lien national. Le fait d’être français ne suscite plus la même fierté qu’autrefois. Le climat est à la repentance généralisée, à la critique de la nation, justiièe dans certains cas, mais qui a comme effet pervers inévitable de ne pas donner un idéal à ceux qui ont d’autres fidélités ou d’autres identifications.
(…)
98-99: Contrairement à ce que fut la tradition de l’”Israélite” -être juif chez soi et agir en tant que citoyen dans l’espace public, aujourd’hui, c’est “en tant que Juif” qu’on s’exprime. A cet égard, j’ai beaucoup’ de réticence à l’égarde des dîners du CRIF, qui me paraissent contraires paux principes de la République et, en plus dangereux, puisque d’autres communautés risquent de réclamer d’être également représentées en tant que telles dans l’espace public. Or la tradition française n’est pas “multiculturaliste”. D’ailleurs la Grande-Bretagne, inscrite dans un modèle d’intégration qu’elle voulait plus souple et plus respectueux des identités particulières, l’a récemment remis en cause quand elle a vu les inconvénients des repris sur soi qu’entrainait, dans certaines populations, la politique dite multiculturaliste.
99: A la question de Chemla sur le phénomène de “communautarisation” en Israël, Schnapper répond que “les travaux de Shmuel Eisenstgadt sur les premières décennies de l’établissement de la nation ont montré comment s’est constituée la population israélienne à partir de la venue de Juifs issus de différents pays. Israël avait alors une politique d’intégration sur le modèle de celle de la rance. Mais aujourd’hui, certaines communautés veulent garder leurs liens spécifiques, les Russes veulent rester Russes, les Français et les francophones souhaitent maintenir leurs leins sinon avec la rance, du moins avec la francophonie et la culture française. On observe la perpétuation des identités d’origine, auxquelles il faut ajouter la coupure fondamentale, propre à Israël, entre laïcs et religieux qui se confond souvent avec elles. (…)
99: Il y a deux grandes tentation de repli sur soi en Israël, l’une par rapport aux pays voisins qui l’entourent et qui sont hostiles, et l’autre à l’intérieur du pays entre les diverses communautés.
100: Les identifications qui conjugent la dimension politique et la dimension religieuse sont les plus fortes. C’est d’ailleurs ainsi que le peuple juif a résisté au travers des siècles. Or les identifications communautaires à l’intérieur d’Israël sont à la fois nationales et religieuses et sont symbolisées par l’opposition entre Tel-Aviv et Jérusalem. La part de la population laïque et démocratique est démographiquement destinée à baisser du fait de la répartition entre Juifs et Arabe et, d’autre part, du poids respectif, à l’intérieur de la population juive, des religieux et des laïcs. Or les religieux, qui n’admettent pas la séparation du politique et du religieux, posent un problème ondamental à l’ordre démocratique. Cette situation entraîne parmi les la¨cs une forte émigratin, il existe une diaspora israélienne…
101: Dans le nationalisme juif, il y a une tradition historique ancrée dans une conception du monde et des pratiques d’ôrdre religieux; c’est aussi ce qui fait tenir Israël, malgré tout.
(…)
Il y a 20% d’Arabes citoyens israéliens qui disposent des droits des citoyens, mais qui se sentent des citoyens de seconde zone. (…) Même si leurs conditions de vie objectives sont meilleures que celles des Palestiniens dans les Territoires, leur situation va devenir de plus en plus difficile du fait de la prolongation du conflit, c’est à dire de la non-constitution d’un Etat palestinien.
Leur situation illustre les contradictions de l’Etat israélien qui se feut à la fois juif et démocratique mais n’accorde, quels que soient les droits formels, qu’un statut social et culturel jugé inférieur à ceux qui ne sont pas juifs.
102: En France, l’inquiétude qu’on peut nourrir ne concerne pas spéciiquement les Juifs, elle est plus générale, elle porte sur le délitement du lien social.
103: (Chemla:): “vous dites:” Israël est une affaire Européenne” est-ce que cela implique pour l’Europe des obligations?
Oui, c’est une affaire euroéenne. C’est parce que les Européens n’ont pas respecté leurs propres principes que le projet sioniste est né en Europe, de l’Europe et de l’antisémitisme européen. (…)l’origine du problème, c’est tout de même Herzl devant le capitaine Dreyfus, se dirsant que vraiment on n’acceptera jamais les Juifs comme des citoyens à part entière. Et l’Allemagene hitlérienne a donné quelques arguments dans ce sens….
104: Aujourd’hui l’Europe donne de l’argent aux Palestiniens pour éviter que la swituation empire, mais son rôle plitique dans la région est très faible.
(…)
Mon inquiétude porte sur l’avenir d’Israël. Je ne suis pas sûre qu’une autre politique soit facile à mettre en oeuvre ni même qu’elle soit possible. Maqis je suis convaincue que la politique des extrémistes, elle n’a aucune chance d’aboutir. Il faut tout de même que les Israéliens s’enentent avec leurs voisins! J’ai signé cet appel pour dire qu’il faudrait réfléchir à une autre politique, ne pas être enfermé dans une occupation du sol qui rend impossibles les négociations. Avec l’espoir que la voix de la Diaspora pourra aider les Israéliens hostiles à la politique du gouvernement à se battre pour que leur pays adopte une autre politique.

Chemla, D. (2011). Pour l’amour d’Israël, Entretien avec Bernard-Henri Lévy. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 67-86.

67(…)Le droit pour tous les Juifs du monde d’exprimer leur opinion, cela participe des fondements et de la définition même du sionisme. Je suis très content pour cela d’avoir signé cet appel. Le seul mot que je regrette et que, s’il n’avait tenu qu’à moi, je n’aurait pas écrit est le mot de “faute morale” à propos de la poursuite de la politique d’implantation.
(…)
69: Je déteste (…) cette façon qu’a tout un chacun de se croire autorisé à jugé Israël plus durement qu’aucune autre nation au monde – et je rêve en même temps, d’un Etat irréprochable. Je pense qu’Israël doit être regardé par ses contemporains comme n’importe quel autre Etat et je crois aussi, dans le même temps qu’Israël doit, pour lui-même, viser à une forme d’exemplarité. C’est contrdictoire, mais c’est ainsi.
(…)Incompatible avec l’étique juive est le fait de se conduire, durablement, en puissance occupante (chose que, d’ailleurs, et qu’on quo’on en dise, les dirigeants d’Israël ont comprise puisqu’ils n’ont, que je sache, jamais annexé les fameux Territoires). En clair: ce n’est pas parce que les Palestiniens nous dénient le droit à un Etat que nous devons, en une espèce de droit du talion (…), leur dénier en retour ledit droit (quelles que soient leurs responsabilités dans l’impasse où ils se trouvent (…)
70: c’est l’honneur d’Israël de l’entendre et de le comprendre (…) on peut très bien être seul, ou presque seul, à respecter la loi morale, cela ne nous enlève ni lôbligation, ni naturellement le mérite de le faire (c’est la leçon de Kant, c’est celle des profèhètes, c’est celle de Levinas quand, dans ses Dialogues avec Philippe Nemo, prepris dans éthique et infini, il écrit que “la relation intersubjective est une relation non-symétrique”, que “je suis responsable d’autrui sans attendre la réciproque”, que “la réciproque, c’est son affaire” car le moi a toujours une responsabilité de plus que tous les autres”.
70-71:(…)à la question de Chemla sur ce qu’il dirait à un partisant de la colonisation, Lévy répond qu’il n’y a pas trente six solutions. Vous avez une première solution inacceptable (…)rester à jamais dans le statu quo(…) se satisfaire de l’état d’exception. Vous en avez une seconde qui serait, si j’ose dire, encore plus inacceptable: sortir de l’état d’exception en annexant les Territoire, et, pour que l’Etat ainsi agrandi demeure l’Etat des Juifs rêvé par Herzl et bâti par Ben Gourion, instaurer deux régimes de citoyenneté différents pour les uns et pour les autres – c’est tellement contraire à l’éthique juive, c’est tellement l’inverse de l’universalisme qui est au coeur de la pensée biblique, tamudique, puis juive laïque, que ce n’est, là non plus pas pensable et que, n’en déplaise aux anti-Israéliens pavlovisés qui braillent “apartheid! apartheid!, presque personne n’y songe sérieusement en Israël.
72: (…)qu’est-ce que le sionisme? C’est l’idée que la bible n’est pas seulement un livre de foi mais aussi un livre d’histoire. C’est l’îdée que les prophètes nous disent les commandements divins mais aussi le grand roman national d’Israël (…). La Bible (…) s’est “nationalisée”(…)
Mais elle a acquis un autre statut que j’ai presque envie de dire laïque et qui non seuelement tolère, mais appelle le débat, la dispute et, au bout du compte le compromis. Ce n’est plus tout à fait la même Bible, peut-être. (…)
C’est une bible que l’on n’a plus aucune raison de traiter comme un objet (…) intouchable(…). Ce n’était déjà pas le cas chez les observants qui(…) ont quand même inventé cette grande chose qu’est le Talmud, en ont fait, comme ne cessait de le dire Levinas, le coeur battant du judaisme et de sa foi, et en ont surtout fait la plus sublime école de discussion qui soit et, donc, le plus efficace des vaccins contre l’intolérance, le fanatisme, la vérité unique et bornée.
74: (…) le miracle c’est non seulement que les institutions démocratiques tiennent, mais que l’esprit démocratique, son ethos, sa culture, soient finalement si peu entamés. Prenez l’exemple d’Omar Barghouti, l’un des organisateurs palestiniens de la campagne BDS (Boycott-Désinvestissement-Sanctions); il prépare, avec un cynisme assez ahurissant, un doctorat dans une université israélienne, et, comme vous le savez, personne (…) n’y trouve à redire.
76: La paix ne se fera que par la négociation, le rapport de forces joué comme tel et, le moment venu, un courage politique qui est l’apanage des très grands -mais qui sont les très grands? où sont-ils?
77: comme je l’ai souvent dit, en particulier au temps d’Arafat, la position d’éternelles opposants, de dirigeants exilés volant de capitale en capitale pour recueillir la palme du maryre et du malheur, la posture d’intransigeance et de colère, est probablement, pour certains, une posture confortable, assez flatteurse, et qu’ils n’ont aucune raison “naturelle” d’échanger contre le rôle plus ingrat, de bâtisseurs d’un petit Etat.
78: Je ne crois pas à la solution de l’Etat binational. Et non seuelment je n’y crois pas, mais, surtout, je n’en veux pas car ce serait la ruine du sionisme et de son dessein.
79: (…) j’ai proposé, en face d’Ariel Sharon et de quelques uns de ses ministres, le concept de “paix sèche”. Un epaix sans états d’âme. Sans pathos. Sans lyrisme ni effusion. Une paix qui ne serait plus précédée de l’apprentissage de cette fameuse “double reconnaissance” sur lequel on s’est toujours cassé les dents (…). Non plus “Faites l’amour pas la guerre” mais Faites la paix, pas l’amour”

Chemla, D. (2011). Pour que ces deux rêves deviennent mutuels: entretien avec Daniel Cohn-Bendit. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 37-48.

Propos recueillis par D.C. au Parlement européen, à Bruxelles, le 9 novembre 2012
38 (question “Juif allemand, c’est à cette définition qu’on associe votre nom…): Lorsque je suis né en 1945, mes parents avient décidé d’émigrer aux Etats-Unis, ils n’ont donc pas jugé utile de me déclarer français comme ils l’avaient fait pour mon frère, né en 1936. Pour des raisons d’ordre familial, ils sont finalement restés en France et c’est aisni que je suis devenu apatride. Ce hasard de l’histoire définit très bien ma position face aux différentes identités nationales.
38-39: (question “Et le sionisme?): Je n’ai jamais été sioniste. Ma mère a essay de me pousser, quand j’avais une dizaine d’années, à entrer à l’Hashomer Hatzaïr. J’y suis resté exactement trois jours parce qu’il était impensable pour moi de porter un uniforme. Déjà à 10 ans, ce n’était pas possible. Elle a aussi voulu (…) me faire ma bar-mitzva (…). J’ai tenu deux semaines puis je suis parti (…). Déjà très jeune, je n’ai pas voulu m’intégrer dans cette histoire. Mais, inconsciemment, j’étais juif. Ce sont les autrs qui m’ont fait juif, selon l’analyse sartrienne; l’antisémitisme m’a fait juif.
40-41: (question “Vous avez très tôt pris position pour deux Etats): En 1973, une association d’étudiants israéliens a organisé un grand collogque pour la paix à Jérusalme. Sartre ainsi que beaucoup d’autres personnalités y avaient été invité (…). Lorsque je suis arrivé, un attentat venait d’avoir lieu dans les Territoires, un car d’enfants avait été attaqué. Les étudiants (..)ont voulu m’y emmener sur-le-champ. J’ai refusé, je ne voulais pas me rendre dans les Territoires (…). Puis je me suis rendu au colloque lui-même; l’atmosphère était assez bizarre et plutôt tendue….Dans les médias d’abord, d’un côté, Radio Le Caire disait (de lui, note de drm): “Le sioniste est rentré chez lui”, de l’autre, on pouvait lire dans Maariv (…): “C’est le petit juif qui a fait tomber de Gaulle! S’il dit des conneries on pourra le renvoyer comme de Gaulle l’a renvoyé de France”,
Puis durant les débats, dès ma première intervention, j’ai évoqué deux Etats. A cette époque, très peu de gens se positionnaient en faveur de cette solution. Les Palestiniens étaient contre, les Israéliens étaient contre, le Matzpen (note de Chemla, Mouvement antisioniste qi militait à cette époque en Israël contre l’occupation et avait établi les premiers contacts avec des nationalistes palestiniens. Matzpen veut dire boussole) aussi était contre- et là, Ca été très dur. Un député de droite est monté à la tribune en disant: “Voilà les gens qui veulent nous ramener à Auschwitz(…)”. C’est alors qu’un type est monté en boitant à la tribune, un héros de la guerre des Six jours. Il a dit: “Je me suis battu deux fois et j’ai été blessé. On dit toujours que c’est la dernière guerre. Je ne sais pas si Dani a raison, mais est-ce q’on ne peut pas au moin sécouter un autre discours?”Et les gens se sont calémés. Je me suis dit mazeltov! , la raison va gagner. Des années ont passé depuis et j’avoue que je n’y crois plus qu’à moitié aujourd’hui.
42-43: (question “Et quelle est à présent votre position au Parlement européen où vous siégez?”)
Dans le groupe des Verts, il y a d’un côté les Allemands qui osent difficilement critiquer Israël pour des raisons évidentes et de l’autre, certains qui frôlent l’antisémitisme sans le savoir. (…)Lors de nos derniers débats, j’étais favorable à la proposition d’attribuer le prix Sakharov à l’association israélienne Breaking the Slience (note de DC: Mouvement de soldats israéliens opposés à l’occupation. Ils publient des témoignages ou des photos relatant le comportement de l’armée dans les Territoires, DRM:CF. http://www.breakingthesilence.org.il/) (…) mais les Allemands s’y sont opposés.
Par ailleurs (… lorsque)la droite a proposé de voter une résolution pour demander la libération de Guilad Shalit (…) certains (Verts) disaient qu’il fallait dans le même temps demander la liberté des prisonniers palestiniens. Je leur ai dit: “Arrêtez de me casser les pieds, on peut tout de même demander la libération de Shalit. On demande des milliers de fois celle des palestiniens”. C’est ça le problome, la peur de s’identifier avec la droite parce qu’on demande la libération de Shalit. Moi, je n’ai aucun problème avec ça, et j’ai signé indifiduellement la résolution. Mais mon groupe ne l’a pas fait..
44: (question “Pourquoi avez-vous signé JCall?”) L’Appel de JCall me correspond tout à fait. Ca m’est complêtement égal de savoir dôù viennent les autres signataires et pourquoi ils signent. C’est un cadre commun que je défends
45: Le rêve sioniste, qui n’est pas le mien mais que j’accepte à cause de la Shoah, est me semble-t-il devenu majoritaire aujourd’hui dans les communautés juives en Diaspora. Dans ce rêve si Tel-Aviv fait partie d’Israël, les rives du Jourdain aussi. Il n’y a aucune limitation. Dans le rêve palestinien, si Hébron fait partie de la Palestine, Haifa aussi. Il n’y a aucune limitation non plus. La seule solution pour que le rêve israélien puisse exister est que le rêve palestinien le puisse aussi. De même pour que le rêve palestinien puisse exister, il faut que le rêve israélien le puisse aussi. La limitation du rêve israélien c’est de libérer les Territoires. La limitation du rêve palestinien c’est le non-retour des réfugiés. Il n’y aura pas de paix si les deux rêves ne s’autolimitent pas.

Chemla, D. (2011). Préface: l’âge de raison. JCall: les raisons d’un appel. D. Chemla. Paris, Liana Levi 11-18.

11: Depuis le lancement de notre Appel à la raison, nous avons reçu beaucoup de critiques(…). Mais personne ne nous a adressé la seule critique dont j’aurais pu comprendre la pertinene: pourquoi faire appel aujourd’hui à la raison alors que toute l’histoire d’Israël est précisément une victoire de la déraison?
15: Personne aujourd’hui ne peut imaginer la disparition d’un Etat comme le Danemark, alors que c’est le cas pour Israël dont la population dépasse pourtant aujourd’hui celle du royaume de Hamlet. “To be or not to be” cette question est au coeur de l’existnece juive contemporaine et le restera probablement jusqu’au jour où, enfin, Israël connaîtra la paix.
17: Les Palestiniens le disent clairmeent aujourd’hui, si leur Etat ne voit pas le jour dans un avenr proche, ils renonceront à leur indépendance et exigeront la citoyenneté israélienne à part entière. Ainsi, par manque de volonté politique en refusant d’affronter ses ultras, Israël se condamnera lui-même à devenir un Etat binational ou à cesser d’être un Etat démocratique, Dans un cas comme dans l’autre,k ce serait la fin du rêve sioniste et une nouvelle catastrophe.
La plus grande réussite du sionisme est d’avoir permis aux Juifs de devenir les sujets de leur prorpre histoire. Malheureusement beaucoup d’Israéliens continuent à regarder le monde alentour et à appréhender leur situation à travers le prisme de leur passé douloureux auquel s’ajoutent les traumatisme des guerres et des attentats. Ils se referment sur eux-mêmes et ne sont même plus capables de voir la souffrance qu’ils infligent aux Palestiniens du fait de l’occupation. La majorité de la population israélienne vit à l’Ouest de la “ligne verte”, à l’abri de la barrière de sécurité qui certes la protège, mais dans le même temps efface les Palestiniens de son horizon. Il ne s’agit pas de “s’indigner” contre les uns ou les autres. Indignation ne vaut raison.

Chemla, D., G. Baltiansky, et al. (2012). Changing Paradigms Among World Jewry for a Two-State Solution. J Street: Making History, Washington D.C.

Saturday March 24th, 2012
Welcomes thousands of students and local activists.
J Street is in it’s fourth year of existence
Dynamic movement along democratic principles that led to Israel’s creation and corresponds to our Jewish Ethics.
Making History in the decision we make, it’s up to us to change the course if we are disatisfied with the status quo.
Choice : what it means to be pro-Israel. What it means to oppose the denial about the existence of palestinians in the wave of Israel’s extreme right.
Being pro-Israel means advocating for a secure Israel faithful to our Jewish values.
We are all amazed by Israel’s advances in R&D. For example a major step against climate change has recently been taken.
A choice has to be made : keep up or give up the land. Our history is what each of us is going to do in the face of what’s happening to Israel right now. Our leaders urged us to remain silent, but the present we are living in isn’t the future that we want. We are the ones we were waiting for. It’s up to us to arouse our neighbours from indifference. We have the power to make history.

Cherruau, P. (2001). Luc Lagouche: Dans le club qu’il a créé à Kano, au Nigéria, il s’obstine à faire jouer ensemble musulmans et chrétiens, alors que règne la charia. Télérama: 40-41.

Seul Blanc à s’aventurer sur ces terres d’absolue pauvreté, Luc Lagouche est manifestement un héros populaire. A Kano, la plus grande ville musulmane du nord du Nigéria, tout le monde connait son visage juvénile et sa houppette blonde. Tiens, tiens, Tintin au Nigéria? Ce Français de 28 ans tient tout de suite à préciser: “Mon père collectionnait les vieux albums de Tinin. Ils ont bercé mon enfance. J’aime le côté aventurier du personnage. Mais pas les relents coloniaux de Tintin au Congo, qui est loin d’être mon album préféré…”
“C’est le Blanc qui entraîne l’équipe des Buffalo” dans cette ville de trois millions d’âmes, on se retourne sur son passage. Arrivé en 1995 comme coopérant à l’école française de Kano, Luc Lagouche, titulaire d’une licence de biologie, décide aussitôt de créer un club de football. Il enfourche son vélo, sillonne Badawa à la recherche d’un terrain bon marché: “le consulat m’avait mis en garde. Dans ce quartier-là, tu vas te faire égorger en moins d’une semaine”. Huit ans après, ils est toujours là, et toujours instituteur à l’école française de Kano.
Mais les choses changent. En pire. Le 26 novembre 2000, la charia est entrée en vigueur dans cette ville peuplée en très grande majorité de musulmans. La vente d’alcool est interdite, des prostituées sont battues à mort, des commerces tenus par des chrétiens sont saccagés…Pourtant le club Buffalo, où Luc s’obstine à faire jouer ensemble musulmans et chrétiens, échappe aux exactions. (…)
Pourtant, s’il est habité par un idéal, Luc reste vigilant. “Dans le milieu du football, la corruption est incroyable. Les arbitres demandent même de l’argent pour inscrire sur la feuille de match le score réel”. Il sait aussi que les tensions ethniques et religieuses sont toujours présentes, à fleur de peau.
“Dans mon équipe, chrétiens et musulmans s’entendent bien. Mais il y a un quota de chrétiens à ne pas dépasser. Les supporters n’accepteraient jamais qu’ils soient majoritaires. Même si les joueurs chréitens sont nés à Kano, du simple fait de leur appartenance religieuse, ils ne sont pas considérés comme des enfants du pays”.

Cheshire, J. (1991). English Around the World: Sociolinguistic Perspectives. Cambridge,, Cambridge University Press.

(2011). Adolescents as linguistic innovators: dialect contact and language contact in present-day London. Langues en contact: le français à travers le monde. Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg.

Adolescent speech on Swedish, dutch, Norwegian, English and French. sociolinguistics actuation.
Cf. How does change begin? by Weireich, Herzog and Labov in 1968
where here an dnow (cf. Labov)
Projects on linguistic innovators: the English of Adolescents in London. 96 young people, anglos and non anglos and 16 old speakers aged 65+
Hackney (language and city) . cf. multicultural origins compared to Havering
new pronoun: man and new quotative, this is me…
MAN:
used to exist in old english and now is revived. CF. Annuvahood where the pronoun is mentioned.
man comes from on/homme in french, german Mann/man
mans, men, mens and mandem as plural
plural s used when not expected
sources might be from interlangues of English or colonial english
youse for plural of you (cf. african or jamaican languages)
Man is also an address to females. Often used as a punctor.
Main difference from the two city is dialect contact in Havering vs language contact in Hackney so in that case it allows frexible linguistic settings.
Now? Post war decentralization policy, high inmirgration of populations originating from countries other than UK after the 50s
Range of varieties of English, creoles, ex colonial language transfers etc…
Unguided language learning.
Earlier adopters are Jamaican, congolese, mixed race or anglos
THIS IS …me:
Low frequency yet several occurences included TV comedians mimicking young people.
more frequent in 2005 yet still audible.
LIKE THIS+speaker
used in quotative and non quotative functions by 8 years-old. Maybe because they are bilingual and it as sequences. this age group also has a specific narrative style
Cf. J. Milroy (1992:171) on innovation and Milroy and Milroy.
2nd project on multicultural range of English
diverse language background
unguided language acquisition
diversity in the way children acquerre English
lack of focused target model for the acquisition of english
flexible language norms
bilingual children having to communicate with their frenche sin English before they are proficient
often similar to creole languages
cf. Mufwene 1996 about the founder principle, newcomers adjust to forms established by earlier groups.
Not so mysterious origin
hard to make statistics
multifunctional innovation
part of a cluster of related changes
changes are sometimes camouflaged (Spears 19829 THE FORMS APPEAR TO TBE THE SAME AND YET THEY ARE DIFFERENT)
driven by pragmatic principles and communicative pressures
Principles obscured in communities where norms are more focused and more tightly enforced
Research on urban vernaculars in multilingual cities can help explain fundamental languages changed.

Chevallier, A.-C. (2000). Francophones. Télérama: 6.

Lorsque nous regardons TV5, ici, à Calgary, dans l’Alberta, nous sommes littéralement abrutis par les émissions de Drucker (…). Que seraient Drucker et ses émissions sans les artistes québécois -tout artiste canadien d’expression française étant présenté comme Québécois!? (…) Ne laissez pas vos milliers de lecteurs dans cette ignorance “druckérienne”. Si le français est en effet la langue officielle du Québec, il ne faut pas oublier que, primo, il existe encore (et Dieu merci) des Québécois anglais (…) et, secondo, le Canada francophone ne s’arrête pas aux seules frontières du Québec puisque, à travers les neuf autres provinces et trois territoires qui consittuent le pays, se trouvent partout des communautés francophones très organisées et actives (…). Dans chaque province et territoire, les francophones ont leurs écoles, leurs publications, leurs chambres de commerce, leurs centres de fromation pour adultes, leurs centres culturels, leurs théâtres, leurs cinémas et j’en passe. Les identités culturelles ne se fondent pas ainsi en un gros bouillon. (…)Dans le m’eme style d’amalgame culturel, je voudrais voir la tête d’un Breton ou d’un Alsacien se faisant traiter à Montréal de “maudit Parisien” (insulte assez virulente, soit dit en passant). T’es Français, alors t’es Parisien! Si cette réduction déplaît aux Français, alors qu’ils apprennent à respecter un peu mieux les multiples identités de la francophonie canadienne (…). (…) je m’en vais lire mon journal albertain en français!

Chiswick, B., Ed. (1992). Immigration, Language and Ethnicity. Washington D.C., The AEI Press.

cf. Bloom David et Gilles Grenier’s Earnings of the French Minority in Canada and the Spanish Minoirity in the US, PP. 379-409

Chomsky, N. (2000). “Al-Aqsa Intifada.” Al-Ahram Weekly On-line(506).

By Noam Chomsky initial source Al-Ahram Weekly On-line(506)

Chomsky, Noam. 2000. ‘Al-Aqsa Intifada’, Mid-East Realies. http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/51a/092.html.

After three weeks of virtual war in the Israeli occupied territories,
Prime Minister Ehud Barak announced a new plan to determine the final status of the region.

During these weeks, over 100 Palestinians were killed, including 30 children, often by “excessive use of lethal force in circumstances in which
neither the lives of the security forces nor others were in imminent danger, resulting in unlawful killings,” Amnesty International concluded in a
detailed report that was scarcely mentioned in the US.

The ratio of Palestinian to Israeli dead was then about 15-1,
reflecting the
resources of force available.

Barak’s plan was not given in detail, but the outlines are familiar:
they conform to the “final status map” presented by the US-Israel as
the
basis for the Camp David negotiations that collapsed in July.
This plan, extending US-Israeli rejectionist proposals of earlier
years, called for cantonization of the territories that Israel had
conquered
in 1967, with mechanisms to ensure that usable land and resources
(primarily water) remain largely in Israeli hands while the
population is administered by a corrupt and brutal Palestinian
authority
(PA), playing the role traditionally assigned to indigenous
collaborators
under the several varieties of imperial rule: the Black
leadership of South Africa’s Bantustans, to mention only the most
obvious
analogue. In the West Bank, a northern canton is to include Nablus and
other
Palestinian cities, a central canton is based
in Ramallah, and a southern canton in Bethlehem; Jericho is to remain
isolated. Palestinians would be effectively cut off from
Jerusalem,
the center of Palestinian life. Similar arrangements are
likely in Gaza, with Israel keeping the southern coastal region and a
small
settlement at Netzarim (the site of many of the recent
atrocities),
which is hardly more than an excuse for a large military
presence and roads splitting the Strip below Gaza City. These proposals
formalize the vast settlement and construction programs that

Israel has been conducting, thanks to munificent US aid, with
increasing energy since the US was able to implement its version of the
“peace process” after the Gulf war.

For more on the negotiations and their background, see my July 25
commentary; and for further background, the commentary by Alex and
Stephen
Shalom, Oct. 10.

The goal of the negotiations was to secure official PA adherence to
this project. Two months after they collapsed, the current phase of
violence
began. Tensions, always high, were raised when the Barak
government
authorized a visit by Ariel Sharon with 1000 police to
the Muslim religious sites (Al-Aqsa) on a Thursday (Sept. 28). Sharon
is the
very symbol of Israeli state terror and aggression, with a rich record
of
atrocities going back to 1953. Sharon’s announced
purpose was to demonstrate “Jewish sovereignty” over the al-Aqsa
compound,
but as the veteran correspondent Graham Usher points out, the “al-Aqsa
intifada,” as Palestinians call it, was not initiated by Sharon’s
visit;
rather, by the massive and intimidating police and military presence
that
Barak introduced the following day, the day of prayers. Predictably,
that
led to clashes as thousands of people streamed out of the mosque,
leaving 7
Palestinians dead and 200 wounded. Whatever Barak’s purpose, there
could
hardly have been a more efficient way to set the stage for the shocking
atrocities of the following weeks.

The same can be said about the failed negotiations, which focused on
Jerusalem, a condition observed strictly by US commentary. Possibly
Israeli
sociologist Baruch Kimmerling was exaggerating when he wrote
that a
solution to this problem “could have been reached in five

minutes,” but he is right to say that “by any diplomatic logic [it]
should
have been the easiest issue to solve (Ha’aretz, Oct. 4). It is
understandable that Clinton-Barak should want to suppress what they are
doing in the occupied territories, which is far more important. Why did
Arafat agree? Perhaps because he recognizes that the leadership of the
Arab
states regard the Palestinians as a nuisance, and have little problem
with
the Bantustan-style settlement, but cannot overlook administration of
the
religious sites, fearing the reaction of their own populations. Nothing
could be better calculated to set off a confrontation with religious
overtones, the most ominous kind, as centuries of experience reveal.

The primary innovation of Barak’s new plan is that the US-Israeli
demands are to be imposed by direct force instead of coercive
diplomacy, and
in a harsher form, to punish the victims who refused
to concede politely. The outlines are in basic accord with policies
established informally in 1968 (the Allon Plan), and variants that have
been
proposed since by both political groupings (the Sharon Plan,
the Labor government plans, and others). It is important to recall that
the policies have not only been proposed, but implemented, with the
support
of the US. That support has been decisive since 1971,
when Washington abandoned the basic diplomatic framework that it had
initiated (UN Security Council Resolution 242), then pursued its
unilateral
rejection of Palestinian rights in the years that followed,
culminating in the “Oslo process.” Since all of this has been
effectively vetoed from history in the US, it takes a little work to
discover the essential facts. They are not controversial, only evaded.

As noted, Barak’s plan is a particularly harsh version of familiar
US-Israeli rejectionism. It calls for terminating electricity, water,
telecommunications, and other services that are doled out in meager
rations to the Palestinian population, who are now under virtual siege.
It should be recalled that independent development was ruthlessly
barred by
the military regime from 1967, leaving the people in destitution and
dependency, a process that has worsened considerably during the US-run
“Oslo
process.” One reason is the “closures” regularly instituted, must
brutally
by the more dovish Labor-based governments. As discussed by another
outstanding journalist, Amira Hass, this policy was initiated by the
Rabin
government “years before Hamas had planned suicide attacks, [and] has
been
perfected over the years, especially since the establishment of the
Palestinian National
Authority.” An efficient mechanism of strangulation and control,
closure has been accompanied by the importation of an essential
commodity to
replace the cheap and exploited Palestinian labor on
which much of the economy relies: hundreds of thousands of illegal
immigrants from around the world, many of them victims of the
“neoliberal
reforms” of the recent years of “globalization.”

Surviving in misery and without rights, they are regularly described as
a virtual slave labor force in the Israeli press. The current Barak
proposal
is to extend this program, reducing still further the prospects
even
for mere survival for the Palestinians.

A major barrier to the program is the opposition of the Israeli
business community, which relies on a captive Palestinian market for
some
$2.5 billion in annual exports, and has “forged links with
Palestinian security officials” and Arafat’s “economic adviser,
enabling them to carve out monopolies with official PA consent”
(Financial
Times, Oct. 22; also NYT, same day). They have also hoped to set up
industrial zones in the territories, transferring pollution and
exploiting a cheap labor force in maquiladora-style installations owned
by
Israeli enterprises and the Palestinian elite, who are enriching
themselves in the time-honored fashion.

Barak’s new proposals appear to be more of a warning than a plan,
though they are a natural extension of what has come before. Insofar as
they
are implemented, they would extend the project of “invisible transfer”
that
has been underway for many years, and that

makes more sense than outright “ethnic cleansing” (as we call the
process
when carried out by official enemies). People compelled to abandon
hope and
offered no opportunities for meaningful
existence will drift elsewhere, if they have any chance to do so. The
plans,
which have roots in traditional goals of the Zionist movement from its
origins (across the ideological spectrum), were articulated in internal
discussion by Israeli government Arabists in 1948 while outright ethnic
cleansing was underway: their expectation was that the refugees “would
be
crushed” and “die,” while “most of them would turn
into human dust and the waste of society, and join the most
impoverished classes in the Arab countries.” Current plans, whether
imposed
by coercive diplomacy or outright force, have similar
goals. They are not unrealistic if they can rely on the world-dominant
power and its intellectual classes.

The current situation is described accurately by Amira Hass, in
Israel’s most prestigious daily (Ha’aretz, Oct. 18). Seven years after
the
Declaration of Principles in September 1993 — which foretold
this
outcome for anyone who chose to see — “Israel has
security and administrative control” of most of the West Bank and 20%
of the
Gaza Strip. It has been able “to double the number of settlers
in 10
years, to enlarge the settlements, to continue its
discriminatory policy of cutting back water quotas for three million
Palestinians, to prevent Palestinian development in most of the area of
the West Bank, and to seal an entire nation into restricted areas,
imprisoned in a network of bypass roads meant for Jews only. During
these
days of strict internal restriction of movement in the West
Bank, one can see how carefully each road was planned: So that 200,000
Jews have freedom of movement, about three million Palestinians are
locked
into their Bantustans until they submit to Israeli demands. The
bloodbath
that has been going on for three weeks is the natural outcome of seven
years
of lying and deception, just as the first Intifada was the natural
outcome
of direct Israeli occupation.”

The settlement and construction programs continue, with US support,
whoever may be in office. On August 18, Ha’aretz noted that two
governments
— Rabin and Barak — had declared that settlement
was “frozen,” in accord with the dovish image preferred in the US and
by much of the Israeli left.

They made use of the “freezing” to intensify settlement, including
economic inducements for the secular population, automatic grants for
ultra-religious settlers, and other devices, which can be
carried out
with little protest while “the lesser of two evils” happens
to be making the decisions, a pattern hardly unfamiliar elsewhere.
“There is
freezing and there is reality,” the report observes
caustically. The reality is that settlement in the occupied territories
has grown over four times as fast as in Israeli population centers,
continuing — perhaps accelerating — under Barak. Settlement brings
with it large infrastructure projects designed to integrate much of the
region within Israel, while leaving Palestinians isolated, apart from
“Palestinian roads” that are travelled at one’s peril.

Another journalist with an outstanding record, Danny Rubinstein, points
out that “readers of the Palestinian papers get the impression (and
rightly
so) that activity in the settlements never stops.

Israeli is constantly building, expanding and reinforcing the Jewish
settlements in the West Bank and Gaza. Israel is always grabbing homes
and
lands in areas beyond the 1967 lines – and of course, this
is all at the expense of the Palestinians, in order to limit them, push
them into a corner and then out.

In other words, the goal is to eventually dispossess them of their
homeland and their capital, Jerusalem” (Ha’aretz, October 23).

Readers of the Israeli press, Rubinstein continues, are largely
shielded from the unwelcome facts, though not entirely so. In the US,
it is
far more important for the population to be kept in ignorance,
for obvious reasons: the economic and military programs rely crucially
on US support, which is domestically unpopular and would be far more so
if
its purposes were known.

To illustrate, on October 3, after a week of bitter fighting and
killing, the defense correspondent of Ha’aretz reported “the largest
purchase of military helicopters by the Israeli Air Force in a decade,”
an agreement with the US to provide Israel with 35 Blackhawk military
helicopters and spare parts at a cost of $525 million, along with jet
fuel,
following the purchase shortly before of patrol aircraft
and Apache attack helicopters. These are “the newest and most advanced
multi-mission attack helicopters in the US inventory,” the Jerusalem
Post
adds. It would be unfair to say that those providing the gifts cannot
discover the fact. In a database search, David Peterson found that they
were
reported in the Raleigh (North Carolina) press.

The sale of military helicopters was condemned by Amnesty International
(Oct. 19), because these “US-supplied helicopters have been used to
violate
the human rights of Palestinians and Arab Israelis during the
recent
conflict in the region.” Surely that was anticipated,
barring advanced cretinism.

Israel has been condemned internationally (the US abstaining) for
“excessive use of force,” in a “disproportionate reaction” to
Palestinian
violence. That includes even rare condemnations by the
ICRC, specifically, for attacks on at least 18 Red Cross ambulances
(NYT, Oct 4). Israel’s response is that it is being unfairly singled
out for
criticism. The response is entirely accurate. Israel is employing
official
US doctrine, known here as “the Powell doctrine,” though it is of far
more
ancient vintage, tracing back centuries: Use massive force in response
to
any perceived threat. Official Israeli doctrine allows “the full use of
weapons against anyone who endangers lives and especially at anyone who
shoots at our forces or at Israelis” (Israeli military legal adviser
Daniel
Reisner, FT, Oct. 6). Full use of
force by a modern army includes tanks, helicopter gunships,
sharpshooters
aiming at civilians (often children), etc. US weapons sales “do not
carry a
stipulation that the weapons can’t be used against
civilians,” a Pentagon official said; he “acknowleged however that
anti-tank missiles and attack helicopters are not traditionally
considered
tools for crowd control” — except by those powerful
enough to get away with it, under the protective wings of the reigning
superpower. “We cannot second-guess an Israeli commander who calls in a
Cobra (helicopter) gunship because his troops are under attack,”
another US
official said (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, October 3).
Accordingly, such killing machines must be provided in an unceasing
flow.

It is not surprising that a US client state should adopt standard US
military doctrine, which has left a toll too awesome to record,
including
very recent years. The US and Israel are, of course, not alone in
adopting
this doctrine, and it is sometimes even condemned: namely, when adopted
by
enemies targeted for destruction. A recent example is the response of
Serbia
when its territory (as the US insists it is) was attacked by
Albanian-based guerrillas, killing Serb
police and civilians and abducting civilians (including Albanians) with
the
openly-announced intent of eliciting a “disproportionate
response” that would arouse Western indignation, then NATO military
attack. Very rich documentation from US, NATO, and other Western
sources is
now available, most of it produced in an effort to justify the bombing.
Assuming these sources to be credible, we find that the Serbian
response —
while doubtless “disproportionate” and criminal, as alleged — does not
compare with the standard resort to the same doctrine by the US and its
clients, Israel included.

In the mainstream British press, we can at last read that “If
Palestinians were black, Israel would now be a pariah state subject to
economic sanctions led by the United States [which is not accurate,
unfortunately]. Its development and settlement of the West Bank would
be seen as a system of apartheid, in which the indigenous population
was
allowed to live in a tiny fraction of its own country, in
self-administered
bantustans', withwhites’ monopolising the supply of water and
electricity. And just as the black population was allowed into South
Africa’s white areas in disgracefully under-resourced townships, so
Israel’s
treatment of Israeli Arabs – flagrantly
discriminating against them in housing and education spending – would
be recognised as scandalous too” (Observer, Guardian, Oct. 15).

Such conclusions will come as no surprise to those whose vision has not
been constrained by the doctrinal blinders imposed for many years. It
remains a major task to remove them in the most important country. That
is a
prerequisite to any constructive reaction to the mounting chaos and
destruction, terrible enough before our eyes, and with long-term
implications that are not pleasant to contemplate.

(1977). Dialogue avec Mitsou Ronat. Paris, Flamarion.
et M. Halle (1968). The Sound Pattern of English. New York, Harper and Row.

Dans biblio Labov, W. (1972). Sociolinguistic Patterns. Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press.

Chrétien, J. (1997). APEC CEO Summit Opening Ceremony Keynote Address, Vancouver, British Columbia, e-mail.

I would like to thank the Business Council on National Issues and the Pacific Basin Economic Council Canada for organizing this, the first APEC CEO Summit. As you know, our theme this year is “APEC Means Business”. Nothing captures this spirit better than your presence.
I’m sure you have been warmly received and I hope you will have an opportunity to experience the sights and sounds and the optimism of Vancouver. Here, the city is alive with Asian influences — in the arts, in politics and especially in business.
Indeed, Vancouver and British Columbia are examples of the dynamism and diversity of Canada. A diversity and dynamism that equips us so well for the world of today — a global nation for a global community. This dynamism is embodied by our Secretary of State for Asia Pacific, Raymond Chan — who, as well as being an excellent Minister, is the first person of Chinese descent ever to serve in the Cabinet of a Western nation.
This example, and thousands of other success stories, are why Vancouver is now often referred to as the newest capital of Asia.
Canada and Vancouver are proud to host this year’s APEC Leaders’ Meeting. And it is a great privilege for me — as Prime Minister of Canada — to Chair APEC ’97. We decided to make the University of British Columbia the focal point of our meetings this week. Knowledge and innovation are the keys to prosperity for all peoples in the new global economy. And nothing shows the value which our government places on these vital areas better than showing off this truly world class Canadian university.
As you all know, we have designated 1997 as Canada’s Year of Asia Pacific. We did this to celebrate the Asia-Pacific dimension of Canadian life. The Leaders’ Meeting and the CEO Summit mark the highlight of our year-long celebration.

(1997). Prime Minister to Host 5th APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting in Ottawa, Ontario, e-mail.

Prime Minister Jean Chrétien will host leaders from 17 other Pacific Rim economies for the fifth Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Economic (APEC) Leaders’ Meeting in Vancouver on Nov. 24 and 25.
“Bringing APEC to Canada is an important investment in Canada’s future. Developments in Asia Pacific touch the lives of Canadians more and more as a result of growing business, immigration and cultural ties,” said the Prime Minister. “This is a golden opportunity for Canada to work with our Asia Pacific partners to put in place the building blocks of economic development that will help create a stronger, more prosperous and equitable APEC community.”
“Our Asia Pacific partners will see first-hand that Canada is an excellent place to do business, study and travel. I’m confident that they will appreciate the warmth, diversity and tradition of mutual respect within Canada – qualities that unite us from coast-to-coast-to- coast and help make Canada the best place in the world in which to live,” he added.
APEC leaders are expected to discuss current and long-term issues that have an impact on growth and development in the region and provide direction for future work. These meetings are the culmination of a year-long effort to advance freer trade and investment and cultivate greater co-operation on economic development, particularly in infrastructure and sustainable growth. APEC has also focused on expanding the involvement of academics, women, youth, small business, labour and others in order to better inform APEC’s work and strengthen ties among people in the region.
More than 8,000 government, business and media representatives are expected to come to Vancouver, generating more than $23 million in revenue for the local economy. The event will mark the high point of Canada’s Year of Asia Pacific. More than 600 events are being held across Canada to celebrate Canada’s Pacific heritage and to stimulate stronger ties to the region, particularly by small and medium enterprises and young people. Many of the events have involved the participation of cultural communities, highlighting Canada’s cultural diversity.
Formed in 1989, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum is now the main forum in the Asia-Pacific region for promoting freer trade and investment and for co- operating on economic growth and development. Together, APEC members have a combined gross national product of $16 trillion US in 1996, about half of the world’s total annual output and represent about half of the world’s total merchandise trade. In 1996, Canada’s two-way trade with APEC members, excluding the United States, reached $58.6 billion. Since APEC’s inception in 1989, two-way trade with the same economies has grown more than $20 billion.
APEC’s 18 members are Australia; Brunei; Canada; Chile; China; Hong Kong, China; Indonesia; Japan; Malaysia; Mexico; New Zealand; Papua New Guinea; the Philippines; the Republic of Korea; Singapore; Chinese Taipei; Thailand and the United States.
The Leaders’ Meeting will be preceded by the ninth meeting of APEC ministers responsible for trade and for foreign affairs on Nov. 21 and 22. Minister of Foreign Affairs Lloyd Axworthy, Minister for International Trade Sergio Marchi and Secretary of State (Asia- Pacific) Raymond Chan will also attend.
A preliminary copy of the program of APEC and related events is attached.

Chumbow, B. S. (2010). Towards a legal framework for language charters in Africa. . “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Churchill, S. (1986). The Education of Linguistic and Cultural Minorities in OECD Countries. Philadelphia, Multilingual Matters.

Cinquin, C. (1989). President Mitterand Also Watches Dallas: American Mass Media and French National Policy. The Americanization of the Global Village: Essays in Comparative popular Culture. R. Rollin. Bowling Green, Bowling Green State University Popular Press: 12-23.

12: In Mexico, at the 1982 General Conference of UNESCO, French Culture Minister Jack Lang blamed a “system of financial and multinational domination” for “no longer appropriating only territories but peoples’ trains of thought, ways of life. ” Lang went on to vehemently advocate the creation of an international assosication of “national cultures” which would oppose “the imperialism of financial groups”. He condemned some of these powerful nations that have no other moral standards but those of profit, and that attempt to impose a homogeneous culture on a planetary scare” (Lang, Jack. Journal Officiel, no. 3 novembre 1982 (1982): 6-7.)
16: The idea of cultural identity taken up by Jack Lang was not a creation of the French Culture Minister. Already in 1970, the Venice Conference organized by UNESCO had advocated a definition of internal and external cultural policies to limit the process of socio-cultrual destabilization expereienced by developing countries. A need to promote a new world order of inforamtion and to articulate cultural exchanges that would respect local traditions had been strongly felt. The developing countries especially had come to accept the notion that their national growth should be perceived not only in economic, but also in cultural terms. The Mexico Conference put forward the political parameters relevant to international cultural exchanges, parameters which were very much in the foreground of the interantional scene because of the media coverage of Lang’s speech. A worldwide awareness emerged with regard to the important role of cultural factors in all regions, including those where, until recently, they had been considered to be unimportant -in the development of Third-World countries. Four months after the Mexico Conference, the Director General of UNESCO, Amadou M. M’Bow declared:
“The most recent reflections of development show that it becomes totally comprehensible only when the cultural dimension of a nation has been given consideration. For it is from culture that development receives its founding impetus: it is culture which provides peoples with motivations and energy: it is culture at last which can help define the style of development (M’Bow, Amadou M. “Introduction au débat général sur Plan 1984-89 à la quatrième session of la Conference Générale.” . Paris: UNESCO, 1985.).
17: The protection of cultural identity in the 1980s is a primary political issue for most nations. The asertion of cultural identity, in the past was seen as expressing the desire of formerly colonized countries to retian their colonizers.Nowadays cultural identiy as a concept has been redirected, given the current context: it epitomes a concern, at governmental level, for the traumatizing effects of cultural hegemony as well as a determination to preserve a national counsciousness. Terms borrowed from an earlier anticolonialist repertoire have been reworked and adapted to the current state of international relations. “Financial and cultural imperialism”, “The colonization of radio and TV channels”, “the right to resist the colonization of information” were phrases used by Lang in 1982 to indict United States without naming it (Lang, Jack. Paper presented at the Conférence de Mexico 1982.)
18: Instead of being bound to protect their citizens against the misuse of state power , under the aegis of the human rights such as we know them, the government sare granted rights which take over the rights of the individuals. The indivuduals who represent private interests without claiming to embody those of the overall people -journalists, union leaders, industry executives, plain citizens or poets -could be refused the right to speak freely, if their views opposed the peoples’ rights to solidarity or cultural identity…Although we all respect the right to self-determination and national sovereignty, I am prone to think that the obscure “peoples’ right” does not mean more nowadays than arbitrary absolutism wihtout appeal. (Gerard, Jean B. “Pourquoi les Etats-Unis ont du quitté l’UNESCO.” Revue des deux Mondes, no. Juin (1984). )
This analysis is in keeping with that of Z. Brzezinski. By dissociating human rights from the peoples’ right, Gerard illuminates the limits and ambiguities of the notion of “cultural identity”. The social problematics of identity tend to funtion according to a dialectic of “same” and “other”, of belonging v.s. excluding. The many pitfalls of the cultural identiy primary are, at home, the denial of liberties to artists and intellectuals and the negation of minority cultrues; and abroad, nationalism as well as constraints upon cultural communication. This danger is most manifest in nations where the claim to cultural identity is linked to a totalistation global political scene.

Clarini, Julie. 2014. ‘Zeev Sternhell, une passion française’, Le Monde, 24 mai 2014.

Dans un livre d’entretiens où il revient sur son itinéraire personnel et intellectuel, l’historien des idées tisse les fils qui l’ont conduit à devenir le spécialiste du nationalisme et des droites révolutionnaires.
Voilà un homme qui a la passion de l’égalité. Dans une Europe au ciel assombri par les succès électoraux des partis d’extrême droite ainsi que par un attentat antisémite, lire Zeev Sternhell fait l’effet d’une percée lumineuse. Sa pensée sonne clair. Clair comme l’universalisme que nous ont légué les Lumières et auquel cet intellectuel israélien, né en 1935, reste fidèle. Clair comme l’héritage de la Révolution qui le « remplit d’émerveillement » et qu’il continue de défendre avec vigueur, insensible aux critiques de gauche, pourfendeur des récusations de la droite.
La clarté bien maniée sait être tranchante : combatif, l’historien des idées montre une audacieuse assurance dans les entretiens recueillis par notre confrère Nicolas Weill, comme il le fait, du reste, dans ses prises de position savantes. Cet amoureux de la France, spécialiste de Barrès et du nationalisme, ne se trouve-t-il pas au cœur d’une controverse qui agite le milieu des sciences politiques depuis trente ans, pour avoir défendu une origine hexagonale du fascisme.
Il faut dire que Sternhell, le regard aigu, parlant le français avec un accent méridional, est une forte tête. Peut-être parce qu’il lui a fallu la sauver plus d’une fois. Dans Histoire et Lumières, on découvre son parcours d’enfant juif né dans la grande bourgeoisie de Przemysl, en Galicie, aujourd’hui à la frontière entre la Pologne et l’Ukraine. Il a 7 ans quand, dans le ghetto où les familles juives ont été regroupées, il voit les Allemands tirer à vue sur les gens, « comme du gibier ». La même année, orphelin de père, il assiste au départ de sa mère et de sa sœur. Elles ne reviendront jamais.
De ce tragique apprentissage, il garde une certitude : la politique est une chose vitale. Une existence peut dépendre des rapports entre Roosevelt et Staline. De quoi donner du tempérament et quelques solides convictions sur la marche du monde. Sauvé par une famille polonaise, il est envoyé vivre auprès d’une tante, en France. Au lycée d’Avignon, il découvre la culture française, notamment la laïcité, dont il demeure « un admirateur inconditionnel ». Et qu’il regrette de ne pas voir s’appliquer en Israël.
Israël, justement : il décide d’y partir seul et pas tout à fait encore adulte. De ces fragments d’identité qui constituent son enfance, il fait le socle de sa nouvelle appartenance. Le succès du sionisme est pour lui directement lié à l’échec du libéralisme en Europe. Les juifs, rappelle-t-il, « étaient la seule communauté humaine dont le sort dépendait de celui des Lumières et de leurs valeurs ». Trop risqué, comme l’histoire l’a prouvé, pour ne pas désirer à toute force l’existence d’un pays où les juifs auraient la souveraineté. Ce judaïsme sans foi, fondé sur un destin politique, implique des engagements : le refus de l’exil (quitte à décliner des postes d’enseignement aux Etats-Unis), la participation à toutes les guerres comme officier de réserve (l’homme aime la chose militaire), l’implication dans la vie politique ou publique, plus directement après la défaite électorale du Parti travailliste, en 1977, puis avec la fondation du mouvement La Paix maintenant.
L’erreur historique est à ses yeux de n’avoir pas su, en 1967, reconnaître que, tous les objectifs du sionisme étant atteints, Israël pouvait devenir un pays comme un autre. En 1995, la publication de son livre Aux origines d’Israël (Fayard), dans lequel il montre que le sionisme tel qu’il fut appliqué fut moins un socialisme qu’un nationalisme, lui vaut des haines farouches. Il est, treize ans plus tard, la cible d’un attentat venu de l’extrême droite et motivé par ses prises de position contre les colonies. Décidément, les idées sont bien une affaire de vie ou de mort.
Les idées, dont il a fait profession d’écrire l’histoire et qui – il en est convaincu – mènent le monde. Il partage cette certitude avec ses adversaires en politique, Burke, Taine ou Barrès, et jusqu’aux néoconservateurs, tous ceux qu’il a repérés dans Les Anti- Lumières. Une tradition du XVIIIe siècle à la guerre froide (2006, Folio, 2010). Si Vichy a pu s’installer si vite, si son programme s’est appliqué avec autant d’efficacité, c’est que les esprits, ceux des intellectuels en particulier, étaient déjà gagnés aux idées nouvelles, contaminés par la haine de la démocratie.
Le fascisme s’est levé contre les principes de 1789. Toute l’œuvre de Sternhell s’est employée à le montrer, à discerner le combat mené depuis le XIXe siècle contre les « Lumières franco-kantiennes », qui entendaient assurer la primauté de ce qui unit les hommes (la raison, la tolérance…) contre ce qui les sépare : l’histoire et la culture. Parce que la démocratie est fragile, il dénonce, parfois sans ménagement, des continuités intellectuelles. Les entretiens se terminent par une analyse du Front national. La raison, jamais, ne doit désarmer.

Clark, G. L., D. Forbes, et al., Eds. (1993.). Multiculturalism, Difference and Postmodernism. Melbourne, Longman Cheshire.

Clarke, T. and B. J. Galligan (1995). “‘Aboriginal Native’ and the Institutional Construction of the Australian Citizen 1901-48.” Australian Historical Studies 26(105): 523-543.

Clarkson, A. (1999). Exerpts from her adress on Thursday Oct.7, 1999: to be complex does not mean to be fragmented” – At her installation yesterday, Canada’s new Governor-General spoke of “the paradox and the genius of our Canadian civilization”. The Globe and Mail: A11.

Clarkson, A. (1999). Governor’s General Address. The Globe and Mail. Toronto: A11.

Claude, P. (2000). Et si un ou une papiste montait bientôt sur le trône d’Angleterre. Le Monde. Paris: 1.

(…)Mais l’archevêque de Canterbury peut bien faire vlaoir que son église travaille “au bien-être de tous”, une confession qui n’est lus aujourd’hui partiquée que par 12% ou 13% des britanniques ne peut plus prétendre à demeurer la seule et unique “Eglise installée”, c’est-à-dire la religion d’Etat. Les catholique, trois fois moins nombreux, et qui, comme les anglicans, ne cessent de perdre des ouailles par centaires de milliers depuis dix ans, ne réclament dur reste pas ce statut. Les trsè nombreux partisans de la réforme font simplement voloir que la loi est non seulement désuète, mais injuste. C’est le premier ministre qui propose à la reine les nominations des dignitaires, évêques et archevêques et qui assure, de droit, une présence de l’Eglise anglicane au Parlement, à la Chambre des lords.
Des dignitaires anglicans préconisent un serment royal plus oecuménique: “je jure de défrendre la foi chrétienne.” Et les millions d’hindous, musulmans, sikhs et autres communautés qui sont la nation britannique moderne? “Jurons de défendre la foi, c’est à dire toutes les fois” avança un jour le prince Charles. Tony Blair, protestant marié à une catholique, se refuse pour l’instant à trancher.

Clément, C. (2006). Qu’est-ce qu’un peuple premier ? Paris, Ed. du Panama.

Une synthèse sur la disparition des peuples premiers tels que les Sioux, Yanomamis, Massaïs, Aborigènes et sur leurs moyens pour lutter contre la dégradation de leur cadre de vie et la disparition de leur culture.

Cloonan, J. D. and J. M. Strine (1991). “Federalism and the development of language policy: preliminary investigations.” Language Problems and Language Planning(15.3): 268-281.

Cloud, N., F. Genesee, et al. (2000). Dual Language Instruction: A handbook of enriched education. Boston, Heinle & Heinle.

Clyne, M., G (1992). Community Languages in Australia. Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Clyne, M. G. (1985). Multilingual Australia: Resources, Needs, Policies. Burnley, VIC, Monash University Press.

Clyne, M. G., in , vol. , No. , april 1997. (1997). “Language policy in Australia: achievements, disappointments, prospects.” Journal of Intercultural Studies 18(1): 63-71.

Cobarrubias, J. and F. J., Eds. (1983). Progress in Language Planning, International Perspectives. Berlin, Mouton.

Cohen, Eliaz. 2013. “Un poète au Goush Etsion.” In JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories, edited by David Chemla. Tel Aviv: JCall.

je m’excuse de me contenter d’aimer le francais sans le parler. Demander à un poète de ne pas parler sa langue c’est l’enfer. Bonne fête du 1er mai. Je le dis sérieusement. Je crois vraiment à la vision socialiste. Malgré le fait qu’on dise que celui qui n’a pas été socialiste jeune est un salaud et que celui qui le reste lorsqu’il est vieux est un idiot, je veux rester un idiot.
Bien qu’optimiste de nature je m’inquite encore plus dque vous. Ce que me dérange surtout c’est l’absence de vision pour l’avenir en Israel. Cette capacité des Israéliens d’improviser on l’apprend dans le monde entier. Depuis la grand crise d’Israel que fut la guerre de Kipour dont on fête les 40 ans, cela nous ramène à la Shoah qui peut se reproduire. Crainte permanent d’être détruit nous empêche la vision à long terme.
Je parle presque au quotidien avec les officiers et l’ujn d’eux m’a parlé d’un programme satyrique, que la terre est belle dans laquelle les personnalités israéliennes viennent. Lorsque Natanyaou est venu le jour de Yom Haatsmaout, à la question comment veux-tu qu’on se souvienne de toi? Il a dit qu’il voulait qu’on le voit comme l’homme qui a su préserver la sécurité d’Israel. J’AI TROUVé CELA TRISTE, MISERABLE et cela m’a fait peur. C’est si loin du rêve sioniste de mes grand-parents C’est oublier l’ensemble de l’édifice sioniste. Je suis un socialiste religieux c’est en opposiiton avec les raisons qui nous ont amenés ici.
On est revenu ici pour accomplir le rève des prophètes d’être la société, lumière des nations, transmettant la morale au monde.
Pour ce qui est du conflit israélo-palestinien et dans la vision sociale ,ou envers les étrangers, nous sommes très loin de cette prophétie. Malgré les changements dans le gouvernement, moins grand qu’on ne le fait croire, la majorité des moyens mis en place par le gouvenrment sont mis à faire le plus grand ghetto juif du monde. La construction de la barrière et dans le sud par les services de l’armée et maintenant une nouvelle barrière pour des milliards de dollars. J’ai fait partie des protestataires et cela m’a choqué. Personnes parmi les protestataires de l’Eté 2011 ne se sont intéressés à cette sorite de ghetto et seulement aux préoccupations sociales.
Personne aujourd’hui dans la classe politique ne voit la solution à lo0ng terme d’intégration à l’espace régional et de revenir à une morale sociale.
Je suis un produit de l’éducation sociale religieuse.
Les prophètes appelaient à plus de justice sociale.
Avec quelques amis, nous proposons cette alternative. Nous n’arriverons pas à changer le gouvernement. On essaie de faire entrer dans le débat les termes de vision, de responsabilité et de justice. Cela fait 15 ans que nous avons des relations quotidiennes au niveau culturel mais également pratique avec les palestiniens du voisinage. Contrairement à ce qu’on dit en Israel, nous pensons qu’il y a un partenaire. A 1,500 mètres, vous pouvez voir la bourgade de Beith Oumar. Jusqu’à il y a peu de temps notre seule relation était d’engager des ouvriers. On essaie de changer la situation. La coexistence dans un sens positif. L’armée nous l’interdit, mais nous l’avons fait. La différence est entre ceux qui osent et ceux qui n’osent pas. Il n’y a pas assez de gens ni chez nous ni chez eux pour penser que c’est possible. 1 million de personne maintenant partagent ces idées. Nous ne sommes pas des suivistes de rabbins en général, mais il y a un rabbin qui ne voulait pas d’élèves et nous étions des élèves qui ne voulaient pas de rabbin. Ménahem Fruman, décédé il y a peu. On se rendra compte de sa grandeur après sa mort. Ce rav était une source d’inspiration, une légitimation, un lien entre les textes et les actes. Lié avec intellectuels et relitieux partout dans le monde. y compris Dalai Lama. Un prophète moderne pronant amour et liberté.
Ces 20 années à ses côtés, on ne peut pas parler d’héroisme car c’est un cliché, c’est son combat contre le cancer. Il comparait son corps ce que le peuple palestinien a vécu lorsque nous sommes arrivés en Israel. Il croyait au sionisme de manière religieuse. Il ne pouvait pas supporter que notre liberté implique l’asservissement des autres. Comment traduire cela en terme politique. Partie prenante de plusieurs forums stratégiques créés suite à la contestation sociale. Dialogue permanent y compris au bureau d’AM. Nous essayons de traduire cela par une réalité de deux états dans un même espace. On travaille sur des résolutions depuis deux ans et vous aurez une des première copies. C’est un groupe en formation.
Q: différence avec 2 états 2 peuples? Cela renforce la doctrine de la séparation qui est très dangereuse. la séparation est dans le coeur des deux parties. En un siècle de terrorisme, on n’a pas encore compris que l’espace est identitque malgré toutes les lignes. Le monde entier a compris le principe qu’il peut y avoir deux états. On parle de confédération depuis 1947, deux états nationaux avec des frontières ouverte, une monaie, une éco, des localités juives en territoire et des localités arabes chez les juifs. A l’époque, il y avait même des ports prévus à cet effet à Naharia et Jaffa. Si c’était une utopie en 47, c’est à présent réal.isable. Plutôt que de séparer en judenrein et arabrein irréalisable. La démonisation de l’autre ne change rien. LAHLOK VELO LEHALEK se partager sans se séparer.
Remarque de G. Unger: Colons sans idéologie et extrémistes prêts à déporter les palestiniens

Cole, M. and J. S. Bruner (1972). “Cultural differences and inferences about psychological processes.” American Psychologist(26): 867-76.

in [Labov, 1972 #33] BIBLIOGRAPHIE.

Colombo, J. R., Ed. (1991). The Dictionary of Canadian Quotations (René Lévesque). Toronto, Stoddart.

René Lévesque:
Le multiculturalisme, en réalité, c’est du folklore. C’est une diversion. C’est une notion inventée pour obscurcir la question du Québec, pour créer l’impression que nous somme tous des ethnies et n’avons pas à nous inquiéter d’un statut spécial pour le Québec

Combes, M. C. (1992). English Plus: Responding to English Only. in Language Loyalties: A source-book on the Official English Controversy Crawford, James. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press: 216-224.

English Plus emerged form the language batteles of the 1980s, a philosophy of inclusion and openness toward linguistic minority group. While acknowledging the importance of English proficiency in this country, it advocates the preservation of other languages and cultures. As an alternative to English Only, it has attracted the attention of languaage educators, community leaders, politicians of varying views, business executives, and grass-roots activists. Coalitions thourghout the United States have embraced English Plus ans an approach to counter local, state, and antioanl compaigns for Ofiicial Englsih. meanwhile, a number of states and municipalities have passed resolutions endorsing the principles of English Plus. Ceux-ci incluent les états du nouveau mexique, de l’Oregon, de Washington et des villes comme Atlanta, Cleveland, Dallas, San Antonio, Tucson and Washington D.C.

Combesque, A. (1999). “Comme des papillons vers la lumière.” Le Monde Diplomatique(Décembre 1999): 16 et 17.

LES Américains le nomment Rio Grande, les Mexicains, Rio Bravo. Aux postes frontières qui séparent les villes de Laredo (Texas) et Nuevo Laredo (Tamaulipas), c’est un fleuve ni majestueux ni beau, tout au plus une rivière à la piètre allure, à la couleur indéfinissable et qui dégage une symphonie d’odeurs pestilentielles. Des chemins en pente, lisses de végétation à l’exception de ronces qui griffent le corps, rongent son bord côté Mexique.
Des centaines de milliers de Mexicains pauvres et leurs familles délaissent leur Etat d’origine pour migrer vers cette zone frontière, tout au long du rio, dans l’espoir de trouver un travail qui n’existe pas chez eux. De Tijuana à l’ouest à Matamoros à l’extrême est, les milliers de maquiladoras massées sur une bande de quelques kilomètres de large les attirent dans leurs filets. A Nuevo Laredo, où l’on recense entre 25 000 et 30 000 emplois dans les parcs industriels récemment créés, la première maquiladora a vu le jour au milieu des années 60, mais c’est avec la signature de l’Accord de libre-échange nord- américain (Alena) que leur nombre s’est multiplié. Pour attirer les multinationales du monde entier et leurs filiales dans cette zone, le gouvernement mexicain a consenti de gros efforts : gratuité de l’eau et de l’électricité durant deux ans, construction de parcs équipés de routes et de services collectifs. Il n’est pas allé jusqu’à se donner autant de peine pour la population des quartiers pauvres que le mirage d’une vie meilleure a attirée jusque-là.
Dans les nombreux bidonvilles qui ceinturent l’agglomération tentaculaire qu’est devenue Nuevo Laredo en l’espace de vingt ans – officiellement 335 000 habitants en 1995, côté mexicain (1) -, les chauffeurs des camions-citernes dépêchés par la ville réclament 10 pesos (2) pour remplir un bidon d’une centaine de litres d’eau non potable. Les habitants sont les victimes d’un chantage multiforme et d’un racket permanent : pour l’approvisionnement en eau, mais aussi pour la construction d’une salle de classe, pour trouver un travail où se loger.
Le quartier « Julia Leyva » porte le nom de l’avocate qui a su fédérer autour d’elle des dizaines de familles sans logis en quête de la promesse d’un toit. Sur une étendue de terre poussiéreuse et aride, des enclos délimités par un fossé dans la terre ou une haie de cageots singent un rêve pavillonnaire inaccessible. Il existe à Nuevo Laredo douze quartiers « construits » sur le « modèle » qui prévaut à Julia Leyva. Contre une somme d’argent donnée de la main à la main une fois par semaine, une famille érige son cabanon de planches grises, de tôles goudronnées et de bâches en plastique en espérant devenir, au fil des années, propriétaire du terrain. Sauf que Mme Leyva vend une terre dont elle dit qu’elle lui appartient mais qui est en fait propriété communale. De faux propriétaires squattent purement et simplement des terres à l’abandon appartenant à d’autres.
A Matamoros, autre ville frontière avec le Texas, située à quelques kilomètres de la côte du golfe et où l’on recense six quartiers sauvages à but lucratif, Alma a été élue au printemps 1998 responsable de l’un d’entre eux, né dans l’imagination d’un profiteur de misère, par ailleurs membre du Parti de la révolution démocratique (PRD) (3), qui percevait 5 pesos par semaine et par famille. « Nous avons vu des militants du PRD, débarqués dans le quartier, réclamer 100 pesos pour soi-disant inscrire le nom des familles ayant participé à l’invasion du quartier sur une liste qui leur donnerait droit à un titre de propriété, raconte Alma. Après leur passage il y a eu une lutte féroce pour la conservation des lots de terrain entre les familles répertoriées sur la liste et celles qui ne l’étaient pas. Ces batailles ont provoqué une rotation de population profitable aux corrompus du PRD. »
Désormais rebaptisée Fuerza y Unidad (Force et unité), la communauté des locataires se bat pour obtenir le droit de rester là où elle s’est installée, sur une ancienne décharge clandestine. Des 400 familles ayant participé à l’invasion sauvage, 160 restent aujourd’hui. Sous la houlette de leur présidente, elles veulent désormais « entrer dans un processus de légalisation ». De nouvelles règles ont été imposées depuis mars 1998 : « Chaque famille a reçu un lot de 200 m2 pour construire sa maison. Une surveillance a été instaurée car nous nous sommes rendu compte que des familles installées ici pratiquaient le jeu de l’accumulation ; elles possédaient des terres ailleurs, achetées au gouvernement ou cédées par lui. » Ces familles- là ont été priées de déménager.
La survie au quotidien s’est organisée. Première lutte : obtenir la propriété de chaque lot en traitant avec Si Poblador, un organisme chargé par le gouvernement mexicain de racheter à leurs propriétaires les terres indûment occupées et de les revendre à bas prix à ceux qui s’y sont installés. Alma voudrait que cet organisme accepte des délais de paiement en fonction des revenus des familles. « Ceux qui ont un travail régulier, ce qui est le cas de la moitié des chefs de famille, pourraient rembourser en un an et demi » ; les autres devraient pouvoir bénéficier de délais supplémentaires. « Quarante pour cent des chefs de famille travaillent occasionnellement, 10 % sont au chômage. Nous avons des voisins qui survivent avec 10 pesos par jour et qui se nourrissent uniquement de tortillas et de haricots rouges. » Deux fontaines publiques, vitales pour les familles incapables de payer les services des chauffeurs de la municipalité, ont été installées. Au coin d’un lot vide de construction, une mince tige sort de terre. A son bout, un robinet grand ouvert d’où s’échappe un filet d’eau, une fuite plutôt. Au-dessous patiente un seau cabossé.
Un lot à peine plus grand que les autres a été réservé pour la construction d’une future école. Deux cent cinquante enfants vivent à Fuerza y Unidad ; 40 % d’entre eux sont privés d’éducation et il est impossible de les scolariser ailleurs : « Les écoles des quartiers légaux sont saturées, on compte déjà 1 500 enfants par groupe scolaire. » Les adultes sont pour moitié analphabètes. Ceux-là constituent classiquement un sous- prolétariat abonné à l’économie informelle du bâtiment et du tourisme : vendeurs de vierges chamarrées qui se bousculent au milieu des voitures sur les ponts frontières, de hamacs, de glaces, etc. L’équipe de Manuel Mondragon, qui dirige la Pastorale ouvrière sur Matamoros, une organisation liée à la théologie de la libération, organise, entre autres activités militantes, des cours d’alphabétisation sur le quartier à raison de deux heures par jour. Seulement, faute de local, les cours sont aujourd’hui abandonnés.
Car dans les maquiladoras n’entre pas qui veut. Sont embauchés comme ouvriers sur les chaînes de production ceux qui peuvent fournir un certificat de fin d’études secondaires ; des milliers de migrants, ignorant cette clause et peu éduqués, sont recalés à l’embauche avant même de pouvoir postuler. La majorité des ouvriers sont en fait de jeunes ouvrières âgées de dix-huit à trente-cinq ans au plus. Beaucoup vivent chez des parents et se satisfont d’un bas salaire, une situation que la plupart des usines ont parfaitement assimilée.
Josefina et son mari sont arrivés à Nuevo Laredo en juin 1998. Pour soixante-quatre heures de travail par semaine, dont cinq obligatoires le samedi matin, Josefina touchait un salaire de 262 pesos hebdomadaires, une aubaine comparée à sa situation dans son Guerrero natal (4) : « Ici, au moins, on a un réchaud et une télévision. » La jeune femme a immédiatement trouvé un emploi d’ouvrière dans la maquiladora Luremex, spécialisée dans la peinture de matériel de pêche vendu ensuite sur les marchés nord-américains. En août 1998, la directrice de Luremex a annoncé à son personnel qu’une campagne obligatoire de vaccination allait avoir lieu et qu’elle concernait les femmes comme les hommes. Quelques jours après l’injection, l’infirmière a avoué qu’en fait de vaccination il s’agissait d’une piqûre provoquant, selon les mots de Josefina, « une stérilisation temporaire de cinq mois ».
En février 1999, même annonce et même obligation. Les femmes refusent alors massivement de se soumettre à l’injection. Elles y sont cependant forcées par leurs contremaîtres, qui les menacent de licenciement si elles n’obtempèrent pas et emmènent de force les récalcitrantes. Le mois suivant, Josefina démissionne et porte plainte devant un tribunal. Menacée de perdre son intéressement – soixante jours de salaire -, payable plusieurs semaines, voire plusieurs mois, après avoir quitté l’usine, selon le bon vouloir de la direction, elle a retiré sa plainte. Elle est aujourd’hui malade, incapable de se soigner : une visite chez le médecin coûte 50 pesos, une prise de sang 900 pesos, alors que le salaire de son mari, veilleur de nuit dans une entreprise de transports, suffit à peine à assurer l’existence quotidienne.
Le recours à la contraception forcée ne semble pas être exceptionnelle dans les zones de maquiladoras. On cite le cas de jeunes femmes obligées d’exhiber chaque mois leurs serviettes hygiéniques usagées à leur contremaître ou au représentant du syndicat unique, la Confédération des travailleurs mexicains (CTM), liée au parti au pouvoir, le Parti révolutionnaire institutionnel (PRI), responsable aussi bien de l’embauche que du licenciement du personnel. Après trente-cinq ans, les femmes sont de toute façon licenciées, déclarées trop vieilles pour assumer le rendement exigé sur les chaînes de production. Aujourd’hui, rares sont celles qui restent plus de quatre ou cinq ans dans la même entreprise, car la mode patronale est à la rotation rapide du personnel de façon à maintenir les salaires les plus bas possible, à ne pas verser d’allocations aux femmes enceintes, à refuser d’assumer les risques de maladies liées à l’utilisation sans protection aucune de produits chimiques hautement dangereux pour la santé.
Sur le front des maquiladoras, le patronat n’use plus son cheptel de travailleurs jusqu’à la corde ; il l’utilise de façon calculée, rationalisée, préméditée, et s’en débarrasse avant que les maladies liées au travail ne se déclarent. Comme il se débarrasse des ouvriers gêneurs, ceux qui veulent monter un syndicat libre et qui sont mis à la porte sitôt démasqués. Tout le long du rio, une liste noire de plus de 4 000 noms circule dans les entreprises. Lily sait qu’elle ne trouvera plus de travail dans une maquila. Membre de la Coalition pour la justice dans les maquiladoras (CJM), rétrogradée dans son entreprise puis poussée à la démission pour avoir assisté à un congrès syndical à Kansas City en juillet 1998, elle traverse aujourd’hui clandestinement la frontière trois fois par semaine pour gagner 12 dollars la journée à vendre des hamburgers dans une « guitoune » à Laredo. Comme beaucoup d’autres, elle n’avait pas vocation à passer le fleuve. Attirés comme des papillons par les lumières de ce Nord- Mexique prétendument développé, massés sur la frontière, ils se retrouvent pris dans une nasse. Ne reste qu’une solution pour ne pas mourir à petit feu : le nord du Nord – les Etats-Unis. Le mari d’Alma a filé de l’autre côté en juin dernier. Son but : travailler six mois à Houston, dans n’importe

Commissariat aux Langues Officielles. (1990). Rapport Annuel 1989. Ottawa, .

(1991). Rapport Annuel 1990. Ottawa, Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
(1992). Rapport Annuel 1991. Ottawa, Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
(1993). Rapport Annuel 1992. Ottawa, Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
(1994). Rapport Annuel 1993. Ottawa, Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
(1995). Rapport Annuel 1994. Ottawa, Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
(1996). Rapport Annuel 1995. Ottawa, Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
(1997). Rapport Annuel 1996. Ottawa, Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.

Commission (1991). Human Rights and Equal Oppportunity Commission.
Aboriginal Lands Rights Commission (1973). First Report. Canberra, Australian Parliament.

(1974). First Report. Canberra, Australian Parliament.

Commonwealth (1984). Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection Act 1984. Canberra, Commonwealth.
Conley, J. M. and W. O’Barr (1998). Just Words: Law, Language and Power. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.

Conseil de l’Europe. (1991). Europe 1990-2000: Multiculture dans la Cité, l’Intégration des immigrés. Conférence permanente des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux de l’Europe, Francfort-sur-le-Main, Les Editions du Conseil de l’Europe.

Document de travail et Déclaration de Francfort pour une nouvelle politique communale d’intégration multiculturelle en Europe, Strasbourg, 1992.

(1992). Charte européenne des langues régionales ou minoritaires.

il n’existe un droit d’utiliser une langue minoritaire que dans les aires géographiques d’implantation substantielle ou traditionnelle des personnes appartenant à des minorités nationales “dans la mesure du possible” cité par Varennes (de), F. (1999). Les droits de l’homme et la protection des minorités linguistiques. Langues et Droit: Langues du droit, droit des langues. H. Guillorel and G. Kouby. Bruxelles, Bruylant: 130.

(2001). Cadre européen commun de référence pour les langues: apprendre, enseigner, évaluer, Didier.

Cook, R. (1986). Canada, Québec and the uses of Nationalism. Toronto, McClelland & Stewart.

Cooper, R. L. (1989). Language Planning and Social Change. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Coronel Molina, S. (2012). Indigenous Languages as Cosmopolitan and Global Languages: The Latin American Case. Languages in the City. Berlin, 2012.

a few word in Quechua
brief overview. Latin america is pluriethnic and multicultural. Diverse and complex linguistic landscape. Spanish is the official language of most of them with Brazil exception. These are prestige languages whereas the other indigenous languages are dispised and consider minor languages. Some 12 million people speak Quechua. Diglossic and multiglossic situation. Asymetrical relation between powerful languages and indigenous languages.
Intergenerational language revitalization. Negative language atttitudes. Conflicts. Keeping indigenous languages in this multiglossic situation. All factors continue to condemn these languages. Various models of education are favouring acculturation. We can talk of transition bilingual education.
SLIDE 1: STATUS PLANNING: Functional domain of language use (Official (schol, administration, education, politics tourissm etc. ) vs Local level.(legal, business, academia, pop culture.)
SLIDE 2: MYTHS ABOUT INDIGENOUS LANGUAGES: Ugly, primitive, no grammar, not adapted to modernity, untranslatable and non-logical, limited vocabulary for abstraction, spoken by old people, belong to the past, difficult to teach and learn, no writing system, only for isolated tribes, spoken by backwards ignorant in remote areas or rural ones, about to disappear.
All these myths can easily be proved incorrect. It is still spoken today. Petit Prince and Don Quichotte have been translated. Of course, some languages have expressions which are untranslatable, but there are always way to express what is meant. Regarding abstraction, he wrote 21 pages regarding language policy and planning in Quechua. Point is made and taken. Belonging to the past is simply a way to isolate the language. It is still spoken by young people and since colonial times, writing system has been implemented. Learning a language can be a difficult process with any language. It is not isolated and it crossed the digital divide and is spoken in large cities. Most of the speakers of indigenous languages can be found in Peru for example since most of the resources to support the indigenous are based there. In Queens, NY, 1500 Quechua speakers from Ecuador. Salt Lake City: 6000 Quechua speakers from the Andes. They have tried to make indigenous langauges disappear for 500 years without any success. As to the higher or lower status of these languages.
Gives some links
Enduring voices, National geographic, indigenous tweets, blogs , Native web, The society for the study of Indigenous Languages of the America.
What needs to be addressed is language policy and planning. Lots is taking place in rural areas but nothing is done in metropolitan area.
In Canada and the US, Consortium of Indigenous Language Organisations, on Youtube, Acervo Digital de Lenguas Indigenas, Jaqi Aru (Aymara tweets),
Showing an email in Quechua, TV, music (rap, rock etc…), commercials about cell phones (in Bolivia in Guarani, Aymara and Quechua), even religion, ebooks, children books. Google in Quechua and other indigenous languages, second life in Quechua. Iphones, Ipads in these

Correa da Costa, S. (1999). Mots sans Frontières. Paris, Editions du Rocher.

Corrigan, T. (1991). A Cinema Without Walls: Movies and Culture After Vietnam. London, Routledge.

Corson, D. (1997). Social Justice in the Work of ESL Teachers. Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges. W. Eggington and H. Wren. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, John Benjamins Publishing Company: 149–168.

150: …education often routinely represses, dominates, and disempowers language users whose practices differ from the norms it establishes.
154-155: Language policies (dans les trois pays qui nous intéressent):
1. The national language policy sees the new language minority groups as lacking English , and the typical policy response is to provide supplementary teaching in English (i.e. ESL) with a rapid transition expected to the use of English
2. The national language policy sees the minority groups’ deficit as also liked to family status; so an additional policy response is to provide special measures to help minority students adjust to the majority society -measures such as aids, tutors, psychologists, social workers, carrer advisers;
3. The national language policy sees the minority groups’ deficit as linked to disparities in esteem between each group’s culture and the majority culture, so additional policy responses are to include multicultural teaching programs for all children, to sensitise teachers to minority needs, and to revise textbooks and other learning materials to eliminate racial stereotyping.
Language policies for immigrant minorities in all (5) countries are located at one of the three levels mentioned above.
Similarly in most of Canada, fair practices are available for official language minorities (i.e. as distinct form immigrant and aboriginal minorities).
4. The national language policy sees the premature loss of the minority tongue as an inhibiting transition to learning the majority tongue, so an additional policy response is to provide some study of minority languages in schools, perhaps as an early or occasional medium of transitional instruction.
5. the national language policy sees the minority groups’ languages threatened with extinction as community languages if they are not supported, so the pollicy response is to provide the minority languages as media of instruction usually exclusively in the early years of schooling.
6. The national language policy sees the minority and majority languages as having equal rights in society, with special support available for the less viable languages, so policy responses include recognition of a minority language as an official language, separate educational institutions for language groups, opportunities for all children to learn both languages voluntarily, and support beyond educational systems.
156; Some ambiguitiy exists in other countries -notably in Canada, which has no national coordinating body for education, much less for coordinating language policies. As a result, Canadian policies differ markedly across provincial boundaries and school districts. First language support, for the established Francophone minorities outside Queébec and for the established Anglophone minorities inside Québec is generally protected by the Official Languages Act. But new minorities, including the 250’000 new immigrants and refugees that enter Canada each year are alomost universally asked to transfer to an official language (English or French) as their language of education (Corson, D, and S Lemay. Social Justice and Language Policy in Education: The Canadian Research. Toronto: OISE Press, 1996.)
156-157: The United States’ Bilingual Education Act legislation seems to locate that country firmly at level 4, although the respnses of most schools and school districts themselves seem to be at a much lower stage. That Act deals with “limited English proficient” (LEP) students of three types: (1) persons born outside the United States or persons whose native language is not English, (2) persons in whose environment a non-English language is dominant, and (3) Native Amreicans in whose envoronment a non-English language has significantly affected their proficiency in English.These 3 categories are boradly similar to the three types of linguistic minorities mentioned previously. In dealing with these three types of LEP students, all of the school districts surveyed by Chamot (Chamot, A. “Bilingualism in Education and Bilingual Education: the State of the Art in the United States.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, no. 9 (1988): 11-35.) have tried to develop students’ English proficiency so that the students can participate successfully in all-English instruction. Nearly all districts report that their goal is the development of the academic skills needed for school achievement, while only a small minority of schools indicate that the development or maintenance of the students’ first language is a goal One major reason for these policies has beenthe beief that they ould provide bilingual children with equal access to the educational system and give them achievement schores equal to monolingual children. Achievement scores disparities have not been removed, however.
In practice the, the United States is locatedat levels 1 or 2. There may be major obstacles to producing much advance on this, given the fact that English has been repeatledly fostered in that country to create an “American ethnicity” (Fishman, Joshua A. “Bilingualism with and without diglossia: Diglossia with and without Bilingualism.” Journal of Social Issues, no. 23 (1967): 29-38.), even though there have always been high concentratins of people using languages other than English to conduct their affairs: Spanish in the Southwest, in Puerto Rico, and in New York; French in some parts of Louisiana and Maine; and German in Pennsylvania and Ohio. Although USA census figures reveal more than 65 languages sponken in that country, in addition ot the many indigenous tongues, alnd although a presidential commission has created a National Council on Foreign Language Teaching and International Studies, the image of a rigorous monolingualism is still promoted in the united States. However, much the same was said of Australia befor ethe 1970s, and the changes that have occurred there in the past generation offer some hope of development in rigously monocultural societies elsewhere.
158: Australia is located at several level at once. For example, on the evidence of the treatment o f many users of Aboriginal languages and some community langugeusers, Australia is at levels 4 or 5. Its policies of multiculturalism as a response to the needs of other minority groups locate it at level 3. Although it does not need to address two official languages in its policies, as does Canada, Australia has a complex language situation: it is a country where more than 100 community languages are in regular use, whre 50 aboriginal languages still survive, and where for a large minority of the population, Englihs is not the mother tongue. In the face of this social and cultural complexity, Australia in the 1970s and 1980s changed its course away from the shortsighted monocultural avlues about languge issues that had previously directed policies at the national level. Having experimented extensively with national policies based on the vague ideology of multiculturalism, and following the advice and pressure of tis growing multicultural communities, Australia is increaisngly seeng its language pluralism as a valuable national resource that enriches cultural and intellectual life and that is also invaluable in its potential as a resource in international trade. As part of this change, there are strong signs that an ethnic revival has occurred in the country. People seem more ready to take pride in their language proficiency and their ethnic background ). A more diverse and healthily volatile language situation appears to be developing, with a number of new and expanding speech communities.
158-159: The centrepiece of a national policy remains the degree of importance the nation gives to the country’s dominant laguage(s). Other issues related to other languages may be more important for those who have an interest in those languages, but in mainly monolingual societies the problems tha people have iwththe majority language will inevitably be the dominant ones for a policy to consider.
159: A second language may be a desirable acquisition for everyone, but a firm grasp of the first language, in all its functions and styles, is essential.
The learner who is reasonably proficient in a first language has the proficiency increased, not diminished, by studying a second language.
Clearly, most decisions about minority languges and ESL in the pluralism societies will need to be made and implemented at thel leve of the school.
local minority communities must be involved in deciding the shape and direction of their children’s schools if the cultural pluralism that exists almost everywhere in these five countries is to be recognised and provided for in just policies.
160: The development of a school language policy depens on a nubmer of factors -within the school’s ambit of control: a developing awareness among teaching staff that the role of language in learning across the curriculum, a willingness to undertake some research into the language needs of a particular school community, a familiarity with the theory (ie knowledge) that relates to language problems, the openness to consult with parents and the wider society, and the leadership of the school executive and the enthousiasm o fthe whole school community in making the plicy development process work. Obviously, establishing the place of ESL in the classroom, in the school, and in the community is central to this kind of local policy-making.
165: some English-dominant nations have implemented policies, or have engaged inserious debate aimed at “protecting” the English language as the formal or informal national language in the hope of fostering national unity or achieving national sociopolitical goals. The United States Congress is currently debating at least three bills aimed at declaring English the official language. US Senator Dole ahs made the aims of “US English” movement a presidential campaign issue, and a recent US News and World Report (“One Nation, One Language” “Would making English the nation’s official language unite the country or divide it”.” US News and World Report, 25 septembre 1995 , 38-48.)
In Australia, the debate continues over the ongoing thrust of current language polciy which has redifined national language policy . The policy once promoted English and other community languages as part of a communtiy model. A redefined policy now focuses on English literacy and language and the development of key foreign languages with economic rationalistic models.
167: The Australian morphological variant, me and me sister, or the US Southern variant I’m a-fixin’ to go have over 500 year dialectal history.
For some reason, thes people needee these linguistic forms as part of their sociocultural identity, and so they remain, often as part of speakers’ register repertoire.
Many of these people are part of a larger group labelled by Lave (Lave, J. Cognition in Practive. Boston Massachusetts: Cambridge University Press, 1988.) as JPFs, just plain folks.

Corson, D. and S. Lemay (1996). Social Justice and Language Policy in Education: The Canadian Research. Toronto, OISE Press.

150: …education often routinely represses, dominates, and disempowers language users whose practices differ from the norms it establishes.
154-155: Language policies (dans les trois pays qui nous intéressent):

Cortanze (de), G. (2002). Assam. Paris, Albin Michel.

p. 42: Ca ne fait que commencer. Crois-moi. La suite sera bien pire. Un exemplaire de La Gazette de Turin dépassait d’une des poches de cuir pendant de la portière du carrosse. Aventino la prit, et la lut avidement. Un article déplorait le mauvais état des routes et des véhicules. Voyager en Italie n’était pas une sinécure: innombrables frontières, douanes, censures, misérables petites formalités de toutes sortes, “mauvaise volonté et incapacité exaspérante des divers gouvernements à se mettre d’accord à ce sujet” notait l’article, ajoutant “et si l’on est noble, il faut même demander la permission expresse de quitter son Etat natal. Quand donc cette gabegie cessera-t-elle?”. Ippolito s’était endormi. Aventino avait posé le journal et regardait la route défiler lentement sous ses yeux. Quel affreux sentiment que celui de cette Italie divisée qui allait s’engager en ordre dispersé dans la guerre, car il ne s’agissait pas d’autre chose. Les gens de Plaisance haïssaient ceux de Parme, ceux de Reggio avaient les mêmes sentiments envers ceux de Modène, les Piémontais méprisaient les Génois, les Siennois se considéraient comme absolument différents des Florentins, les habitants de Vérone3 n’aimaient pas Venise, les Romains trouvaient les Napolitains détestables…L’Italie avait tant de haines diverses, tant de coutumes différentes! Chaque Etat possédait sa monnaie, ses poids et ses mesures, ses milles dont le nombre de toises variait à chaque kilomètre; les frontières entre Etats multipliaient les difficultés fiscales, monétaires, arithmétiques, chronologiques, bureaucratiques. Et que dire des dialectes, nombreux, qu’on retrouvait même sur les scènes des comédies et des opéras-comiques. Qu’on le veuille ou non, César Borgia avait été le dernier homme capable de donner à l’Italie son unité et son indépendance. L’Italie d’aujourd’hui était une Italie morte, et son nom n’avait plus d’importance que pour les géographes, les dilettantes et les touristes frivoles.
58: (…)Tu sais combien j’aime l’Italie, et bien que je sois si fort épris d’elle, Dieu sait combien plus doux que le nom de toutes les autres contrées de l’Italie est pour moi celui du Piémont. Le pays de nos ancêtres: ton pays. Ce pays aujourd’hui est en danger.
-Oui, bien sûr, isolé culturellement et idéologiquement par rapport à l’Italie et à l’Europe, absent dans le débat européen des Lumières…., avança Aventino.
– Je ne te parle pas de cela, ni de la mort en prison de Pietro Giannone. Nous ne sommes plus en 1735,. Je te parle d’aujourd’hui.
Le Général de Saint-Amour prit la parole, comme on s’empare d’une redoute, baïonnette au canon:
– Pendant que certains portent aux nues les métier de bandit, et méprisent celui de soldat, et qu’on va jusqu’à écrire dans les colonnes de La Gazette de Turin que +les militaires sont des brigands privilégiés qui se font la guerre à des brigands qui ne le sont pas”….Pendant qu’on se chamaille pour savoir qui des parles d’oc et d’oïl, des parles allemands des “Walser”, des dialectes de la vallée padane et de la Ligurie, ou du piémontais utilisé dans le nord-ouest du pays, devrait être la langue dominante…Notre pays “deçà et delà les Monts” comme disait le disait déjà en 1682 le Theatrum Sabaudiae, est en danger dans l’intégrité même de ses frontières.
259: (…) le maharajah trônait, majestueux. C’était un beau vieillard aux cheveux blancs. Il n’avait pas vu d’Européens depuis si longtemps…Percy le baisa au front, suivant l’usage, et lui offrit les présents qu’il avait apportés d’Italie sur els conseils de monsieur de Saint-Lubin:
– Veuillez, Votre Grandeur, accepter ce fusil, afin que le feu consume vos ennemis; cette épée d’Alessandria, pour que le fer les extermine; cette Vierge à l’enfant, symbole de l’humanité du Christ, cette pendules de Vinci, incrustée de figures allégoriques sur le passage du temps; ces écuelles de vermeil ciselé, ces majoliques florentines et ces faïences de Faenza; ces deux caisses de fleurs artificielles, enfin, inaltérables comme notre amitié.
Croyant l’honorer, le maharajah, le remercia en anglais. S’apercevant de son erreur, il dit en souriant:
– Je croyais l’anglais était une langue universelle.
– Pas encore, ventrebleu! pas encore! bougonna le capitaine.
On eut donc recours aux services de Moodajee.
262: Deux heures durant, les bayadères entonnèrent des chants monotones sur un diapason aigu (…) . Percy ricanait, estimant que forcer des jeunes filles à ne se nourrir que de végétaux, et les astreindre q1uotidiennement à des prières et à des ablutions, relevait de la sottise, et se demandant même s’il n’aurait pas mieux valu mettre ces bayadères dans le lit des hommes afin de leur apprendre ce qu’était la vraie vie. Aventino ne savait que dire. Honteux qu’un Européen vaniteux réagisse ainsi. Un sourire échangé avec le maharajah le rassura. Que lui importait une telle réaction, semblait dire son regard, les Indes étaient un pays si vaste, si riche, un continent. Quel poids, la sottise de ce petit homme pouvait-elle avoir face à une telle vastitude? Il était bien comme ces Anglais qui pensaient s’installer aux Indes pour l’éternité! Un grand et prodigieux vocable une si négligeable aventure humaine….
531: – Le problème, il est là. C’est la langue qui a conduit les troupes italiennes engagées auprès des Français à la défaite. Les soldats ne se comprenaient pas entre eux! Il n’y a que les intellectuels et les riches citadins à parler l’”italien”, les autres ne s’expriment que dans les dialectes régionaux.
– Et bien voilà, tu l’as trouvé ton combat, Aventino: l’unité italienne.

Coulmas, F. (1991). “The Language Trade in the Asian Pacific.” Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 2: 1-27.

(1992). Language and Economy. Oxford, Basil Blackwell.

Courtney, J. C. (1996). Do Conventions Matter? : Choosing National Party Leaders in Canada, McGill Queens University Press.

Amazon Card catalog description
Do Conventions Matter? provides a complete overview of national party conventions in Canada. Courtney describes national party
conventions from 1919 to 1993, including the selection of Stanfield, Trudeau, Broadbent, Clark, Mulroney, Turner, McLaughlin,
Chretien, Campbell, and Manning. He compares leadership selection practices in Canada with those in the United States, Britain,
and Australia, and shows that Canadian conventions remain a distinctive means of choosing party leaders. Focusing on modern
developments in the convention process, Courtney highlights changes in representation over the last thirty years, addresses
criticisms about costs and delegate selection practices, and examines the role of the media. He concludes with an examination of
the future of conventions in the context of Canadian democracy, given skyrocketing costs, the movement to reform political parties,
and the push towards a universal membership vote. He argues convincingly that the objectives of greater representation and
greater democracy explain both the emergence of our tradition of conventions to choose the leaders of federal parties and its
possible demise in the near future.
Table of Contents
Preface
Diagrams, Tables, and Appendices
1. Introduction
2. Two Generations of Leadership Conventions
3. A Party’s Backstop: Leadership Review
4. Mega-Bucks for Mega-Conventions
5. “Mediated” Conventions: From Print to Tube
6. Three Conventions in Four Years
7. Who’s There? Representative Conventions
8. The Demographics of Leadership
9. From Announcement Day to Acceptance Day: The Net Worth of Networks
10. Who Wins? Convention Coalitions
11. Mail Order Leadership: One Member, One Vote
12. Federal Leadership Selection Reforms: The Wave of the Future?
13. Do Conventions Matter? Parties, Conventions and Canadian Democracy
Tables
Appendices
Notes
Bibliography
Index

Craven, I., Ed. (1994). Australian Popular Culture. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Crawford, James. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

13:Scholars believe that the first Americans simply wandered in fromAsia, crossing the Benng Strait from Siberia to Alaska. Although these prehistoric nomads preceded the Europeans by thousands of years, they–the ancestors of the ‘hative” Amencans–were migrants nonetheless. It is believed that at the time of the first European arrivals, there were more than a million natives living in what is today the contiguous United States. Spreading out over their new continent, they formed new nations. The Apache and Nauajo would eventually settle in the southwestern deserts; the Kickapoo in the central prairies; the Cheyenne, Pawnee, and Crow in the northern plains; the Comanche in the southern plains: the Washo in the Great Basin; the Natcher and Arawak along the Gulf Coast; the Taino and Carib in the Caribbean Basin; the Chickasaw, Choctaw, Cherokee, Creek, and Shawnee in the southeastern woodlands; the Lenni Lenape along the mideastern seaboard; the Mohegan, Ottawa, Cayuga, Mohawk. Delaware, and Seneca in the northeastern woodlands; and others–all having their own peculiar ntuals, culture, and language or dialect.
prior to the arrival of the Europeans, more than five hundred languages were spoken in North America.’
The first part of (what is today) the United States to be settled by the Europeans was Puerto I~co. The island was colonized by Juan Pence de LeOn in 1508, fifteen years after it had been visited by Christopher Columbus
After serving as puerto I~co’s first governor. Ponce de Leon migrated toward the North Amencan continent, reaching its southern peninsula in 1513. He explored the area,named it Florida, resettled there, and became its first governor. The lands discovered by Ponce de Leon and Juan de Garay were given in 1527 to Panfilo de Narvaez by the King of Spain.
The lands discovered by Ponce de León and Juan de Garay were given in 1527 to Pánfilo de Narváez by the king of Spain. Ponce de León was followed by Alonso de Pineda. who reached the mouth of the Mississippi River in 1519.
The Spanish established a colony (which did not survive) in the Carolinas in 1526, sixty years before Sir Walter Raleigh made a similar unsuccessful attempt· Around 1529, when he was governor of Florida, Narváez visited Louisiana,with Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca. In 1536 Hernando Cortés visited California and Cabeza de Vaca explored Texas. In 1539 Hernando de Soto visited Georgia and Tennessee, García López de Cárdenas discovered the Grand Canyon of Colorado, General Francisco Vásquez de Coronado explored New Mexico and Kansas, and Hernando Alarcón discovered the Colorado River. In1541 de Soto discovered the Mississippi River near Memphis. The following year; twenty years before French colonizers reached the New World. Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo. a portuguese. became the first European to set foot on the Pacific Coast, by the San Diego harbor.
The first permanent European settlement on this contment was Spanish-speaking, St. Augustine, established in 1565 by Pedro Menéndez de Aviles (later governor of Florida) on a site where French Huguenots had failed two years earlier. The colony remained Spanish far more than two and a half centuries. In 1566 the colony of Santa
Elena was founded at the site of today’s Parris Island marine base in South Carolina. The settlement. which lasted twenty-one years. had sixty houses and reached a population of four hundred. It served as the capital of Spanish Florida. In 1573 Pedro Márquez discovered the Chesapeake Bay and in 1582-five years before the first attempt to establish an English colony there (which failed)–Antonio de Espejo explored and named New Mexico. Sixteen Years later Juan de Oñate led four hundred soldiers and their cattle into New Mexico and settled in the territory. Spaniards held a virtual monopoly over the southern half of this country for one entire Century before the arrival of other Europeans. They conducted explorations. discovering and naming many of our national landmarks and spreading the gospel among the natives. Jesuits accompanying these pioneers used the autochthonous dialects of Florida, as Well as Spanish, to teach Christianity to the natives. A similar bilingual approach was used by Franciscan missionaries in the Southwest by Dominicans elsewhere. Spain’s domain in the Western Hemisphere between the early sixteenth and nineteenth centunes extended southward to include Mexico, all of Central and South America except Brazil, and most of the Carribbean Islands. It seemed possible during the sixteenth century that Spanish would become not only the language of the Western Hemisphere, but of the entire world. That possibility was terminated by the defeat of the Spanish Armada by the British in 1588, as well as by further Spanish defeaths y the French, who in the mid-seventeenth century became the leading power in Europe.
18:During the eighteenth centurv, the German Lutheran and Reformed churches built a comprehensive private elementary schoolsystem, which at times received public funds. By the beginning of the Revolutionary War, 78 Reformed and 40 Lutheran parochial schools were thriving, and the total number (in both denominations) increased to 254 by 1800.8 As the number of Germans increased. public schools began to adjust their programs to the needs of these children. Instruction in several districts in Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas, and later Wisconsin was given in German often to the exclusion of English. It is quite obvious that this nation was born multilingual and multicultural, despite the indisputable fact that English became accepted as a iingua franca.
14: The French came to the New World in 1534, and by the end of the sixteenth century, France had established colonies in the St. Lawrence Valley, the region around Lake Superio, and the northern part of the Ohio Valley. In 1605 they settled Acadia, off the coast of Canada.
first person of Chinese descent ever to serve in the Cabinet of a Western nation.
This example, and thousands of other success stories, are why Vancouver is now often referred to as the newest capital of Asia.
Canada and Vancouver are proud to host this year’s APEC Leaders’ Meeting. And it is a great privilege for me — as Prime Minister of Canada — to Chair APEC ’97. We decided to make the University of British Columbia the focal point of our meetings this week. Knowledge and innovation are the keys to prosperity for all peoples in the new global economy. And nothing shows the value which our government places on these vital areas better than showing off this truly world class Canadian university.
As you all know, we have designated 1997 as Canada’s Year of Asia Pacific. We did this to celebrate the Asia-Pacific dimension of Canadian life. The Leaders’ Meeting and the CEO Summit mark the highlight of our year-long celebration.
This opportunity for dialogue will certainly contribute to a deeper understanding of the opportunities and challenges that exist in the Asia Pacific region. APEC leaders will be listening closely to what you have to say.
Ladies and gentlemen, Canada has always been an open, trading nation.
We have always understood that enhanced trade and investment flows are the engines of economic growth and prosperity. Indeed, we are living proof. For us moving goods, services and people more freely is not an end in itself, but the means to a greater end. It is the best way to generate the wealth necessary to make investments in the well-being of people. It is for this reason that we have championed liberalized trade regionally and globally.
And this deep, deep belief has motivated our approach to the evolution of APEC and our vision of an integrated Asia-Pacific community.
We understand that providing effective leadership — in business or in politics — presents many challenges. In my experience, a very important quality of leadership is the ability to deal with short- term issues in a manner that promotes fundamental long-term objectives. And it is in this context that I would like to share my views with you on recent events in Asia, as well as on our work in APEC.
The last few months have seen the kind of activity in some economies and on world financial markets that has caused real concern for governments and investors worldwide. These developments have provided a compelling illustration of the reality of globalization.
They have also raised profound concerns not only about how best to respond to these problems but, as well, about the longer-term economic prospects for some countries in the region.
Let me address both of these points.
Earlier this week, in Manila, our senior officials met to agree on a series of measures to respond to the current problems some APEC members are facing. They arrived at a series of agreements on economic and financial cooperation which I and the other Leaders will focus on here.
The agreements in Manila were intended to do two things. First, to ies and to provide for strong growth in the future.
Our government has worked hard to live by these principles. And as Prime Minister of Canada — before a group of some of the most important investors in the world — I want to take a few minutes to report on where we stand and where we are going.
Over the last four years, Canada has created almost one million new jobs. Our interest rates have fallen far below those of the United States. Our rate of inflation is lower than 2 per cent. Our growth is running at close to 4 per cent. And we have the highest rate of job creation in the G-7.
Today, all the international forecasters are predicting that Canada will enter the next century with the best economic performance of the G-7 countries.
We have removed the burden on the future that the deficit represented. We have already begun reducing the debt as a proportion of the size of the economy. We have already begun paying down our marketable debt. And we have begun investing in the needs of our people.
Once again, Canada is a great place in which to invest and do business. It is a preferred point of access to a North American market of 386 million people. Our entrepreneurs are bold. Our workers are highly skilled. Our transportation and communication systems have no peer. We are at the forefront of the use of information technology. We have good schools and safe neighbourhoods. Our quality of life has been rated the best in the world by the United Nations for the last four years in a row. We are blessed with an unmatched respect for diversity. A diversity wonderfully on display here in Vancouver. And which makes us open to the Asia Pacific as no other nation.
Earlier this month, I received “A Call to Action” the report of the APEC Business Advisory Council (ABAC). I congratulate the Council for a job well done. They have made important recommendations, some of which I would like to comment upon.
The Council recognized the importance to developing economies of building a modern infrastructure. They estimate that as much as $1.5 trillion will be needed for infrastructure projects between now and the year 2004. And they urged the creation of an Infrastructure Investment Initiative to increase private sector investment.
Private sector capital is clearly essential. So, later this week, I hope my fellow leaders and I will renew our commitment to a framework for new partnerships with the private sector for greater infrastructure investment. I would also like to see a new emphasis put on environmental infrastructure — what we call green technologies. In these lie the key for all of us to dealing with the crucial issues of global warming and climate change.
In recent years, small- and medium-sized businesses have been creating most of the new jobs in Canada. But they remain under-represented among the region’s exporters. Given the reliance of the Canadian economy on trade — 40 per cent of our GDP — our SMEs must gain better access to Asian opportunities. So, I support the recommendation that SMEs be helped in this regard by way of the Internet.
One aspect of your “Call to Action” was especially gratifying. The section outlining how government and business can work together on community investments — even when they may not show immediate profit — shows that when APEC means business it really means people.
Ladies and gentlemen, APEC’s vision is a bold and wise one; bold in daring to create a single — yet diverse — Asia Pacific economic community; wise in the pay off that our strength of purpose will have on the quality of life of our peoples.
Ours is a relationship based on an economic partnership — freely joined — and founded on the genuine belief that cooperation provides the best path for common prosperity. Our common objectives must be: a strong economy, strong social programs, a healthy environment and respect for human rights.
This year’s meeting is about putting this APEC vision into action. At the end of this Leaders’ meeting, all 18 economies will agree to speed up the move to freer trade. We will be announcing — two years ahead of schedule — sectors where we will reduce tariff and non-tariff barriers. Some of these will go beyond our commitments within the World Trade Organization.
That is what I call results. That is what I call momentum. That is what I call irreversible movement toward a free trade area in the Asia Pacific.
I know that the next few days will be stimulating and rewarding for you. And I invite you to get to know the Canadian CEOs who are present. Their eagerness to explore new opportunities expresses Canada’s deep interest in the Asia Pacific far better than my words.
Theirs is a spirit that is on the rise from coast to coast to coast in Canada. And it is a spirit that will carry us into the 21st century — the Asia Pacific century.

Combesque, Agnès. 1999. Comme des papillons vers la lumière. Le Monde Diplomatique (Décembre 1999):16 et 17.

Commissaire, aux Langues Officielles. 1990. Rapport Annuel 1989. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.

1991. Rapport Annuel 1990. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
1992. Rapport Annuel 1991. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
1993. Rapport Annuel 1992. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.
1994. Rapport Annuel 1993. Ottawa: Commissariat aux Langues Officielles.

Craven, I., ed. 1994. Australian Popular Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Crawford, James, ed. 1988. The Rights of Peoples. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Crawford, James. 1989. Bilingual Education: History, Politics, Theory and Practice. Trenton, New Jersey: Crane Publishing.

Preface: mentionne l’engagement important des Australiens dans le fait de faire évoluer le droit des peuples en parainant notamment deux symposia en Australie en Mars et Juin 1985, dont la plupart des articles de l’ouvrage sont issus.22:”They call her a young country but they lie” A.D. Hope, Australia

23: Le cas de l’Australie est notable dans la mesure où ses antécédents post-modernes demeurent visibles dans la conscience culturelle contemporaine (…) Le point de vue des aborigènes correspond de façon particulièrement adéquate à une perspective écologique (…). Il est important pour nous tous de peéserver ces modèles sociaux de succès écologique et cela nous fournit une rason pragmatique de sauvegarder les peuples aborigènes. Cela revient à dire que la protection du point de vue aborigène n’est pas une entreprise paternaliste, mais la reconnassance croissante d’une expression éclairée d’auto-intérêt.Crawford, Ed. (1988). The Rights of Peoples. Oxford, Clarendon Press.

111: a faire figurer dans la section 2, dans la conclu-transition: la question des droits des peuples abo.

Against this background, 5 major categories of claim which have at some stage been pressed on Australian Govements by Abo and Torres Strait Islander people may be identified:

a- land rights (on several possible bases -i.e. traditional association, long occupancy, economic need, or compensation for dispossession.
b- Rights associated with land rights (i.e. control of access to Abo lands, self-managemetn on abo lands, an effective voice on issues of resources develpment, progtection of sacred and significan sites, hunting and fishing rights.
c- self-management (especially in regard to lands occupied by Abo people, but also in regard to Abo affairs generally and particularly in the delivery of services for Abos)
d- special assistance (in matters of health, housing, education, emplyment, justice and so on, not only on the basis of evident present need, but also on the basis of compensaton for past dispossession)
e- cultural identity (recognition as a people, and recognition of specific cultural needs in regard to land, sacred and significat sites, law, languages and other aspects of culture.
112:a faire figurer dans la section 2, dans la conclu-transition: la question des droits des peuples abo, avant celle des Australiens si possible.
Compared with Australia, the situation of indigenous peoples in Canada presents contrasts as well as similarities. (en note, cf. Keon-Cohen, B. and B. Morse (1984). Indigenous Land Rights in Australia and Canada. Aborigenes and the Law. P. Hanks and K.-C. B. Sydney, George Allen and Unwin: 74.). One major contrast arises from the fact that in Canada the Crown did sign treaties with some (though not all) of the native peoples. Another contrast is that, independently of treaties, aboriginal land rights in Canada are judicially recognized. Moreover, since confederation in 1867, the Canadian Government has had exclusive legislative prower over “Indians and lands reserved for the Indians”. The Constitution Act 1982 defined the aboriginal peoples of Canada as pcomprising Indians, Metis and Inuit and recongnized and affirmed “existing aboriginal and treaty rights”. The Consitution also established a process (the First Ministers’ conferences, FMC) WHEREBY THE LEADERS OF THE FEDERAL, PROVINCIAL and territory governments and of four natioanl native peoples’ organizatins would attempt toidentify those rights. Thus Canada’s abo peoples have constitutional recognition not just as the objject of legislative power but as the possessors of rights worthy of recongition at the constitutional level.
Much of the current Canadian deb ate focuses on theright to self-government. The report of a parliamentary committee in 1983 proposed recognition of Canada’s native peoples as constituting a separate level of governement. The Trudeau government drafted a bill which offered much less than the report recommended – indeed, not much more than local govenment powers on Indian reserve lands. That Bill lapsed with the change of govenment. Aboriginal self-govement remains as the major item on the agenda for the last of the currently mandated FMC meetings for April 1987.
Land rights have been recognized in the court, though there has been no authoritative judicial analysis of the nature and extent of those rights. . The Indians and Inuit have gained considerable negotiating strengh from judicial recongnition that their rights survived in common law despite the acquisition of British sovereignty.
113: faire figurer dans la section 2, dans la conclu-transition: la question des droits des peuples abo, avant celle des Australiens si possible.
In Canada as in Australia, land rights seem to lie at the heart of indigenous claims on the wider society. Not all indigenous communities retain sufficient connection with traditional lands to themselves be dirct beneficiaries of settlement. But the claim to land rights also has a simbolic significance: to acknowledge the rights in land of some indigenous people is to acknowledge the prior indigenous ownership of the entire cournty.
The nature of the claims is very similar to the claims being advanced by Australia’s Abo peoples, but they are being advance in Canada from a strongerbase of judicial recongition and some treaty recongnition, and to a large extent in the context of the national constitution.
Ne pas oublier qu’il existe également des international claims que les nations unies définissent ainsi:

The right to life, to physical integrity and to security of indigenous populations

the right to land and to natural resources
the right to autonomy or self-determination, and political insitutions and represnetation of indigenous populations
the right to develop their own cultural traditions, language, religous practices, and way of life

the economic and social rights of indigenous population.
116: faire figurer dans la section 2, dans la conclu-transition: la question des droits des peuples abo, avant celle des Australiens si possible.

10 classes of claims which can apply to indigenous rights

physical survival (not confined to indigenous peoples).
Crawford, James. 1992. Hold your Tongue. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company.

45-46: German was the language of command in numerous Union regiments from Pennsyvania, New York, Wisconsin, Missouri, Illinois and other states.By far the most important recognition of minority tongues was inthe schools. beginning with ohio in 1839, a dozen states and territories passed laws territories passed laws explicitly authorining bilingual public education. Several others gave it their unofficial blessing. German was pervasrve, nor just as a subject but as a medium of Instruction, in the rural Midwest and in cities like Cincinnati, Indianapolis, Baltimore, Milwaukee, and Sr. Louis. Rather than support Irish-dominated parochial schools, German Catholics in New York City sent their children to public schools that offered German-language classrooms. Such education was usually bilingual, but not always. In 1888, Missouri’s superintendent of public instruction complained, that “in a large number of districts of the State . . . the schools are mainly taught in the German language and sometimes entirely so. .. . Some of the teachers are scarcely able to speak the English language.” German parents also sent their children to Catholic or Lutheran schools that strived to maintain Deufschtum, a cultural sense of “German-ness.” By the year 1900, there were at least 600,000 children, about 4 percent of American elementary school enrollment, public and parochial, receiving part or all of their education in the German language. Smaller ethnic communities-Dutch. Scandinavians, Czechs, Poles, and Italians–were often successful in pressuring public schools to add their native tongues as subjects in the curriculum.
47-49: (au XIXème siècle) The Germans themselves were of several minds. Outside of Pennsylvaniadeutsch country, most colonial Germans had long since assimilated. Later immigrants, by contrast, often retained hopes of recreating a German nation on free soil, or of building isolated communities of God. Resisting English was a means to these ends. Such tendencies prompted assimilationists like Carl Schurz to lecture their brethren: “Let us never forger that we as Germans are not called upon here to form a separate nationality…. It is by unity of speech and harmony of thought that the ultimate American is to be the light of civililation.” But this message was largely unavailing.
Pride in Deutrchfum, the tradition of Goethe, Schiller, and Mozart, was all that had sustained many rmmigrants in their difficult passage. Few were inclined to sacrifice it for some narrow vision of patriotism. Schurz himself insisted on an “iron rule” of German use at home and brooded over his younger children’s preference for English.
In 1890, most German immigrants still drew a distinction between anglicization and Americanization. “There a no reason why we should hate English, nor is there any reason why a true American should not look upon German with tender regard,” argued Conrad Krec, an opponent of rhe so-called Bennett Law, which mandated English-only instruction in Wisconsin. He continued: The English and German (have) lived together for 200 years as good neighbors in peace and amity without one attempt on either side to force his language on the other. They became one people without compulsory education laws, and the Germans were always good citizens and patriots. Why all at once this war on the Germans here in Wisconsin as well as in Illinois! For the Bennett law indeed means war…. [It is] a foolish law, a tyrannical law and an unconstltutlonal law.. . . As long as German is spoken in Wisconsin, equal justice, law, and constitutional freedom will never lack a defender.
Some of Krer’s allies went so iar as to propose that German be recognized as the rweite ~prache, or second language, of the state.
One pamphleteer argued: “it is no more a foreign language than the English language, which like the German was not spoken by the natives of this Country, bur was imported from foreign lands.”
Fur the Rennett Law’s defenders, this reaction confrmed that a language problem existed. Their leader was Governor Hoard, an earnest if bumbling Republican, who adopted as his 1890 campaign slogan: “The Little Schoolhouse: Stand By it!” Hardly a xenophobe, Hoard was by most accounts a naive apostle of assimilationist education. He found it intolerable that some American-born children in Lutheran and Catholic schools were failing to learn English (a phenomenon eagerly sensationalized by the Milwaukee Sentinel). By election day the governor was warning that German-language instruction “will be a menace to the progress of civilization and the perpetuity of our institutions.”
This assessment lacked credibility for the bulk of Wisconsin voters, a majority of whom were either immigrants or the children of immigrants. Everyone knew that most Germans learned English our of economic necessity. If some preferred to keep to themselves, send their children to parochial schools, and preserve their native tongue, where was the harm! Democrats recognized the political opening and exphired it. At every campaign stop, one candidate repeated the question: “What is the difference if you say,’two and two make four’ or ‘zwei und zwei machen vier’r” The Kepublicans had no effective answer. Soiled by the suggestion of nativism, they were buried in a landslide, losing the governorship, 3 majoritv in the legislature, and virtually every Congressional seat. (A similar fate befell Illinois Republicans two years later.) Never enforced, the Bennett Law was stricken from the books in 1891, although it appears to have had an indirect impact. Wisconsin’s public schools redoubled their efforts to teach English, and while parochial-school attendance increased, the proportion of German instruction declined.
50-51: Puerto Rico now became “Porto Rico.” The anglicized spelling was officially maintained until 1932, appeasing the Yankee’s vanity as much as his hard-edged tongue, a dailv reminder of his resolve to northamericanize the island. “English is the chief source, practically the only source, of democratic ideas in Porto Rico,” Clark asserted. Democracy, however, was not on the agenda. Samuel McCune Lindsay, appointed as Puerto Rico’s commissioner of education in 1902, spoke more to the point: “Colonization carried forward by the armies of war is vastly more costly than that carried forward by the armies of peace, whose outposts and garrisons are the public schools of the advancing nation.” He resolved, “as soon as pupils and teachers can he trained sufficiently in the use of the English language, to make it the official language of the school room.”
By 1909, 607 out of Puerto Rico’s 678 grade schools had been anglicized–an amazing feat at a time when English was
spoken by only 3.6 percent of Puerto Ricans. While Spanish war retained as a subject, English became the basic medium of instruction. In practice, this meant that children spent much of their time parroting a language they had no occasion to use outside of class, while other subjects were generally neglected. Predictably, most students left school before completing the third grade. Puerto Kicans naturally resented the subordination of their vernacular, which had the effect of denying an education to all but a lew native elites. By 1913, the island’s legislature was demanding the reinstatement of Spanish, but U.S. officials blocked the change. Thereafter, the isale became inseparable from the larger question of Puerto Rico’s political status: a rest of wills between colonizer and colonized, in which North Americans asserted their good intentions against puerto Ricans’ stated desires. Amid mass protests by teachers and students, Education Commissioner Paul G. Miller maintained in 1919: “As citizens of the United States, the children of Pora, Rico possess an inalienable right to learn the English language”
The mandatory English policy would affect three generations of schoolchildren before it was finally scrapped, an acknowledged failure, in 1949. Spanish instruction was restored (over the objections of president Truman) only after the island had won a measure of political autonomy.
51: The new ethic was evident in policies toward New Mexico, an internal colony of sorts, where Spanish speakers still predominated half a century after the Mexican-American War. The territory had yet to become a stare, unlike the more anglicized precincts of California, Texas, and Colorado. Accustomed to provincial isolation since 1598, New Mexico had changed little in the first decades of American rule. In the 1870s the territorial legislature still operated mainly in Spanish, with laws later translated into English. Jury trials were held in English in only two of fourteen counties. A mere 5 percent of New Mexico’s schools used English as the language of instruction, while 69 percent taught in Spanish and 26 percent were bilingual. Then, quire suddenly, New Mexicans encountered the wider world of railroads, land speculators, and Anglo-American settlers. In 1902, Senator Beveridge led a congressional delegation to the Southwest to investigate the question of statehood, privately, the prophet of Anglo-Saxon destiny viewed Spanish speakers as a benighted group of half-castes, unqualified to govern themselves. 50 rather than conduct an impartial inquiry, he orchestrated it to reach a negative result. After a perfunctory tour and a closed-door hearing, the committee returned to Washington with a report that stressed New Mexicans’ shortcomings. It noted, for example, that 33 per cent could read neither English nor Spanish, while ignoring the remarkable progress made since 1870, when illiteracy stood at 75 percent. The Beveridge Report concluded: On the whole, the Committee feel that in the course of time, when education, now only practically beginning, shall have accomplished its work; when the mass of the people, or even a majority of them shall, in the usages and employment of their daily life, have become identical m language and customs with the great body of the American people; when the immigration of English speaking people who have been citizens of other states does its modifying work with the Mexican element; when all these things have come to pass, the Committer hopes and believes that this mass of people, unlike us in race, language, and social customs, will fmally come to form a creditable portion of American citizenship. [Emphasis added.]
After further maneuvering, the statehood bill was defeated.’
By the time New Mexico finally joined the Union in 1912, migration had given Ang]o-Americans a popular plurality over Hispanos and Indians, albeit a narrow one. While consenting to statehood, Congress nevertheless sought to counteract what Beveridge termed “the curious continuance of the solidarity of the Spanish-speaking people.” Enabling legislation instructed New Mexico and Arizona (admitted simultaneously) to adopt state constitutions establishing “a system of public schools, which . . . shall always be conducted in English” and making “ability to read, write, speak, and understand the English language sufficiently well to conduct the duties of the office without the need of an interpreter…a necessary qualification for all State officers and members of the State legislature.”
But New Mexicans resisted these conditions. Delegates to the 1910 instrutional convention rarified several provisions that effectively undercut the language requirements: antidiscrimination protections tor Spanish speakers in “uting and education, a mandate for the training of teachers in Spanish, and the bilingual publication of stare documents for twenty years. Congress suhsequently backed away from the English requirement for office holding, fearing it might prove unconstitutional. And despite the mandate for English-language schooling, the legislature passed numerous laws creating loopholes for bilingual Instruction. Linguistic libertarianism flowered in New Mexico, even as it began to wither elsewhere.
In 1906,Congress approved a major change in U.S. naturalisation policy: citizenship would henceforth be denied to
Immigrants unable to speak English. This was the first language restriction ot any kind to be enacted in federal law, and it signaled a significant shift in policy toward Immigrants as well.
53: Americans had long recognized the human right to pull up stakes and move to a better place. Thus far the United States had been willing to take in virtually anyone with a white skin and a “yearning to breathe free.” A certain self-righteousness was entailed in offering asylum to huddled masses, not to mention an appetite for their labor. Yet therr was also an enormous faith in the nation’s assimilative capacity, with its wide open spaces and pioneer traditions. Apart from the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, Congress had never distinguished between desirable and undesirable newcomers on the basis of ethnicity. (Nor had most nativists, for that matter, who despised foreigners in general.) But after I890, the changing sources of the immigrant stream became a matter of public notice and concern. The arrival of new non-English-speaking groups -Jews, Italians, Creeks, Magyars, Poles -coincided with the “closing” of the frontier. Unlike the Germans and Scandinavians who came before, these Immigrants settled mostly in urban centers, where their poverty, appearance, and manners attracted the horrified stares of Anglo-Americans.
56-57: Had it not been for World War I, worries about English might well have remained restricred to tactori owners and settlement-house workers. But conflict in Europe had the effect of highlighting the persistence of Old World ties, language among them, and it raised a new specter: “hyphenated Americanism” This was an age of discontent, as captive nations chafedunder the Kaiser, the Czar, and the Austro- Monarchy. Refugees who had been prevented from developing a literate culture in their homelands now did so in America, and many hatched liberation movements as well.
Lithuanians described the United States as “the second birthplace of the nationality.” For others, the act of immigrating itself–the loneliness, the indifferent or hostile reception, the yearning for the familiar-fostered an ethnic consciousness· Even those who planned never to return home tended to remain preoccupied with developments there. As the United States was drawn into war, immigrants were drawn into politics as ethnic minorities.
57-58: Most noticeable were the German Americans. More than 8 million strong in 1910 iincluding 2.5 million immigrants), they remained the largest non-anglophone group and, thus far, the most tolerated, a “racially” and culturally preferred minority. German was the language of more than 550 publications, along with countless singing societies, gymnastics assooatlons, pnvate academies, and other institutions dedicated to preserving deutsche Kultur in Amerika. On the eve of war, the German American writer Julius Goebel ridiculed the melting pot notion as “a sort of forced uniformity [which] would mean the destruction of all that we regard as holiest in our peopleand its culture. . . our speech, our customs, and our views of life.” In 1914, such views were within the mainstream of ethnic opinion. But when German organizations and newspapers began agitating for U.S. neutraliry, Deutschtum was suddenly discovered to be a “pan-German” plot to prevent assimilation and thereby aid the Kaiser.
“A hyphenated American is nor an American at all,” proclaimed Theodore Roosevelt. This slogan aptly summarizes the xenophobia that followed. Beginning as a popular rage against German-ness, it flowered into paranoia toward foreign influences of all kinds. “100 Percent Americanism” demanded absolute loyalty, which was understood to mean absolute conformity, especially in matters of language.
The United States’s entry into the war brought sweeping restrictions on German speech. While some were innocuous-sauerkraut was renamed “Liberty cabbage”; hamburger became “Salisbury steak”-many involved wholesale violations of the First Amendment. Under the guise of preventing espionage, numerous communities and some states banned the use of German in public places: schools, churches, lecture halls, trains, even on the telephone. One could be fined $25 for speaking German on the streets of Findlay, Ohio. Public libraries in Chicago and Cincinnati removed German volumes from the shelves. School officials in Columbus collected German textbooks and sold them to a wastepaper company for 50cents a hundredweight (a sensible alternative to the book burnings in other Ohio towns). Authorities in St. Louis and Milwaukee closed down German theaters. German conductors and opera singers faced harassment in several cities. In an editorial entitled “Westerners Do Things thoroughly,” the New York Timer praised South Dakota’s quasi-official vigilantes, the State Council of Defense, for outlawing religious services, public speeches, and all forms of instruction in German. It supported “even more farreaching prohibitions” by the governor of iowa but questioned why neither state had yet restricrcd the German-language press. (foreign-language periodicals already had to file a translation of their contents for approval by thepostmaster) In midwestern states alone, nearly eighteen thousand persons were charged with violating anti-German statures and emergency decrees.’” Meanwhile school boards throughout the country were abolishing the study of German as a foreign language.
90-91: Miami is where Angle-Americans’ worst fears converge: a U.S. city overrun and finally hijacked by foreigners. A place where Americanization has given way to Latinization and where the natives, more than the newcomers, feel pressure to adapt.
A community where the Cuban influence is so pervasive that one must learn Spanish or cease being a full participant. i Bienvenido a Miami! To resist the bilingual imperative here is to invite daily indignities–trouble finding a sales clerk who speaks good English;
Hispanics joking in the elevator about God-knows-what (the grim Anglo, perhaps?); a growing section of the newspaper that is inaccessible. And worse than the language barrier, there is an attitude that rankles: an obvious disdain for English. Though most Cubans can function in both worlds, they clearly prefer their own, as if, given a choice, they find the Anglo’s lacking. So they have recreated Havana without Castro on American soil, using Spanish to consolidate their new regime. For many Old Miamians there is a sense of losing one’s country, of being dispossessed by language. This vision is not altogether paranoid. Many Hispanics see what is essentially a mirror image of the same reality. Osvaldo Soto, a Cuban American attorney, contends that Miami has supplanted Madrid and Buenos Aires and Mexico City as “the capital of the Spanish language.” An extravagant idea, befitting an extravagant new center of Latin American finance, trade, media, and tourism. A boomtown that Cubans feel could never have happened without them. Sate’s presumption is itself indicative of Miami’s uniqueness. Who would dare make such a claim for Los Angeles or New York, cities that are home to considerably larger Spanish-speaking populations ?
The difference is that Spanish has attained a status in Miami that it enjoys nowhere rise in the continental United States. Though hardly a threat to replace English, it is a bold competltor for market share that, at least for now, holds an enviable edge in demographics. From less than 5 percent in 1959, Hispanics have expanded to 49 percent of Greater Miami’s residents (and 62 percent of the city’s). Not only Cubans, but Puerto Kicans, Colombians, Nicaraguans, Venezuelans, Peruvians, Dominicans, and other Latinos are flocking to Miami.
More important,their Spanish is far from the marginalized vernacular of Los Angelenos or Nuyorricans. Spoken in boardrooms as well as barrios, it feels like a world-class language, for which apologies need be made. (Even resentful Anglos will concede that bilingualism has been good for business.) Mauricr Ferré, a Spanish-speaking former mayor of Miami, once observed: You can be born here in a Cuban hospital, be baptized by a Cuban priest, buy all your food from a Cuhan grocer, take your insurance from a Cuban broker, and pay for it all with a check from a Cuban bank. You can get all the news in Spanish -read the Spanish daily paper, watch Spanish T.V., listen to Spanish radio. You can go through life without having to speak English at all. He was not exaggerating.
What is most remarkable, however, is that Spanish has thrived in Miami while banned as a language of government. County officials here are forbidden by law to post a sign, translate a meeting, print a form, or distribute a pamphlet in Spanish, to subsidize a Hispanic arts tesdval, or to allow Spanish-language programming on the Community-access cable T.V. channel. (The principle applies equally to Haitian Creole, Vletnamese, Yiddish, Russian, and other minority tongues of local importance.) public expenditures “for the purpose of utilizing any language other than English, or promotmg any culture other than that of the United States, [are] prohibited.” In short, Dade County, Florida, is home to the nation’s strictest English Only ordinance. Enacted by citizen initiative in 1980, the law has survived several attrempts at repeal. In 1988, Floridians adopted English as their state language by a vote of 84 to 16 percent. Though notexactly outlawed–and certainly not In retreat–Spanish is officially unwelcome here.

Crawford, James. 1992. Language Loyalties: A Sourcebook on the Official English Controversy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

1:« Le mouvement pour l’Anglais Langue officielle a pris la plupart des américains par surprise » . C’est ainsi que débute l’ouvrage très complet sur la question de la controverse linguistique aux Etats-Unis qu’a dirigée James Crawford. En effet, quand la campagne pour la promotion de l’anglais a débuté, au début des années 80,la question linguistique semblait réglée depuis des lustre dans un pays où le recensement linguistique faisait état de 2% à peine de résidents de plus de 4 ans incapables de maîtriser l’anglais et à peine 11% de personnes interrogées qui se déclaraient bilingues.D’ailleurs, un sondage démontrait que deux tiers des personnes interrogées croyaient que l’anglais était déjà la langue officielle des Etats-Unis.
53:The debate on this provision. and on an unsuccessful attempt to amend it. is excerpted from Debates and Proceedings of the Constitutional Conuention of the State of California,1878-1879 (Sacramento. 1880-81). 2:801-2
225: It was not until the 1970s that special help was madated for language-minority students in public schools, that bilingual voting rights were established (and English literacy tests abolished), and that non-English-speaking defendants were guaranteed the services of a translator during criminal trials.
226: Moreover, there is the question of equity for linguistic minorities who became U.S. citizens not through immigration, but through annexation of their homelands. One small recognition of such claims is
87: It is about how much diversity a nation can tolerate. even a nation of immigrants· Should cultural pluralism extend to language if that means Americans will be less able to communicate with each other! Are we ready to discard the ideal of a common Language, which has kept the melting pot simmering for so long? Can’t we respect ethnic traditions wrthout accepting a “salad bowl” mentality that emphasizes what divides rather than what unites us as a people?
If govemment allows immigrants to cast ballots and go to school in their native tongues, won’t this reduce their incentives to learn English? By legitimizing bilingualism, are we not we asking for a future of linguistic strife and perhaps separatism In Quebec!
Viewed from another perspective, this is a conflict over rights:equal access to education and government-for immigrants and other Americans who face language barriers–and freedom of speech in the language of one’s choice. It is also a dash of attitudes: nativist bias versus tolerance toward newcomers. Angle-conformity versus an appreciation of diversity. Should we bow to ethnic fears and resentments, imposing a cultural tyranny of the majority? Can we allow language to be used as a weapon of race prejudice. an instrument to diseminate against unpopular minorities’ Shall we deny citizens the right to vote or children the opportunity to learn, canceling bilingual programs because some zealots perceive a symbolic threat to English? Can we live with an English Only amendment that usurps local discretion to offer needed services in other tongues? Are Americans willing to submit to government language restrictions, perhaps enforced by language police à la Quebec!
395: Many Americans look at bilingual Canada and see a country at war with itself. While language tentions are not yet acute in the United States, they reason, we would be wise to avoid policies that might encourage a similar situation here.

Creel, George. 1947. Rebel at Large: Recollections of Fifty Crowded Years. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons.

Creissen, Thomas. 2020. “Art des premiers chrétiens et art byzantin.” In, edited by Cours d’initiation à l’histoire générale de l’art. Paris: Le Louvre.

this is a course I’ve been following in 2020-2021. I cannot disclose its content but would be happy to share the main points with you.

Crépeau, François, Stéphanie Fournier, and Lison Néel, eds. 19991. Séminaire International de Montréal sur l’Education Interculturelle et Multiculturelle. 1 vols. Vol. Numéro Spécial, 12. Montréal: Société Québécoise de Droit International.

Crépon, Marc. 2000. Le Malin Génie des langues. Paris: J. Vrin.

Crowley, Terry. 1998. An Introduction to Historical Linguistics. 3d ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Crystal, David. 1995. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of English Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

97: In the USA, vernacular varieties of Black English have come to be a particular focus of attention in recent years. The history of these varieties is complex, controversial, and only partly understood. Revords of early speech forms are sparce.l It is unclear, for expample, exactly how much influence black speech ahs had on the pronunciation of souther whites. According to some linguists, generations of close contact resulted in the famnilies of the slave owners picking up some of the speech habits of their servants, which gradually devleoped into the distinctive souther “drawl. Information is clearrer form the mid 19th cent when the abolitionist momvent focused national attention of balcks’ civil rights and sympathetic represntions of black english began to appear in literary works wuch as those by Harriet Beecher Stowe and Mark Toain.
Following the widespread momvent to the intdustrial cities of the northern states in the late 19th century, black culture became know throughout the country, especially for its music. The linguistic result was a large influx of new, informal vocabulary into genral use, as whites picked up the lively speech patterns of those who sang, played and danced. Ath the same time, th ere was a gorwth in educational opportunities for black people, and an increasing involvement in political and professional roles. The civil rights moement in the 1960s had its lingusitic as well as its political successes, with schools being obliged to take account of the distincitve character of Balck English Vernacular.
In the 1980s, the public use of many expressions in the language for taking about this group of people was radically constraiend by those maintaining a docrtine of PCness. The current respectabily of African American (which dates from the 1860s) has replaced such forms as Afro-American, Africo-American, Afro (all in evidence for the 1830s), coloured (preferred after the Civil War, negro (preferred after the 1880s, and with a capital N some 50 years later.
308: In describing the lexicon of the tow regions, there are three distincitons which have to be made: some words are found only in BrE and some have become established throughout the world as part of Standard English.
While Congress and Parliament originate in their respective countries, it is no longer very useful to can one AmE and the other BrE from a linguistic point of view.
Some words are straightforward: they have a single sensxe, and a synonym in the other variety: BrE current account équivaut à checking account in AmE ou encore « estate car pour AmE station wagon.However, there are as well words having additional meaning that are specific to Br.E or AmE, par example CARAVAN which in one sense means « a group of travellers in a desert » is common to both varieties, but in the sense of « vehicle towed by a car » it is B r.E, Am.E trailer.
Some owrds have one meaning in WSE (world standard english) and a synonym in one or other of the tow varieties. Both AmE and BrE ahve undertaker, b ut only AmE has mortician. Both have pharmacy, but AmE has drugstore and BrE has chemist’s.
Some words have no WSE meaning but different meanings in AmE and BrE: AmE flyover= BrE flypast: hoverver, Br.E flyover = AmE overpass.
We also have to remeber the effect of frequency. Some words are used in both varieties, but are mcuh more common in one of them: flat and apartment or shop vs store or post vs mail.
311: In the verb phrase, AmE prevers have to have got for possession, AmE prefers such forms as burned to burnt and there are some special past tense forms ( snuck out , dove): AmE also sometimes uses a simple past tense where BrE has a present perfect (I just ate vs I’ve jsut eaten)
In the noun pharse, there are some differneces of word order (Hudson River vs River Thames, a half hour vs half an hour) and the use of the article (in the future vs in future, in the hospital vs in hospital) Am E prefers collective nouns in the singular ((THE GOVERMENT IS ) WHERE AS bRE allows plural also (the goverment are)
Clausal patterns sometimes differ, as in AmE Come take a look vs Come and take; AmE also makes more use of the subjuntive, as in I asked that he go (vs I asked hin to go) , and prefers were to was in such sentences as I wish she were here; different tthan/form in such sentences as I wish she were here; differnt than/ form is more common than diffe5rnt to/from
There are several differences in prepositions and adverbs such as AmE I will go momentarily (vs in a moment), real good (vs really good) and backward (vs backwards)

Crystal, David. 1997. English as a Global Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

97: In the USA, vernacular varieties of Black English have come to be a particular focus of attention in recent years. The history of these varieties is complex, controversial, and only partly understood. Revords of early speech forms are sparce.l It is unclear, for expample, exactly how much influence black speech ahs had on the pronunciation of souther whites. According to some linguists, generations of close contact resulted in the famnilies of the slave owners picking up some of the speech habits of their servants, which gradually devleoped into the distinctive souther “drawl. Information is clearrer form the mid 19th cent when the abolitionist momvent focused national attention of balcks’ civil rights and sympathetic represntions of black english began to appear in literary works wuch as those by Harriet Beecher Stowe and Mark Toain.
Follwoing the widespread momvent to the intdustrial cities of the northern states in the late 19th century, black culture became know throughout the country, especially for its music. The linguistic result was a large influx of new, informal vocabulary into genral use, as whites picked up the lively speech patterns of those who sang, played and danced. Ath the same time, th ere was a gorwth in educational opportunities for black people, and an increasing involvement in political and professional roles. The civil rights moement in the 1960s had its lingusitic as well as its political successes, with schools being obliged to take account of the distincitve character of Balck English Vernacular.
In the 1980s, the public use of many expressions in the language for taking about this group of people was radically constraiend by those maintaining a docrtine of PCness. The current respectabily of African American (which dates from the 1860s) has replaced such forms as Afro-American, Africo-American, Afro (all in evidence for the 1830s), coloured (preferred after the Civil War, negro (preferred after the 1880s, and with a capital N some 50 years later.
308: In describing the lexicon of the tow regions, there are three distincitons which have to be made: some words are found only in BrE and some have become estab lished throughout the world as part of Standard English.
While Congress and Parliament originate in their respective countries, it is no longer very useful to can one AmE and the other BrE from a linguistic point of view.
Some owrds are sterightforward: they have a single sensxe, and a synonym in the other variety: BrE current account équivaut à checking account in AmE ou encore « estate car pour AmE station wagon.
However, there are as well words having additional meaning that are specific to Br.E or AmE, par example CARAVAN which in one sense means « a group of travellers in a desert » is common to both varieties, but in the sense of « vehicle towed by a car » it is B r.E, Am.E trailer.
Some owrds have one meaning in WSE (world standard english) and a synonym in one or other of the tow varieties. Both AmE and BrE ahve undertaker, b ut only AmE has mortician. Both have pharmacy, but AmE has drugstore and BrE has chemist’s.
Some words have no WSE meaning but different meanings in AmE and BrE: AmE flyover= BrE flypast: hoverver, Br.E flyover = AmE overpass.
We also have to remeber the effect of frequency. Some words are used in both varieties, but are mcuh more common in one of them: flat and apartment or shop vs store or post vs mail.
311: In the verb phrase, AmE prevers have to have got for possession, AmE prefers such forms as burned to burnt and there are some special past tense forms ( snuck out , dove): AmE also sometimes uses a simple past tense where BrE has a present perfect (I just ate vs I’ve jsut eaten)
In the noun pharse, there are some differneces of word order (Hudson River vs River Thames, a half hour vs half an hour) and the use of the article (in the future vs in future, in the hospital vs in hospital) Am E prefers collective nouns in the singular ((THE GOVERMENT IS ) WHERE AS bRE allows plural also (the goverment are)
Clausal patterns sometimes differ, as in AmE Come take a look vs Come and take; AmE also makes more use of the subjuntive, as in I asked that he go (vs I asked hin to go) , and prefers were to was in such sentences as I wish she were here; different tthan/form in such sentences as I wish she were here; differnt than/ form is more common than different to/from
There are several differences in prepositions and adverbs such as AmE I will go momentarily (vs in a moment), real good (vs really good) and backward (vs backwards)

Cubertafond, Bernard. 1995. L’Algérie contemporaine, Que SaisJe? Paris: PUF.

93: In Algeria, the crisis of legitimacy is profound. It is the essential problem of this country. cité par Benrabah, M. (2004). Language and Politics in Algeria. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 10, 59-78.

Culhane, J.G. 1992. Reinvigorating Educational Malpractice Claims: A Representational Focus”. Washington Law Review 2 (67):349-414.

quoted by Baugh, J. (1999). Out of the Mouths of Slaves: African American Language and Educational Malpractice. Austin, Texas, University of Texas Press. in his note 2 of chapter 5 (on educational malpractice and ebonics, p.170)

Cumming, Alister. 1997. English Language-in-Education Policies in Canada. In Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges, edited by W. Eggington and H. Wren. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Cummins, J., ed. 1984. Heritage languages in Canada: Research Perspectives. Toronto: OISE Press.

1989. Heritage language teaching and the ESL student: fact and friction. In Multicultural Education and Policies: ESL in the 1990s, edited by J. Esling. Toronto: OISE Press.

91: One must speak using plurals to describe Canada’s language policies and language-in-education practices – and speak of pluralities. To call Canada an English-speaking country is appropriate only as an over-generalisation, applicable to just over two-thirds of the country’s 25 million people.
Canada has two official languages, English and French, though the vast majority of the population uses only one of these languages routinely.
(…)societal situation of English/French bilingualism actually exist in just a few cities -Montreal, Ottawa and Moncton- although legislation requires federa goverment services and information about commercial goods to be available in both languages.
Moreover, numerous indigenous languages (in varying degrees of vitality) are used by First Nations peoples throughout the expanse of the country.
Many families use languages in their homes and communities -such as Cantonese, Italian, Polish, Portuguese, or Punjabi- related to their ancestral heritages from other parts of the world.
91-92: (…)the major policies and practices typical of English language in education in Canada can be sketched out by distinguishing three populations commonly learning English as a second language (ESL): recent immigrants and refugees in English-dominant Canada, Francophones in Quebec, and Frist Nations peoples.
92: No single, coherent policy addresses the variety of populations in Canada for whom English language in education is at issue; Canada may never wish or be able to adopt one. Tather, poicies and practices for language-in-education tend to be formulated in different ways for different groups and often so generally that they my exist in fragile balance between regional interests, institutional practices, as well as societal conditions.
93: obvious disjunctures -between policies, practices, and societal conditions – exist for immigrants and refugees learning English in Canada.
Immigration is regulated federally, but two-thirds of all immigrnts to Canada with little proficiency in Enlgish or French settle in or around only three cities: Toronto, Montreal and Vacouver.
Public schooling and higher education are fegulated and funded independently by each of Canada’s ten provinces and two territories, but institutional policies for language education are mostly determined at the level of indivudual school board or educational institution.
(…)private language schools and cummunity agencies are assuming increased responsibilities for language education and immigrant settlement services.
From 1991 to 1995, federal quotas for immigration have been raised to nearly double from previous years -in response to low birthrates, labour demands, and refugee migration throughout the world.
For the more than 50’000 adult immigrants or refugee claimants arriving annually in Canada with no proficiency in English, the federal government allocates funds to selected colleges, shcool boards, and private agencies for several months of full-time language instruction and orientation.
Two such programs now exist nationally, replacing a veriety of programs that operated in previous decades: Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC) for basic language and literacy training and orientation to Canadian life; and Labour Market Language Training (LMLT) for language instrction at an intermediate level of proficiency linked to job preparation.
(TABLEAU 6 PP 94.95)
95-96;Over the past 20 years most colleges, community service agencies, and continueing education programs at universities and school boards in Canadian cities have established centres or programs for adults to study ESL. In colleges and universities, these ESL programs (for recent immigrants) often operate alongside EFL programs (for visiting students to Canada), whose higher tuition fees provide supplementary funding, resources, and bases for ongoing teacher employment.
96; Indeed, at an institutional level, adult education policies have tended to be exclusionary rather than accommodating for immigrants to Canada.
For immigrant children in English Canada, educational policies are much less uniform because (1) each province regulates its programs and funding for ESL independently, (2) the demographics of immigrant settlement vary dramatically throughout the country and are subject to annual changes and (3) curricula, instructional policies, and resource allocations are mainly determined at the level of school district or individual schools.
(In the) inner city centres of Toronto and Vancouver, the majority of students now have home languages other than English.
96-97; At the same time, certain areas have seen remarkable growth in ESL populations, Cummins’ analysis of the census data between the years 1986 and 1991 show increases of between 40% and 90% in school-age students unable to speak either English or French in most areas of southern Ontario.
97: For the six million Francophones residing in Québec, English is typically taught as a school subject, in effect as in “foreign” language (much as French is learned in most of ENGLISH Canada). In the 1980s the provincial government introduced an extensive, innovative, standard curriculum for English studies, based on principales of cummunicative language teaching as well as considerable research and development (Ministère de l’Education, Gouvernement du Québec, 1981 à 1986). Although presenting a distinct advantage over previous audio-lingual teaching methods, English language curricula remain heavily regimented and centralised in Québec chools, overshadowed politically by active French-language maintenance throughout the province; increasing numbers of immigrant minorities, particularly in Greater Montreal, perceived to require assimilation (into French, rather than English); and apprehension about the subtle encroachment of media and values from English Canada and the United States.
As a consequence, societal contacts tend to determine Québeckers’ acquisition of English at least as much as schooling does. (…)Many francophones develop full Enlgish-French bilingualism if they are living in areas in ongoing contact with English, like Montreal or Hull, whereas residents of other parts of Québec may find their uses of Englis restricted to occasional travels or buisness contacts outside the province. Although no official policies exist for adult English instruction in Québec, the presence of several English-medium universities and colleges in Montreal provide opportunities for Francophones to register in academic or vocational programs, effectively mainstreaming themselves into the English milieu without sacrificing their native cultural environment.
98; The situation of the half-million First Nation peoples differ so greatly within Canada as to defy any generalisations about language in education policies.
For Many First Nations peoples, English-medium schooling represents the ambivalent funtions of providing opportunities for education, work, and social advancement, but also the main vehicle for cultural assimilation.
(…)Situations regarding the vitality of indigenous languages differ from extrems of morbidity, replaced by English as the language of home, school, and society to active promotion of a vernacular language, written script, and public media (Burnaby, B., ed. Promoting Native Writing Systems in Canada. Toronto: OISE Press, 1985.) – such as Inuktitut among the Inuit of northern Québec or Cree in Northern Ontario or Manitoba.- making it a viable basis for initial schooling followed by English in later grades (Burnaby, B. Language in Education among Canada’s Native Peoples. Toronto: OISE Press, 1982. et Faries, E. “Language Education for Native Children in Northern Ontario.” In Multicultural Education and Policies: ESL in the 1990s, edited by J. Esling, 144-153. Toronto: OISE Press, 1989.).
99; Disparities clearly exist in terms of who has access to what quality and extent of English language education in Canada. For example, nearly twice as many women as men are unable to speak either official language, an imbalance that evidently emerges after immigrants settle in Canada.
(…)immigrant children in rural settings receive few of the educational opportunities for language in education or language maintenance available in urban or suburban centers which themselves differ considerably in relevant curricula and resources. (Ashworth, M. Blessed with Bilingual Brains: Education of Immigrant Children with English as a Second Language. Vancouver: Pacific Educational Press, 1988.)
To many people in Canada, the situation of English language policy seems like a political football, in which appeals for funding or development are tossed between local, regional, provincial, and federal responsibilities.
100: Policies for adult education are now often phrased in reference to “participation in Canadian society” rather than the narrow, skill based fefinition of language proviciency emphasised only a decade ago.
100-101: Conditions for maintenance of languages other than English are a point of considerable controversy in Canadian schools and news media, a controversy that has persisted throughout this century.
101: Indeed, most languages other than English or French appear to be maintained only for two or three generations in Canada

Cunningham, S. 1992. Framing Culture: Criticism and Policy in Australia. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.

CURANT, N. “addition to Sociolinguists on FB Award.”

The Handbook of Language and Globalization (ed., in press, Wiley-Blackwell Publishers)
Sociolinguistics (2009, Six volumes, in the Routledge series Critical Concepts in Linguistics, co-edited with Adam Jaworski):
Volume I: The Sociolinguistics of Language Variation and Change
Volume II: Subjective and Ideological Processes in Sociolinguistics
Volume III: Interactional Sociolinguistics
Volume IV: The Sociolinguistics of Multilingualism
Volume V: The Sociolinguistics of Culture.
Volume VI: Theoretical Perspectives in Sociolinguistics
Sociolinguistic and Subjective Aspects of Welsh in Wales and its Diaspora (2009, co-edited with Michelle Aldridge, thematic issue of International Journal of the Sociology of Language, Volume 195)
The New Sociolinguistics Reader (2009, co-edited with Adam Jaworski, Palgrave Macmillan)
Style: Language Variation and Identity (2007, Cambridge University Press)

Cusin, Philippe. 1999. Abd el-Krim, le Mythe du Rebelle. Le Figaro Littéraire, 12 aout, 3 (17).

A propos de Daoud, Z. (1999). Abdelkirm, une épopée d’or et de sang. Paris, Séguier.
Il incarne l’insoumission des peuples que l’Occident voulait à tout prix coloniser. C’est ce que montre avec brio son biographe, Zakya Daoud…Abd el-Krim, né en 1883, apppartient à une famille de notable de la tribu des Beni Ouriaghel, l’une des 66 du Rif. …Il va se former à l’université de Fès. Puis il part pour Melilla où il deviendra successivement instituteur, intermprète, journaliste et, pour finir, cadi (juge) comme son père. Lyauthey, résident à Rabat depuis 1912, entend contenir les Rifain avant de se lancer un jour dans une politique de pacification. Mais les appétits sont aiguisés, c’est ce qu’indique Zakya Daoud avec intelligence: le Rif est riche en minerais.
La guerre débute en 1920. L’espagen attaaque avec à la tête de l’armée, un sabreur désinvolte, le général Sylvestre. Abd el-Krim a 36 ans et devient le chef de guerre des Rifains.
Le monde arabo-musulman est traversé par un courant très firt, la Nahda, c’est à dire la Renaissance. Jusqu’en Inde, Abd el-Krim va devenir le symbole de la Nahda (à laquelle adhèrent aussi certains chrétiens d’orient). Mais l’Islam tel que le conçoit Abd el-Krim est tout sauf fanatique. “Que Dieu anéantisse cette relition si nous la privons du nerfs de notre action et de notre liberté!”.
Abd el-Krim va réunir les tribus sur un mot d’ordre: “nous devons sauver notre prestige et éviter l’esclavage de notre pays”. Mais comme il a subi l’influence européenne, il va rationaliser la vie rifaine, édictant des ois, instaurant la discipline, cérant une véritable armée qui va au combat sous le drapeau rouge protant une étoile à six branches et un croissant vert. Il veut faire du Rif une république moderne, en projetant de construire des ponts et des routes, en y installant le téléphone, en constituant un véritable gouvernement représenttif. L’émir a un modèle, celui d’Atatürk en Turquie, à la différence prsè q ue le dirigeant turc veut laîciser le pays, ce qui n’est pas le cas d’Abd el-Krim….(il) mène le combat en tacticien de génie….Le général Syslvestre se suicide…Curieusement, alors qu’il en a les moyens, il ne prend pas Melilla, c’est sa première erreur. Il préfère réorgniser encore une fois les Rifains et installe sa capitale à Ajdir dont il compte faire l’Ankara du Maroc….il espère une aide de l’Angleterre qui ne viendra jamais. Surtout, il souhaite la reconnaissance oficielle du Rif par la Société des Nations. Ce serait le premier Etat musulman véritablement indépendant, ce qui inquiète particulièrement les Français. Lyauthey caint que le modèle rifain inspire les Marocains et que ceux-ci ne rejettent le protectorat françsaid. Il observe, mias laisse fiare Abd el-Krim. Le maréchal exècre les Espagnols et se réjouit de leur enlisement au Rif. …
Abd el-Krim, qui est devenu un héros pour tous ceux qui rêvent de libération déstabilise l’Espagne. Après tant de défaite, Primo de Rivera se proclame dictateur en 1923. Il tient personnellement à abattre le Rif. Mais pour ce faire, il faut une action commune avec les Français…Le leadeur des jeunesses communistes, Jacqaues Doriot, déclare la guerre à la guerre. Pas une goutte de sang pour le Rif, proclame-t-on. Les manifestations se succèdent. Les communistes obéissent é la 8ème condition de la IIIème république qui est de combatre l’impérialisme. Ils seront rejoints par les surréalistes. André Breton lance: *l’idée de patrie nous répugne, le patriotisme est une hystérie”…la vie parisienne est bouleversée par cette agitation. C’est le moment pour Paris de se débarasser du résident (Lyauthey) et de lui substituer Steeg et de confier le commandement militaire au maréchal Pétain. ..Accord avec Primo de Rivera. Abd el-Krim est dans une situation dangereuse, d’autant que cetaines tribus ont fait défection. …Une première offensive est lancée au printemps 1925. Les Rifains sont submergés. Le coup de grâce aura lieu au printemps 1926. C’est un émir sans troupes, abandonné par une partie des siens qui se rend au colonel Corap…Mais le Rif ne sera définitivement pacifié qu’en 1934. Il est alors partagé entre l’Espagne et la France.
Mais que faire du champion de l’indépendance arabe?, se demande-t-on à Paris. On décide de l’exiler le plus loin possible afin qu’il soit oublié. Abd el-Krim est pacé en détention surveillée à la Réunion avec sa famille. Il y demeure jusqu’en 1947…(Date de l’)indépendance du sultant Mohammed V, père de Hassan II. On se souvient alors d’Abd el-Krim et on essaie de le manipuler en le conduisant au Maroc pour faire contrepoids au sultan…il s’échappe et se réfugie au Caire. Pour tous les leaders de l’indépendance du Maghreb, Abd el-Krim reste la référence, Bourguiba en tête. En Egypte, il se met aussitot au service de la Ligue arabe et participe au comité de libération du maghreb. On vient le visiter. L’émir est une légende vivante. Il soutient le putsch des officiers nationalistes menés par Neguib qui renverse Farouk. Il est favorable à Nasser. Mohammed V vien tle voir en 1960, une fois le Maroc devenu souverain. Abd elKrim meurt en février 1962.
Le souvenir de ce guerrier sans égal reste toujours un mythe. Abd el-Krim est devenu un mythe.

4 responses to “Bibliography (C) like Calvet”

2010 in review « cosmopolitanism

January 2, 2011 at 10:00 am

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Langues en contact: le français à travers le monde « cosmopolitanism

September 25, 2011 at 8:01 pm

[…] cf. her other titles in my bibliography […]

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1. cosmopolitanism
  
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