Bibliography from (W) like Wardhaugh, my initiator to sociolinguistics to (Z) like Zangwill the creator of the Melting Pot

Cosmo

July 11, 2023

218 minutes

Links to my bibliography from A to Z:

A B C D E F G H I J K L

M N O P Q R S T U V W/X/Y/Z(this page)

Last Update: July 10, 2023 (129 entries)

PART A-List

Waggoner, Dorothy. 1981. ‘Statistics on language use.’ in, Language in the USA (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge).
Wagner, Peter. 2005. “In time and Space: on the Possibility of a Cultural Theory of Modernity.” In 37th International Institute of Sociology Conference: Sociology and Cultural Sciences, edited by Neil J. Smelser, University of California, Berkeley. Folket Hus, Kongresshallen A: European University Institute, Italy,
Wagner, Richard. ‘citation’.
Waho, Toni, 2011. World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People. Peru.
———. 2012. “Te Rei Māori – The Māori language- in the City.” In Languages in the City. Berlin.
Waintrater, Meïr 2021. ‘Juifs, Sion et confusions : Entretien avec Meïr , ancien directeur du mensuel L’Arche. ‘.
Wakely, Richard. (2013. “contribution to panel on Culture, interdependence and migration.” In Dublin Interdependence Celebration and Forum. Dublin Castle.
Wald, P., and Manessy G. 1979. Plurilinguisme : Normes, situations, Stratégies (L’Harmattan: Paris).
Waldron, Jeremy. 1992. ‘Minority cultures and the cosmopolitan alternative’, University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, 25: 751-93.
Walker, J.S.G. 1980. A History of Blacks in Canada (Ministry of State Multiculturalism: Ottawa).
Walker, Samuel. 1998. The Rights Revolution: Rights and Community in Modern America (Oxford University Press: Oxford).
Walkowitz, Rebecca L. 2015. Born Translated: The Contemporary Novel in an Age of World Literature (Columbia University Press: New York).
Wallace-Crabbe, Chris. 1991. ‘The Ethnic Red Herring.’ in D. Goodman, D.J. O’Hearn and C. Wallace-Crabbe (eds.), Multicultural Australia: the challenges of change (Scribe: Melbourne).
Walsh, Michael. 2002. ‘Language ownership: a key issue for Native Title.’ in John Henderson and David Nash (eds.), Language and Native Title (Aboriginal Studies Press: Canberra).
Walsh, Michael 2005. ‘Indigenous Languages of Southeast Australia, Revitalization and the Role of Education’, Australian Review of Applied Linguistics, 28: 1-14.
Walsh, Michael. . 2010. ‘Why language revitalization sometimes works.’ in Kevin Lowe John Hobson, Susan Poetsch and Michael Walsh (ed.), Re-Awakening languages: Theory and practice in the revitalisation of Australia’s Indigenous languages. (Sydney University Press: Sydney).
Walzer, Michael. 1997. On Toleration (Yale University Press: New Haven).
Wardhaugh, Ronald (ed.)^(eds.). 1984).
———. Show Us Life: Towards a History and Aesthetics of the Committed Documentary ( Scarecrow Press: Metuchen, NJ).
———. 1986. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (Basil Blackwell: Oxford).
———. 1987. Languages in Competition: Dominance, Diversity and Decline (Basil Blackwell: Oxford).
———. 1993. Investigating Language: Central Problems in Linguistics ( Basil Blackwell: Oxford).
______. 1993. Investigating Language: Central Problems in Linguistics (Basil Blackwell.: Oxford).
Warren, Mark R. 2001. Dry Bones Rattling: Community building to revitalize American democracy (Princeton University Press: Princeton and Oxford).
Warshaw, Robin. 1995. ‘I never called it rape.’ in Adele M. Stan (ed.), Debating Sexual Correctness: Pornography, Sexual Harassment, Date Rape, and the Politics of Sexual Equality
Wasala, Rohana. 2011. ‘Mother Tongues and Multilingual Education’, The Island online,.
Watson, Irene. 2002. ‘Raw Law : La Loi vierge.’ in Schulte-Tenckhoff (ed.), Altérité et Droit, Contributions à l’étude du rapport entre droit et culture (Bruylant: Bruxelles).
Waugh, Thomas, ed. 1984. Show Us Life: Towards a History and Aesthetics of the Committed Documentary (Scarecrow Press: Metuchen, NJ).
Weber, Raymond. 1995. ‘De la réalité multiculturelle à la démarche interculturelle. Quels défis pour le Conseil de l’Europe ?’ in Jean-Pierre Saez (ed.), Identités, Cultures et Territoires (Desclée de Brouwer: Paris).
Webster, Noah. 1789, reimp.1967. Dissertations on the English Language: With Notes, Historical and Critical (Meniston: Meniston).
Weill, Nicolas. 2020. ‘Mort du philosophe et critique George Steiner: Le penseur et critique littéraire hors pair est mort lundi à Cambridge (Royaume-Uni) à l’âge de 90 ans. Son ironie mordante n’épargnait pas la civilisation contemporaine.’, Le Monde, 3 février 2020.
———. 2020. ‘Zeev Sternhell, historien israélien spécialiste du fascisme, est mort: Professeur d’université, officier de réserve dans l’armée israélienne et militant pacifiste, il a consacré une part de ses travaux aux origines du fascisme dont la France de la Belle Epoque a été, selon lui, le laboratoire, Le Monde, 21 juin 2020.
Weinreich, Uriel. 1953. Languages in contact (Mouton: La Haye).
———. 1966. ‘Explorations in Semantic Theory.’ in Thomas A. Sebeok (ed.), Current trends in linguistics (Mouton: La Haye).
Weinstein, B. 1983. The Civic Tongue, Political Consequences of Language Choices (Longman: New York & London).
Wells, Lydia. 1999. ‘Australian Women’s Autobiographies as Discourses of National Identity: Jill Ker Conway’s The Road from Coorain and Ruby Langford’s Don’t Take Your Love to Town.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Wenzel, George. 2992. Animal Rights, Human Rights: Ecology, Economy and Ideology in the Canadian Arctic (University of Toronto Press: Toronto).
West, Cornel. 1990. ‘The new cultural politics of difference.’ in R. Ferguson et al (ed.), Out there: marginalization and contemporary cultures (MIT Press: Boston).
Wheelock, Arthur Jr (ed.)^(eds.). 1995. Johannes Vermeer (Flammarion: Paris).
White, Kenneth. 1982. La figure du dehors (Grasset: Paris).
Whitlam, Edward Gaugh. 1994. ‘Introduction.’ in Scott Murray (ed.), Australian Cinema (Allen & Unwin: St Leonards, NSW).
Wicherkiewicz, Tomasz. 2012. “Revitalization through Documentation – the Case of Wilamowicean, a Micro-Minority Language in Southern Poland.” In Languages in the City. Berlin.
Wickberg, Edgar (ed.)^(eds.). 1982. From China to Canada: A History of the Chinese Communities in Canada (McClelland & Stewart&Multiculturalism Program, Department of the Secretary of State and the Canadian Government Publishing Center: Toronto).
———. (ed.)^(eds.). 1988. A History of the Chinese Communities in Canada (McClelland and Stewart: Toronto).
Widmann, Anne-Frédérique. 1996. ‘La Californie met fin à la protection des minorités’, Le Nouveau Quotidien, 5 novembre 1996, pp. 5.
Wievorka, Michel. 2001. La Différence (Balland: Paris).
———. , and Jocelyne Ohana (ed.)^(eds.). 2001. La Différence Culturelle: Une reformulation des débats (Colloque de Cerisy) (Balland: Paris).
Wiley, T.G. 1996. ‘Language Planning and Policy.’ in S.L. McKay and N.H. Hornberger (eds.), Sociolinguistics and Lnaguage Teaching (Cambridge University Press: New York).
Wilford, John Noble. 2010. ‘Hunting One Language, Stumbling Upon Another’, New York Times, October 11, 2010.
Wilkerson, Isabel. 1989. ‘Many who are Black favor new term for who they are’, New York Times, Dec.31, 1989, pp. 1, 8.
Will, George F. 1995. ‘Sex Amidst Semicolons.’ in Adele M. Stan (ed.), Debating Sexual Correctness: Pornography, Sexual Harassment, Date Rape, and the Politics of Sexual Equality
Williams, Colin. 2010. “Keynote: Language Commissioners: A comparative Perspective. .” In “Language, Law and the Multilingual State”, 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law. Bloemfontein, Free State University.
———. 2013. “Report and launch of From Act to Action publication: study of language legislation in Ireland, Wales and Finland.” In International Conference on Language Rights: Sharing best practice. Dublin Hilton.
———. , and O’Flatharta Padraig. 2010. “The office of the language commissioner Ireland- Impact of the commission on the Irish language policy and official strategy.” In “Language, Law and the Multilingual State”, 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law. Bloemfontein, Free State University.
Williams, Frederick. 1970. ‘Language, attitude, and social change.’ in Frederick Williams (ed.), Language and Poverty (Markham: Chicago).
Williams, G. 1992. Sociolinguistics: A Sociological Critique (, Routledge: London).
Williams, Lisa. 2012. “Cymraeg yn y Didnas – An old Language in a Modern City.” In Languages in the City. Berlin.
Williams, Raymond. 1961. Culture and Society (Penguin: London).
———. 1965. The Long Revolution (Penguin: London).
Williams, Robert L. 1975. “Ebonics: the True Language of Black Folks.” In. St Louis, Missouri: Institute of Black Studies.
Willis, Ellen. 1995. ‘Feminism, Moralism and Pornography.’ in Adele M. Stan (ed.), Debating Sexual Correctness: Pornography, Sexual Harassment, Date Rape, and the Politics of Sexual Equality
Willocks, Tim 2006. The Religion (Tor).
Wilson, Robin W. 1976. The Blacks in Canada: A History (McGill-Queen’s University: Montreal).
Wimmer, Adi. 1997. ‘A note from your Conference Organizer’, European Association for Studies in Australia Newsletter: 1.
——— (ed.)^(eds.). 1999. Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Winant, Howard. 1994. Racial Conditions (University of Minnesota Press: Minneapolis).
Winograd, Carol. 2012. “‘Moving Women to the Fore and Advancing Peace.” In J Street: Making History. Washington D.C.
Winstein, Brian. 1983. The Civic Tongue (Longman: New York).
Winter, Greg. 2000. ‘Coca-Cola Settles Racial Bias Lawsuit’, International Herald Tribune, 18-19 November.
Wire. ‘La Cour d’appel de Paris accorde un interprète en basque à ”Kantauri”’, Associated Press, mercredi 20 septembre 2000, 18h29.
———. 1987. ‘Survey: Most Think English Is official U.S. Language’, Associated Press, 14 février.
Wittgenstein, Ludwig. 1940 (2002 ). Remarques mêlées (GF Flammarion: Paris).
———. 1984. Culture and Value (University of Chicago Press: Chicago).
Woehrling, José. 2010. “La cour suprême du Canada et la réflexion sur la nature et les fondements des droits linguistiques.” In Language, Law and the Multilingual State, 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law. Bloemfontein, Free State University.
Woirin, Jullien. 1999. ‘La France face au multiculturalisme Américain, 1989-1999’, DEA, Université Paris-XIII.
Wolf, Naomi. 1995. ‘Are You A Bad Girl?’ in Adele M. Stan (ed.), Debating Sexual Correctness: Pornography, Sexual Harassment, Date Rape, and the Politics of Sexual Equality
Wolfe, Alan. 1995. ‘Dirt and Democracy.’ in Adele M. Stan (ed.), Debating Sexual Correctness: Pornography, Sexual Harassment, Date Rape, and the Politics of Sexual Equality
Wolfram, Walt. 1969. A sociolinguistic description of Detroit Negro speech (Center for Applied Linguistics: Washington, D.C.).
Woo, Elaine, and Curtius Mary. 1996. ‘California Educators Give Black English a Voice’, International Herald Tribune and Los Angeles Times, 21 december 1996.
Wooden, Mark, Robert Holton, Graeme Hugo, and Judith Sloan. 1991. Australian Immigration: A survey of the Issues (Australian Government Publishing Services: Canberra).
Woodhouse, D. 1998. ‘The Judiciary in the 1990s’, Policy and Politics, 26: 458-70.
Woolard, Kathryn A., and Susan E. Frekko. 2013. ‘Catalan in the twenty-first century: romantic publics and Cosmopolitan communities’, International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 16 129-37.
Wren, Helen. 1997. ‘Introduction.’ in William Eggington and Helen Wren (eds.), Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges (John Benjamins Publishing Company: Amsterdam/Philadelphia).
———. 1997. ‘Making a Difference in Language Policy Agendas.’ in William Eggington and Helen Wren (eds.), Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges (John Benjamins Publishing Company: Amsterdam/Philadelphia).
Wright, Judith. 1985. We Call For A Treaty (Fontana: Sydney).
Wright, Sue. 1994. ‘The Contribution of Sociolinguistics’, Current Issues in Language and Society, 1.
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Wyett, and Kelly. 2014. ‘Escaping a Rising Tide: Sea Level Rise and Migration in Kiribati’, Asia & the Pacific Policy Studie, 1: 171-85.
Wyld, H.C. 1939. A history of modern colloquial English (Basil Blackwell: Oxford).
Wyler, Stéphanie 2022. “L’inquiétante étrangeté de la nature à Rome.” In. Paris: Le Louvre.
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Yacoub, Joseph. 1995. Les Minorités: Quelle Protection? (Desclée de Brouwer: Paris).
Yadin, Azzan , and Ghil‘ad Zuckermann. 2010. ”Blorít: Pagans’ Mohawk or Sabras’ Forelock?: Ideologically Manipulative Secularization of Hebrew Terms in Socialist Zionist Israeli,.’ in Tope Omoniyi (ed.), The Sociology of Language and Religion: Change, Conflict and Accommodation. ( Palgrave Macmillan: London – New York).
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Yataco, Miryam. 2011. “Peruvian Indigenous Languages and the Spanish Supremacy ” In World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People (WIPCE 2011). Cuzco.
Yataco, Miryam 2012. ‘Les politiques de l’Etat et l’exclusion des langues autochtones au Pérou’, Droit et Cultures: 101-26.
Yearwood, Gladstone (ed.)^(eds.). 1982. Black Cinema Aesthetics (Ohio University Press: Athens,).
Yehoshua, Abraham B. . (2011. ‘Juifs de la Diaspora, c’est votre droit d’agir.’ in David Chemla (ed.), JCall: les raisons d’un appel (Liana Levi: (Paris).
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Young, Iris Marion. 1989. ‘Polity and group difference: a critique of the ideal of universal citizenship’, Ethics: 250-74.
———. 1990. Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton University Press: Princeton).
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Young, Robert A. 1995. The Secession of Quebec and the Future of Canada (McGill-Queen’s University: Montreal & Kingston, London, Buffalo).
Yunupingu, Galarrwuy. 1997. ‘A matter of Identity, an intervew by Xavier Pons’, Cultures of the Commonwealth: 161-71.
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Zabunyan, Elvan 2020. ‘Who’s afraid of the postcolonial ? L’histoire de l’art comme bastion’, AOC.
Zahidi, Mohamad. 2012. “Universal Vision and Philosophical Framework.” In Teacher Education for Peace and Harmony, edited by Surendra Pathak. New Delhi and Shardarsahar.
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Zeitoun, Mazale. 1979. ‘Le Judaïsme américain et sa position face à l’Etat d’Israel: Etude d’une minorité aux Etats-Unis et de son influence sur la politique extérieure américaine, 1948-1972’, Paris 1.
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Zuckermann, Ghil‘ad. 2003. Language Contact and Lexical Enrichment in Israeli Hebrew (Palgrave Macmillan.: London – New York).
———. 2012. ‘Sleeping beauties awake: Linguists and revivalists worldwide have much to learn from Hebrew’s remarkable, hybridic modern-day rebirth’, Times Higher Education.
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———. , and Michael Walsh. 2011. ‘Stop, Revive, Survive: Lessons from the Hebrew Revival Applicable to the Reclamation, Maintenance and Empowerment of Aboriginal Languages and Culture. ‘, Australian Journal of Linguistics: 111-27.
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PART B- Details

Waggoner, D. (1981). Statistics on language use. Language in the USA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 592.

Wagner, Peter (2005), ‘In time and Space: on the Possibility of a Cultural Theory of Modernity’, in Neil J. Smelser, University of California, Berkeley (ed.), 37th International Institute of Sociology Conference: Sociology and Cultural Sciences (Folket Hus, Kongresshallen A: European University Institute, Italy,).other panel Presenters:
[Hannerz, 2005 #9]
Commentator Margaret Archer, University of Warwick, UK

On the possibility of a cultural theory of modernity. Attempts to understand our modern times. Modernity between cultural and sociological tensions.
78-79, sociology, well established then. Firm grip on study of modern society. Sub disciplins were corresponding to society, based on the assumption of social fabric.
culture: part of well ordered society. more within anthropology. modern society was seen as not needing culture. Jeffrey Alexander saw modernity as institutionalization of freedom.
Now human beings are seen as having political or cultural bonds.
culture changed meaning.
Move from anthropology away from understanding of common value to interactionist approach.
Cultural linguistics: life is constituted through language thus interpretation.
Culture seen as more important than economics or social today.
Modernity: three different ways to approch in
1-Sociology:
Globalization superficially studying the decline. More globalization, thus not much social left between Global, neoliberal thinking, cosmopolitanism
3-Hardening: Huntington
Critical mainstream: implIcation for theorizing modernity. Modernity as double commitment to autonomy (freedom) and power (mastery)
3- Culture approach: bourdieu. Behind the façade something else is going on. Modernity as interpretation. Eurocentric view of european modernity. Origins of modernity in Europen then spreading to the rest of the world (globalization)
Rupture in History. Set of Revolution. Scientific, industrial, liberal development revolutions: Modern Society
HOWEVER:
1- 19TH century: strong organization of cultural and linguistic identities claship between each other. Cultural variety of interpretation of modernity leading to WW1
2- Post-colonial studies depict the wide array of traditions left aside
WW1: Second break in tradition in European History. Big civilization of failure. Concpetualized as break in time (H. Arendt)
US Modernity: modern yet different from Europe. Puts Europe in inferior term. Self critical term in memory.
By examples, we use specificity in time and space of modern experience at given moments.

Wagner, Richard. citation:
“La musique commence là où s’arrête le pouvoir des mots”

cité par Kaufman, Laurence. 2021. “L’ombre du Pouvoir.” In Grand-Théâtre Magazine, 21-25. Genève. 21: en exergue: “La musique commence là où s’arrête le pouvoir des mots” (Richard Wagner)

Waho, Toni (2011) paper given at World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People, Peru.

–— (2012), ‘Te Rei Māori – The Māori language- in the City’, paper given at Languages in the City, Berlin, 21-24 August, 2012.

cf his ppt. Te Reo Māori in the City gives a background to the Māori Language Revitalisation effort. This presentation was prepared by Toni Waho who is the Co-ordinator of an urban based multi tribal organisation called Mana Tamariki. Mana Tamariki means “chidrens’ power.” Toni is also a Trustee of the National Te Kōhanga Reo Trust Board which is the governing body for the total immersion pre-school movement Te Kōhanga Reo. He is the Chairman of Te Rūnanga Nui o ngā Kura Kaupapa Māori (Association of total immersion Māori language schools), a director of Te Māngai Pāho – the Māori Broadcasting Funding agency and an active tribal leader. Toni was a member of the panel that reviewed the New Zealand Government’s Māori language strategy and its $600M spend in support of the Māori language in 2011.

In this presentation Toni explains the emergence of the Māori language revitalisation movement nationally and how Mana Tamariki was developed as part of the journey Māori people have undertaken to protect, revitalise and regenerate the indigenous language in Aotearoa New Zealand. Māori language revitalisation is predominantly urban based because most Māori people live in towns and cities. Mana Tamariki is a case study shared here in Berlin to give insight to issues relating to the once rural tribal based Māori residing often miles away from their tribal homelands. In Mana Tamariki Fishman’s critical stage 6 – family, neighbourhood and community – is the focus resulting in the re-growth of Māori language families.

Māori people arrived from Eastern Polynesia – Tahiti, Rarotonga – in Aotearoa about 1000 years ago. The Polynesian islands amongst the Polynesian triangle had been populated by waves of migrants from the Western Pacific and Eastern Asia. DNA research suggests the Polynesian ancestors originate in Taiwan.

The Māori language is closely related to all the other Polynesian languages especially Rarotonga Cook Island Māori, Tahitian, Marquesan, Rapanui (Easter Island) and Hawaiian. The root languages of the Polynesian language group are Samoan and Tongan which are quite distinct. They all have a similar syntax and grammar but Samoan and Tonga use consonants not found in the others.

There are seven main dialects of the Māori language. Within each dialect grouping are principal tribes. There are 57 main tribal groups. Each tribal group is made up of smaller sub-tribes. In the 1820s some northern tribal dialect groups relocated to the south of the North Island and the top of the South.Māori people first experienced contact with Europeans when the Dutchman Abel Tasman travelled via South Africa south of Australia to the west coast of the top of the South Island. The encounter was not a happy one. The Dutch fired a canon. The Māori pursued the Dutch the next day and clubbed some sailors to death. The Dutch fired on and killed one of the Māori. The Dutch did not land on Aotearoa soil. They mapped the west coast of the islands and named the country New Zealand.

120 years later in 1769 the British sent James Cook to the Pacific ocean to track the path of Venus. His expedition took his crew to Aotearoa – now known by the Western World as New Zealand. His arrival marked another violent encounter between Europeans and Māori. As he approached shore his crew shot one of the leading Māori chiefs. Cook erected the Union Jack to claim the country for Britain. He sailed around the islands mapping the shoreline. On his return to England the official British response to this claim to new British territory was to leave New Zealand to the natives. Britain could no longer afford to colonise having spent 400 years expanding its interests in India, China, Japan, the Americas, Canada and Africa.

In around 1800 it is approximated there were between 100-200,000 Māori people. British, American and French traders had established a presence. About 2,000 Europeans lived in whaling, sealing and forestry camps. By 1815 Anglican missionaries arrived to convert the savages to Christianity.

Pressure was put on the British government to take over New Zealand. In 1840 the Māori tribes signed the Treaty of Waitangi which gave the British Crown sovereignty while acknowledging Māori peoples’ autonomy and control over their domains. This lead to the colonisation of our country by the English.

Māori people identify colonisation, loss of land, the drop in population and the role of the Education system as the primary causes of the loss of the Māori language.

Prior to the Treaty there was very little tension between European and Māori. Battles between Māori had sorted out a natural pecking order. The early acquisition of guns by one tribe lead to warfare and a pursuit by the other tribes to acquire guns. A balance of power was struck after 10 years. English and French missionaries had established schools in the Māori language. Most Māori were bilingual and bi-literate, unlike most European who were monolingual and illiterate.

From the time the Treaty of Waitangi was signed, tension grew. Māori resisted European pressure on them to sell land. Europeans established a Parliament that excluded Māori. Pressure for land and the exclusion of Māori from the halls of power lead to the New Zealand wars. After the resisting tribes were subjugated their lands were confiscated. A Land Court was established. The only access Māori could have to cash was to sell land. European diseases had a devastating affect on Māori. By 1900 the European population had increased to 750,000. The Māori population had dropped to 40,000.

In 1867 the New Zealand Government established a free compulsory education system. However Māori had to provide land and buildings for schools. The Māori language was banned from schools and Māori children were punished, physically beaten for using the Māori language at school.

Prior to World War II 90% of Māori lived in rural tribal villages. They lived off the remaining land they owned or worked as rural agricultural labourers and domestic servants for Europeans. Their first language in the home was the Māori language. They engaged in English beyond the village, at school, in shops and at work. Most Māori community events, ceremonies and celebrations took place in the Māori language.

Most Māori tribes sent their young men to join the New Zealand defence force in support of the United Kingdom during World War II. At the end of the war, New Zealand grew in industrialisation. New factories required workers. The Government encouraged Māori to move to the cities for work and education. By the mid-1950s 80% of the now 100,000 or so Māori had moved from their rural villages to the urban and city areas.

Prior to this there had been very little contact between most Europeans and Māori. The influx of Māori to the cities was met with racist negativism. The government “pepper potted” individual Māori families amongst predominantly white communities to “assimilate” them to European ways. Māori were generally expected to become “white” the sooner the better. The Māori language was not welcome in the cities. Māori parents, themselves punished for using the Māori language at schools based in their home villages, raised their families speaking only English to them. Within one generation the Māori language was no longer intergenerationally transmitted.

By 1970 urban Māori youth, inspired by the American Black liberation movement, rose up in protest against the breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi and language loss. By 1979 only 8% of the 300,000 Māori people could speak Māori.

In 1972 a petition with 30,000 signatures was taken to Parliament calling for the official recognition of the Māori language and for the Māori language to be taught in schools. This lead to an increase in the teaching of Māori language and an official Māori language day. Māori Language Day eventually became Māori Language Week.

The Māori language movement built in momentum, moving to adopting language acquisition strategies such as total immersion learning methodologies. In 1981 the first major organisation to develop was Te Ataarangi, a total immersion adult learning programme based on Caleb Gattegno’s Silent Way.

A year later Māori elders called for more to be done for the younger generations. Te Kōhanga Reo – the language nest – was launched. Native speaking elders, predominantly women – volunteered to spend their days with the grandchildren generation using only the Māori language as the language of communication.

Three years down the track it was evident that the movement of kōhanga reo children into schools has a negative impact on their language. Within 6 months they stopped using the language. An urban based Māori organisation established the first total immersion Māori language school.

In 1975 a process was established whereby Māori can lay grievances against the Crown (Government) for breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi. A leading Māori language organisation laid a claim against the Crown for its role in the loss of the Māori language, especially through Education policy. The result was the official legal recognition of Te Reo Māori as an official language and the establishment of the Māori Language Commission as the principal policy advisor to the Government on Māori language matters.

In 1989 the Education Act was reviewed and renewed. Kura Kaupapa Māori – total immersion Māori language schools became included as a fully state funded option. This precipitated total immersion teacher training programmes. At the same time Kōhanga Reo became funded in the same way as English language Early Childhood Centres. $70M is now allocated annually to the pre-school language nests.

In 1990 there were 900 kōhanga reo centres with 14,000 children but only 6 kura kaupapa Māori with only 150 children.

By 2011 over half the native speakers that were used to support kōhanga reo had died. This resulted in halving the number of centres and a drop in numbers of children by a third. Meanwhile schools have grown in number. There are now several options of Māori language programmes. Full immersion schools number about 100 with 7,000 children.

Education has been the Māori peoples’ main focus in language revitalisation and regeneration. The shift is now on homes, families, neighbourhood and community is now the focus.

Education has contributed to a massive increase in speakers of the Māori language – 25.2% of 400,000 Māori were fluent speakers in 2001, saving the language from the brink of extinction having dropped to 8% of 300,000 Māori in 1979. But there is a worry that in 2006 there had been a 2% drop.

In 2011 the Government reviewed its $600M spend, the bulk of which is in Education ($350M), followed by Broadcasting ($75M for Māori language radio and television) and then community language initiatives. In 2011 there was no funding for Te Ataarangi, the adult immersion programme.

The Independent Review panel recommended that the $600M should be shifted from the myriad of Government departments to a central pool governed by a single strategy that has home, family, neighbourhood and community for intergenerational transmission as the target. This recommendation has yet to be given traction.

Mana Tamariki is an organisation based in New Zealand’s 5th largest city. The building here is our permanent base, opened in 2007 after we had occupied 8 other temporary facilities over a 15 year period.

As stated above Palmerston North is New Zealand’s 5th largest city with a population of 85,000 of which Māori make up 12%. This reflects the national percentage of Māori within the national population In 1990 there were five Kōhanga Reo in the city. A group that Toni co-ordinated had launched the campaign to establish a Kura Kaupapa Māori for these Kōhanga Reo. The new school would require large numbers of new entrants. He and his friends decided to open a new 6th Kōhanga Reo called Mana Tamariki.

It opened with 12 children and followed the trend of the time. The language focus was on the children and not their parents, family or community. Mana Tamariki relocated to expand the role growing batches of 21 children, graduating 4-5 a year to the Kura Kaupapa Māori. In 1995 as a result of the Kura Kaupapa Māori expanding to a size that was larger than desirable for language quality control Mana Tamariki opened its own private school with 8 students.

In 1990 Mana Tamariki like all the Education efforts for Māori language revitalisation focussed on teaching the children the language with no link to parents or community.

After Toni and others of the Mana Tamariki leadership had carried out socio-linguistic research in 1995 they adopted the Fishman stage 6 critical stage of language revitalisation. Mana Tamariki put in place a new entry criteria. At least one parent is required to speak only the Māori language at all times to the children enrolled in Mana Tamariki including their own. The preference is both parents speak only Māori and there were several families able to uphold this. However the one-parent-one-language approach was proven in the research as being enough to create intergenerational transmission and so that is the approach Mana Tamariki adopted.

The entry criteria had an immediate galvanising of the commitment and spread of the Māori language beyond the pre-school and school education facilities to the home, the neighbourhood and community. Mana Tamariki families spread the language amongst the city as they shopped, played sport and attended community events. The Mana Tamariki entry criteria is singularly responsible for minority language spread and reversing language shift.

This rather complex messy diagram attempts to show how the focus on language relationships in answering the question “who will speak which language to whom” regenerates the language.

Three generations are the goal of intergenerational transmission so that the third generation naturally and normally uses the language to the generations immediately above and below (generation 4 not shown). In 2005 the original Mana Tamariki families achieved the creation of three generations of engagement in the Māori language with the birth of the first grandchild of one of the founding families. However, the first child born to a Mana Tamariki Kōhanga child was only born in 2010. There are now several children born of Mana Tamariki raised children with the Māori language naturally and normally being transmitted across three generations. We still have a long way to go.

The impact of taking the Fishman Stage 6 approach has been profound in our community. In 1985 Toni and his partner Penny Poutū were the only practitioners of intergenerational transmission of the Māori language within the family in Palmerston North. They were joined by a second family in 1988. Their two families established Mana Tamariki. Since 1995 the number of families has grown so that now we have 50 families, 85 children enrolled – 30 in the Kōhanga Reo and 55 in the Kura Kaupapa Māori. 150 highly fluent speakers engage regularly within and beyond Mana Tamariki at high levels of proficiency. All this language growth, regeneration, reversing language shift and revitalisation occurs in a city where 80% of the population speak only English (allowing 8% for immigrant families). The commitment by families to regenerate the Māori language as their language of the family, neighbourhood and community overcomes any negative reaction from the predominantly English monoglot community. Mana Tamariki has provided a safe zone for families who return to their homes having been buoyed and bolstered to continue using the Māori language with their children through their connection to Mana Tamariki.

There are many challenges to maintain a high quality total immersion Māori language learning environment and families within our English language city.

Families need support. In Mana Tamariki there are NO native speakers of the Māori language. As learned speakers parents continuously need access to vocabulary, phrases, correction in grammar. Mana Tamariki requires parents to be enrolled in a language programme. There are several providers of Māori language courses within the city. Many parents travel afar, returning to their own tribal areas to spend time with the remaining native speakers of their dialects.

Teenagers with all their teenage foibles are a challenge in themselves. Their natural resistance to being made to do something presents a challenge to the language zealots like the leaders of Mana Tamariki who attempt to maintain strict total immersion Māori language and pure language relationships.

In conclusion, Mana Tamariki has been able to contribute to and make a positive impact on the recent deliberations about the way forward for the Māori language revitalisation effort.

Te Reo Mauriora was published by the independent panel that reviewed the Government’s Māori language strategy. It noted the Government spends $600M on the Māori language, predominantly in Education ($350M) through several Government Departments: Education, Māori Affairs and Cultural and Heritage.

The panel recommended shifting the $600M underneath a single Minister and establish a Māori language authority to administer and distribute the funds to ensure the Māori language outcomes were achieved in
Families, neighbourhoods and communities
The Government has not yet adopted the recommendations, however there is a growing support for the panel’s recommendations amongst Māori language leaders. Discussions are pointing towards co-ordination and collaboration amongst Māori language leaders. The desired language outcome is the intergenerational transmission of the seven tribal dialects.

The cities have been the place where Māori people have resided for over 50 years. Te Reo Māori in the cities has been the focus for 40 years. The effort has been multi tribal and multi dialectal. Every dialect has been embraced – any Māori language is better than none. This approach has seen the stronger dialects merging as if to morph in to a general Māori language. During the review of the Māori language strategy tribal leaders called for support of the dialects as well as the general Māori language that has emerged.

Halting the recent drop in fluent speakers is a major priority for the revitalisation of the Māori language and it is hoped that a sharper, more focused and co-ordinated approach through all Māori language organisations collaborating.

Waintrater, Meïr 2021. ‘Juifs, Sion et confusions : Entretien avec Meïr , ancien directeur du mensuel L’Arche. ‘.
propos recueillis par Anthony Casanova
Deux actualités font la une des médias ces derniers jours: l’assassinat antisémite, en France, de Mireille Knoll, le 23 mars 2018, et les affrontements lors de la «marche du retour» le 30 mars en Israël. Bien que ces deux événements n’aient aucun lien entre eux, il s’avère que les polémiques qui accompagnent ces deux drames tournent autour des mêmes terminologies. Des mots, voire des concepts, reviennent toujours sur le devant de la scène, et ils nourrissent des débats interminables où l’on s’aperçoit, qu’au final, personne ne semble se référer à la même définition. C’est pourquoi il paraît opportun de redéfinir certains termes pour que cesse cette incommunicabilité ambiante.
– COQ DES BRUYÈRES: Tout d’abord c’est le mot «juif» qu’il serait bon d’expliquer. Cela veut dire quoi «être Juif»? Est-ce obligatoirement un lien avec la foi? Est-ce une appartenance à un peuple, à une communauté? Est-ce identité, une condition, une culture? Qu’exprime-t-on en disant que l’on est Juif?
– Meïr Waintrater: Historiquement, les Juifs sont d’abord un peuple, dont le nom est aussi celui de son pays d’origine (la Judée, capitale: Jérusalem), et qui a développé une religion nationale connue sous le nom de judaïsme. La religion juive repose sur l’existence du peuple juif. Non pas une communauté de croyants, mais un peuple au sens habituel du terme – des Juifs qui sont juifs comme les Arméniens sont arméniens – à qui Dieu a confié la tâche de porter sa parole dans ce monde. Selon la religion juive, si vous n’êtes pas juif vous n’avez pas à pratiquer le judaïsme pour gagner le Salut éternel; mais si vous tenez absolument à être juif, vous pouvez vous convertir au judaïsme, et alors vous entrez automatiquement au sein du peuple juif.
Il ressort de ce que je viens de dire qu’on ne peut pas appartenir au judaïsme religieux sans appartenir au peuple juif. La réciproque, cependant, n’est pas vraie. On peut appartenir au peuple juif sans pratiquer la religion juive. Car, au fil des siècles, les Juifs n’ont pas connu que des persécutions, des massacres et des exils. Ils ont aussi créé une culture à la fois savante et populaire, avec des littératures sacrées et profanes, avec des airs de musique et des recettes de cuisine, avec des rites de passage et des principes moraux, avec de l’inquiétude et de l’humour. Tout descendant de Juifs, qu’il observe ou non les commandements de la religion juive, peut revendiquer aujourd’hui sa part de cet héritage où les éléments d’origine religieuse se mêlent à des éléments strictement laïques. Et, comme les Juifs sont généreux de nature, des tas de gens qui ne sont pas «d’origine juive» piochent librement là-dedans; ils ont bien raison.
– Lorsque l’on parle du sionisme à travers les siècles, il vient à l’esprit la phrase biblique «L’an prochain à Jérusalem». Alors, est-ce que le sionisme ne serait qu’un principe religieux? Puisque nous nous apprêtons à célébrer les 70 ans de la naissance de l’Etat d’Israël, est-ce que le sionisme est encore d’actualité?
– Lorsqu’en 1897 Theodor Herzl créa le sionisme en tant que mouvement politique, il avait deux choses à l’esprit: la version laïque de l’aspiration au «retour à Sion» (qui est effectivement au cœur des textes et des rituels du judaïsme traditionnel), et la détresse où étaient les Juifs d’Europe de l’Est devant la montée des pogroms et autres persécutions antisémites. Le sionisme devait offrir une réponse pragmatique à la détresse des Juifs, dans l’esprit du retour à Sion. C’est pourquoi l’Organisation sioniste mondiale constituée par Herzl définissait son objet dans les termes suivants: «Le sionisme aspire à la création, en Palestine, d’un foyer pour le peuple juif garanti par le droit public».
On peut dire, en ce sens, que le sionisme a atteint son objet avec la naissance de l’État d’Israël le 14 mai 1948. Et c’est un fait que l’Organisation sioniste mondiale est depuis des décennies une coquille vide, à laquelle seuls les conspirationnistes attribuent une quelconque influence. Cependant, le sionisme s’est survécu à lui-même dans la mesure où il exprime, d’une part, le lien qui relie la grande majorité des Juifs du monde entier à l’État d’Israël, et d’autre part, la continuité au sein du peuple israélien des idéaux qui guidèrent les fondateurs de l’État. Ce lien et cette continuité ne sont pas associés à une orientation particulière: un sioniste peut être religieux ou athée, de gauche ou de droite, partisan de l’annexion par Israël des territoires de Cisjordanie ou au contraire favorable à un retrait d’Israël de ces territoires dans le cadre d’un accord de paix avec un État palestinien.
Les sionistes ont en commun quelques «fondamentaux», principalement le droit d’Israël à vivre dans la sécurité, et le rejet des menaces visant Israël – qu’il s’agisse de l’armement des forces qui veulent sa destruction, de la justification du terrorisme, ou des appels au boycott d’Israël et des Israéliens. Pour le reste, chaque sioniste vit sa vie, et les propos sur un «lobby sioniste» ou une «internationale sioniste» relèvent du délire antisémite.
– Dans l’inconscient collectif, c’est en réponse à la Shoah que l’ONU favorisa la création d’Israël, qu’en est-il historiquement?
– Ce serait un contresens historique absolu que d’attribuer la création de l’État d’Israël à une sorte de «repentance» suite à la Shoah. En 1947-48, personne ne pense en ces termes, et les grandes puissances moins que quiconque. S’il y a un rapport direct avec la Shoah, il tient à la présence en Europe centrale de centaines de milliers de rescapés juifs, entassés dans des camps de «personnes déplacées» et attendant un pays où ils pourraient reconstruire leurs existences.
Cela dit, il faut rappeler que lorsque l’ONU est saisie du dossier, il y a dans la Palestine sous Mandat britannique environ 600.000 Juifs et 1.200.000 Arabes. La présence d’une forte population juive, qui conduira au partage du pays entre Juifs et Arabes, résulte d’un courant d’immigration qui se poursuit depuis la fin du dix-neuvième siècle, et n’est donc pas liée à la Shoah. (Le nombre des Juifs aurait été bien plus élevé si les autorités britanniques n’avaient instauré en 1939 un «Livre Blanc» limitant l’immigration juive en Palestine à 75.000 personnes, et ce au moment même où les Juifs tentaient désespérément de fuir l’Europe.)
Il faut dire aussi que l’ONU n’a pas vraiment «favorisé la création d’Israël». L’Assemblée générale des Nations Unies a adopté le 29 novembre 1947 un plan de partage de la Palestine entre «un État juif» et «un État arabe». Ce plan a été accepté par les représentants des Juifs de Palestine et (hélas) rejeté par les représentants des Arabes. La Palestine a été aussitôt plongée dans une guerre civile, puis dans une guerre tout court lorsqu’après la naissance de l’État d’Israël des armées arabes ont pris part aux combats. Durant cette guerre, où la survie du jeune État était plus qu’incertaine, l’ONU est restée dans une prudente réserve.
– «Antisémitisme de gauche» et «antisémitisme de droite», «l’antisémitisme, ça veut rien dire puisque tous les Juifs ne sont pas sémites», sont des affirmations que l’on entend souvent. Comment expliquez-vous que l’antisémitisme soit toujours remis en cause?
– D’abord, une brève remarque sur le mot «antisémitisme». Lancé en 1879 par un polémiste allemand antijuif nommé Wilhelm Marr, il a été utilisé dès l’origine pour désigner la haine des Juifs et rien d’autre. Quant au mot «sémite», il désigne un groupe de langues et non pas des peuples. C’est pourquoi le recours à un discours racialiste, du genre «les Juifs ne sont pas des sémites» ou «les Juifs ne sont pas les seuls sémites», est soit une marque d’ignorance soit le cache-sexe d’un discours authentiquement antisémite.
Maintenant, sur le fond du problème: pendant longtemps, en France comme dans le reste de l’Europe, l’antisémitisme a été assumé voire revendiqué. C’est après la Shoah que le mot fait «horreur» parce que, selon la célèbre et très ambiguë formule de Bernanos, «Hitler l’a déshonoré à jamais». Alors commence un concours d’hypocrisie, à grand renfort de périphrases et de termes plus ou moins équivalents, pour suggérer l’antisémitisme sans jamais le dire. Le pire n’est pas que, ce faisant, des gens trompent leur public; le pire, c’est qu’ils parviennent à se tromper eux-mêmes.
Pourquoi ce phénomène de fascination/répulsion autour de l’antisémitisme? Peut-être parce que ce préjugé-là a fait la preuve de sa nature meurtrière. On sait que l’antisémitisme tue, mais on voudrait (se) faire croire qu’il est des formes d’anti-quelque-chose qui ne tuent pas, ou pas vraiment, ou sans qu’on en soit coupable. On joue avec le feu mais, le jour venu, on ne sera jamais à court d’échappatoires.
– Antisémitisme pour certains ou synonyme d’anticolonialisme pour d’autres, «l’antisionisme» est sans doute le mot qui génère le plus de confusions. Qu’en est-il selon vous?
– L’antisionisme n’est pas une réaction au sionisme, de même que l’antisémitisme n’est pas une réaction au sémitisme. Dans l’un et l’autre cas, il s’agit d’une relation à un Autre («sioniste» ou «sémite») totalement fantasmé. La vraie question est: qui est cet Autre, et quel est le fantasme à son propos?
S’il s’agissait simplement de critiquer la politique de l’État d’Israël, on n’aurait pas besoin du mot «sionisme». La liste est longue des États dont les politiques sont aujourd’hui critiquables, et s’agissant de chacun de ces États on sait formuler la critique en les nommant, sans autre procédé langagier. De même, pour mettre en cause le gouvernement israélien – et je ne m’en suis pas privé moi-même –, il suffit de dire son nom. En revanche, invoquer le «sionisme» dans le cadre d’un discours contre Israël, c’est suggérer que ce pays serait doté d’une mystérieuse essence «sioniste» qui ne se résume pas à ses dirigeants (israéliens) ni même à sa population (israélienne), et qu’il faut chercher ailleurs la cause de ce qui lui est reproché. Suivez mon regard. De fait, les attaques contre le «sionisme» apparaissent souvent dans des contextes qui n’ont rien à voir avec la politique proche-orientale.
Le sionisme est comme le furet de la chanson: il est passé par ici, il repassera par là. Il est partout, ce qui est proprement diabolique. Le sionisme a conspiré contre la race aryenne et contre la Côte d’Ivoire, contre le Venezuela et contre la chrétienté. Le sionisme a envoyé des équipes médicales en Haïti pour prélever des organes sur les victimes du tremblement de terre, il a organisé les banques internationales qui ont dépouillé la Grèce, il a attenté à la vie de dirigeants soviétiques, il a interdit des films sur la traite des Noirs, il a entrepris de coloniser d’immenses espaces dans le sud de l’Argentine et du Chili, il a provoqué la première guerre mondiale et la seconde guerre mondiale, il a tenté de prendre le contrôle du parti communiste tchécoslovaque, il a fabriqué du chewing-gum aphrodisiaque pour corrompre la jeunesse arabe, il a spéculé contre le ringgit malais et contre la livre britannique, il a fait des films sur la traite des Noirs, il a miné de l’intérieur la Pologne socialiste, il dirige le gouvernement secret qui contrôle les États-Unis, il a orienté l’industrie de Hollywood pour diffuser une image négative de l’Iran, il a pris le contrôle de la franc-maçonnerie et des Clubs Rotary, il a inventé les prétendus attentats du 11-Septembre, et il fait croire au monde entier le mensonge d’Auschwitz (tous les exemples que je viens de donner correspondent à des accusations effectivement portées contre «le sionisme» ou «les sionistes»).
Ce serait drôle si ce n’était si triste. Parce que des populations sont soumises à un lavage de cerveau où la dénonciation des «crimes sionistes» sert à expliquer le monde. Parce qu’ainsi la haine se répand et rend impossible toute rencontre. Aux yeux d’un homme comme moi, qui a passé beaucoup de temps à encourager le dialogue entre Israéliens et Palestiniens, entre Juifs et Musulmans, l’antisionisme est un crime contre l’esprit. Et que le discours «antisioniste» soit devenu le déguisement des antisémites de tout poil le rend d’autant plus odieux.
– Le CRIF (Conseil Représentatif des Institutions Juives de France) et la LDJ (Ligue de défense juive) ont fait parler d’eux lors de la marche blanche pour Mireille Knoll, pourriez-vous nous expliquer qui ils sont et ce qu’ils représentent?
– Le Conseil représentatif des institutions juives de France (Crif) est un organisme relativement petit et aux pouvoirs limités. Il ne dirige pas les institutions juives mais a pour fonction de les représenter face aux pouvoirs publics et à l’opinion publique, essentiellement sur des sujets «fondamentaux» comme la lutte contre l’antisémitisme et la défense du droit d’Israël à l’existence. D’autre part, il ne prétend pas représenter l’ensemble des Français juifs (lesquels n’ont d’autres représentants que ceux issus de la vie démocratique nationale) mais seulement la mosaïque de la vie associative juive en France, qui compose l’assemblée où sont élus les dirigeants du Crif.
On ne peut reprocher au Crif de ne pas avoir une ligne claire sur les conflits du Proche-Orient, puisqu’il n’est pas censé en avoir vraiment une. En revanche, ce qu’on peut lui reprocher, c’est de se laisser parfois déborder par des éléments «durs» en son sein, et de se faire l’écho de positions allant au-delà du consensus qui assoit sa légitimité. Mais, la plupart du temps, les déclarations du Crif correspondent au «centre de gravité» du milieu associatif juif.
Quant à la Ligue de défense juive (LDJ), c’est un groupuscule dont la notoriété médiatique est très supérieure à son poids réel. On lui suppose quelques dizaines de membres actifs. Son extrémisme peut avoir des échos au sein d’une population juive traumatisée par la multiplication des actes antisémites; cependant, la LDJ n’a jamais été un facteur politique significatif dans la communauté. Elle n’est pas non plus, contrairement à une légende tenace, un «service d’ordre»: cette fonction est assumée par le Service de protection de la communauté juive (SPCJ), un organisme communautaire qui travaille en étroite coopération avec les pouvoirs publics.
– Dans un article du Monde, le journaliste Piotr Smolar, parle de l’image internationale qui verrait dans le conflit israélo-palestinien, l’affrontement «d’un David – palestinien – en keffieh contre Goliath – israélien – en treillis», quel est votre sentiment?
– Il y a, sans aucun doute, une asymétrie foncière entre les Palestiniens et les Israéliens. Je comprends que, chez des personnes extérieures au conflit, cela suscite une identification avec la partie perçue comme étant la plus faible. Cependant, l’absence de symétrie entre la condition présente des Israéliens et celle des Palestiniens ne doit pas masquer la symétrie foncière de leurs droits humains.
Les Palestiniens ont le droit d’exercer leur souveraineté nationale dans un État indépendant et viable. Les Israéliens ont le droit de vivre en sécurité dans leur État, à l’abri des attentats terroristes et de la menace des armes de destruction massive. Il s’agit, dans les deux cas, de droits humains qui sont, par nature, non négociables. La négociation doit porter sur les conditions de leur mise en œuvre, afin d’édifier un avenir où l’État arabe de Palestine et l’État juif d’Israël coexisteront dans la paix et le respect mutuel. Les gouvernements israéliens successifs n’ont pas fait ce qu’ils auraient dû faire à cet égard; mais les dirigeants palestiniens ne sont pas non plus sans reproche, loin de là.
C’est pourquoi je suis inquiet devant la prolifération des imageries simplistes. Le pro-israélien qui nie les droits essentiels des Palestiniens, et le pro-palestinien qui nie les droits essentiels des Israéliens, portent atteinte aux Palestiniens et aux Israéliens tout à la fois, car ils contribuent à retarder un accord sans lequel ni ceux-ci ni ceux-là n’ont d’avenir. À cela s’ajoute la répercussion des polémiques sur le territoire français, où elles nourrissent des préjugés et contribuent à un climat de violence dont nous connaissons trop bien les effets.

Wakely, Richard (2013), ‘contribution to panel on Culture, interdependence and migration’, paper given at Dublin Interdependence Celebration and Forum, Dublin Castle.

Director of the Belfast Festival at Queens University. I’m returning to Belfast after 30 years. It’s a personal challenge after 18 years in London and 15 years to Dublin. I’m partly Catholic, Jewish and Anglican and I’m married to a Sikh…in other term for my parish priest, I’m a “Don’t know”. It’s also a city challenge in a city where unemployment and poverty are rampant, where there is a gap between city and rural areas. This makes it an ideal place for creative thinking. We need ultracarefulness and have defined 5 priorities: global connectivity(open window, fresh air), contemporary art practice, meaningful participation, bringing together two communities and finally looking into the future without forgetting the past. See the project A new face for Belfast on the old face of the city. Is this just wishful thinking or a genuine hope for a brighter future for all of us who share this land. Cf. incredible installation

Wald, P. and G., Manessy (1979), Plurilinguisme : Normes, situations, Stratégies ( Paris: L’Harmattan).

Waldron, Jeremy (1992), ”Minority cultures and the cosmopolitan alternative’, University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, 25 (3), 751-93.

I want to begin with an extended quotation from an essay entitled In Good Faith which Rushdie wrote in 1990 in defense of his execrated book the Satanic verses:
“if the Satanic Verses is anything, it’s a migrant’s eye-view of the world. It is written from the very experience of uprooting, disjuncture and metamorphosis (…) that is the migrant condition, and from which, I believe, can be derived a metaphor for all humanity.

Standing in the center of the novel is a group of characters most of whom are British Muslims, or not particularly religious persons of Muslim background, struggling with just the sort of great problems that have arisen to surround the book, problems of hybridization and ghettoization, of reconciling the old and the new. Those who oppose the novel most vociferously today are of the opinion that intermingling with a different culture will inevitably weaken and ruin their own. I am of the opposite opinion. The Satanic verses celebrate hybridity, impurity, intermingling, the transformation that comes of new and unexpected combinations of human beings, cultures, ideas, politics, movies, songs. It rejoices in mongrelization and fears the absolutism of the Pure. Mélange, hodgepodge, a bit of this and a bit of that is how newness enters the world. It is the great possibility that mass migration gives the world, And I have tried to embrace it.

1. Communitarianism

Modern liberal theories plays great stress on the importance of a Tonna miss individual leading his life according to chosen plan.

(The term cosmopolitan) is not supposed to indicate that the practitioner of the ethos in question is necessarily a migrant (like Rushdie), A perpetual refugee (like for example, Jean-Jacques Rousseau), or frequent-flyer (like myself). The cosmopolitan may live all his life in one city and maintain the same citizenship through out. But he refuses to think of himself as defined by his location or his ancestry or his citizenship or his language. Though he may live in San Francisco and B of Irish ancestry, he does not take his identity to be compromised when he learns Spanish, East Chinese, with clothes made in Korea, listens to areas by Verdae song by a Maori princess on Japanese equipment, follows Ukrainian politics, and practices Buddhist meditation techniques. He is a creature of modernity, conscious of living in the mixed-up world and having a mixed-up self.
(…)
For the purposes of this article, I want to single out one meaning of the term as worthy of special attention. It is community in the sense of community: A particular people sharing heritage of custom, ritual, and way of life that is in some real or imagined sense immemorial (…)

2. Minority culture as a human right

There is a human yearning or need to belong: I need that is in danger of being miserably frustrated -for example in the case of Knowles American aboriginal groups. This is the neat that’s colors appeal to when they criticize or defend various interpretations of the right of cultural preservation (cf proponents of article 27 of the international covenant on civil and political rights)

3. Thin theory of the Good

A thin theory (…) gives us the bare framework for conceptualizing choice and agency but leaving the specific contents of choices to be filled in by individuals

4. Opposition and authenticity

(…) we know that the world in which deracinated cosmopolitanism flourishes is is not a safe place for minority communities.

Let me state it provocatively. From a cosmopolitan point of view, immersion in the traditions of a particular community in the modern world is like living in Disneyland and thinking that one’s surroundings epitomize what it is for culture really to exist.

7. Our debt to global community

8. Kymlicka’s View of the social world

We need cultural meanings, but we do not need homogeneous cultural frameworks. We need to understand our choices in the context in which they make sense, but we do not need any single context to structure our choices. To put it crudely, we need culture, but we do not need cultural integrity. Since none of us needs a homogeneous cultural framework or integrity of a particular set of meanings, none of us needs to be immersed in one of the small scale communities which, according to Kymlicka and others, hello moon capable of securing this integrity and homogeneity.

The communitarianism that can sound cozy and attractive in the book by Robert Bellah or Michael Sandel can be blinding, dangerous, and disruptive in the real world, where communities do not come ready packaged and where communal allegiances are as much and shouldn’t hatreds of one’s neighbors as immemorial traditions of culture.

cf. part of the pdf

Walker, J. S. G. (1980). A History of Blacks in Canada. Ottawa: Ministry of State Multiculturalism.

Walker, Samuel (1998). The Rights Revolution: Rights and Community in Modern America. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Walkowitz, Rebecca L. 2015. Born Translated: The Contemporary Novel in an Age of World Literature (Columbia University Press: New York).

(DRM’s library)

Wallace-Crabbe, C. (1991). The Ethnic Red Herring. In Goodman, D., D. J. O’Hearn & C. Wallace-Crabbe (eds.) Multicultural Australia: the challenges of change. Melbourne: Scribe. 3-9.

Walsh, Michael. 2002. ‘Language ownership: a key issue for Native Title.’ in John Henderson and David Nash (eds.), Language and Native Title (Aboriginal Studies Press: Canberra).

Quoted by Zuckermann, Ghil’ad , and Michael Walsh. 2011. ‘Stop, Revive, Survive: Lessons from the Hebrew Revival Applicable to the Reclamation, Maintenance and Empowerment of Aboriginal Languages and Culture. ‘, Australian Journal of Linguistics: 111-27

___ 2005. ‘Indigenous Languages of Southeast Australia, Revitalization and the Role of Education’, Australian Review of Applied Linguistics, 28: 1-14.

Quoted by Zuckermann, Ghil’ad , and Michael Walsh. 2011. ‘Stop, Revive, Survive: Lessons from the Hebrew Revival Applicable to the Reclamation, Maintenance and Empowerment of Aboriginal Languages and Culture. ‘, Australian Journal of Linguistics: 111-27

___. . 2010. ‘Why language revitalization sometimes works.’ in Kevin Lowe John Hobson, Susan Poetsch and Michael Walsh (ed.), Re-Awakening languages: Theory and practice in the revitalisation of Australia’s Indigenous languages. (Sydney University Press: Sydney).
Quoted by Zuckermann, Ghil’ad , and Michael Walsh. 2011. ‘Stop, Revive, Survive: Lessons from the Hebrew Revival Applicable to the Reclamation, Maintenance and Empowerment of Aboriginal Languages and Culture. ‘, Australian Journal of Linguistics: 111-27

Walzer, M. (1997). On Toleration. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Wardhaugh, R. (1986). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

Wardhaugh, R. (1987). Languages in Competition: Dominance, Diversity and Decline. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

___(1993). Investigating Language: Central Problems in Linguistics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

___ed (1984). Show Us Life: Towards a History and Aesthetics of the Committed Documentary. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press.

Warshaw, Robin. 1995. ‘I never called it rape.’ in Adele M. Stan (ed.), Debating Sexual Correctness: Pornography, Sexual Harassment, Date Rape, and the Politics of Sexual Equality
{DRM’s library}

Wasala, Rohana (2011), ‘Mother Tongues and Multilingual Education’, The Island online, November 3 ( 7:46 pm ) sec. Lateral Commentaries.
( 7:46 pm ) sec. Lateral Commentaries.
The term ‘multilingual education’ which embodies the idea of using at least three languages in education, namely, the mother tongue, a regional or national language, and an international language was adopted by the United Nations’ Educational, Social, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) at its General Conference in 1999. As one of its important roles, the organization provides international frameworks and parameters for educational policy makers to guide their decisions about complex issues. Language, or rather the choice of the language of instruction, is one such area. A 2003 UNESCO position paper about mother tongue and multilingual education makes this observation: “While there are strong educational arguments in favour of mother tongue (or first language) instruction, a careful balance also needs to be made between enabling people to use local languages in learning, and providing access to global languages of communication through education.”
The UNESCO deals with the linguistic rights issue in multilingual societies in accordance with three basic principles:
UNESCO supports ….
1) “… mother tongue instruction as a means of improving educational quality by building upon the knowledge and experience of the learners and teachers”,
2) “… bilingual and/or multilingual education at all levels of education as a means of promoting both social and gender equality and as a key element of linguistically diverse societies”,
3) “… language as an essential component of inter-cultural
education in order to encourage understanding between different
population groups and ensure respect for fundamental rights”.
The ‘multilingual’ education system we are so assiduously working to establish will most likely give rise to a situation where the sort of linguistic rights concerns we have seen raised by linguists in affluent countries with concentrations of immigrants from diverse cultures could apply in respect of our indigenous languages Sinhala and Tamil. This will be so unless we keep a due sense of proportion in the pursuit of excellence through English. In a context where English occupies an privileged position the speakers of local mother tongue languages are at a disadvantage; and it will be again monolingual education through English, not multilingual education. It could be a scenario which will call for the invocation of principles established over the past half a century by the UN for the protection of the linguistic rights of especially minority communities.
As early as 1984 Professor Tove Skutnabb-Kangas of the University of Roskilde, Denmark suggested four different definitions of mother tongue from the perspectives of origin, identification, competence, and function. Mother tongue by origin, she explained, is the first language that a person learns; mother tongue by identification is of two kinds: a) by internal identification, i.e. the language one identifies oneself with, and b) by external identification, i.e. the language that others associate one with; if competence is the defining element, then one’s mother tongue is the language that one knows best; and finally, mother tongue by function means the language that one uses most.
Professor Skutnabb-Kangas discusses her ideas again in an essay in 2008. She considers how definitions of mother tongue could be made relevant to linguistic minorities found within a multilingual society including such linguistic minorities as the deaf who need an appropriate sign language, and the forcibly assimilated Indigenous or other minority children. She thinks that the four short definitions she has described converge for a linguistic majority; but she avers that for linguistic minorities “often a combination of mother tongue definitions by origin and by internal identification is a good mother tongue definition.”
Professor Skutnabb-Kangas’s attempts in this connection reveal her concern for the protection of the linguistic human rights of minorities. The same attitude is shared by other Western linguists such as Jim Cummins of the University of Toronto, Canada, and Nadine Dutcher of the Center for Applied Linguistics, Washington, DC. USA, who have had the experience of pitting minority languages against a dominant majority language (e.g. in Denmark the sole official language is Danish which is spoken by 90% of the population, while among the minority/foreign languages are English 86%, German 58%, and French 12%; in France the single official language is French with minority languages such as Maghrebi Arabic, Berber, Turkish, etc). They are especially interested in the language rights of immigrant populations in the affluent European and North American societies, and in allied countries where the local languages are both the majority languages and the dominant languages, and where ‘linguicism’ is identified as threatening the linguistic rights of minorities. { Linguicism is a concept and a coinage proposed in the mid-1980’s by Professor Skutnabb-Kangas. It denotes what she calls “ideologies and structures which are used to legitimate, effectuate, and reproduce unequal division of power and resources (both material and non-material) between groups which are defined on the basis of language.” The words quoted are reproduced from Wikipedia.}
The suitability of what Skutnabb-Kangas suggests as a good definition of ‘mother tongue’ for minorities (“a combination of mother tongue definitions by origin and by internal identification”) to contexts where the language of power is also the language of the majority as in the European and North American countries is clear: it recognises the right of individual members of linguistic and cultural minorities in such societies to adopt, out of the diversity of languages available, the language that is closest to them as their mother tongue.
Sri Lanka’s multilingual situation is the reverse of that found in Europe and North America because the language of the majority (Sinhalese) cannot be called the dominant language here. Both Sinhala and Tamil are official languages, and English is designated in the constitution as a link language. Those who can speak English form a little less than 10% of the population (9.9%). Only about 10,000 people out of a population of roughly 20 million are said to use English as their first language. (“First language” here must be taken as identical with mother tongue, for if the term ‘first language’ is defined as the language someone mainly uses to function in in day to day life, as in education, scientific research, professions, and commerce, then this figure should be substantially higher since English serves as the first language in this sense for many educated Sri Lankans whose mother tongue is Sinhalese or Tamil, which is their usual home language.) The significant thing, nevertheless, is that English dominates the linguistic scene in our society. So, whereas in UK, US, Canada, Australia, New Zealand etc English dominates as the language of the majority, in Sri Lanka it dominates as the language of a minority. In other words, we have the case of a (numerically) minority language usurping the place of a majority language.
In the Sri Lankan context, however, the term ‘minority language’ when applied to English can be misleading in view of this reality. Though it is the language of a numerical minority, in terms of its influence particularly in such fields as education, research, business, and international communication, it functions as a ‘majority’ language pushing the indigenous languages into ‘minority’ language status in that sense. This dominance of English is not one of choice, but the result of a complex of historical, political, and economic factors specific to our country reinforced by the impact of the phenomenon known as globalization.
A new manifestation of the West’s capitalist domination of the world, globalization is an inescapable fact of life today. It may be an unmixed blessing for business people and industrialists since it opens extensive markets for industry and commerce. Yet it’s not so for others. Though it’s mainly to do with business, it draws the nations together in all important spheres including education, leading to general progress in those areas. But globalization is not always for their benefit. Among the iniquities that it brings in its wake is its tendency to increase the gap between rich and poor nations. Political instability, terrorism, and civil unrest either caused or compounded by economic hardships encourage large movements of people as helpless refugees or desperate job seekers from poor countries to rich countries.
The movement of populations is thus usually from the poor countries to the rich. The resultant cultural diversity of societies in the host countries is viewed in opposite ways by sections of the local populations: some tolerate it, some don’t. In Canada, for instance, according to Jim Cummins of Toronto University the neo-fascists want immigrants expelled or at least excluded from mainstream society, while the more liberal groups want them to be assimilated. Professor Cummins feels that exclusion and assimilation are similar in that both regard cultural diversity as ‘a problem’ that should be made to disappear.
In Cummins’s view, this way of looking at the phenomenon of cultural diversity that is dominant in EU and North American countries can have disastrous consequences for children and their families. The reason is that assimilation policies tend to discourage students from retaining their native language and culture for fear that it would hinder their ability to identify with the mainstream culture. The subliminal message that is conveyed to them is that they must renounce their allegiance to their home language and culture if they want to be properly integrated into the host society. This involves a violation of UN-recognized human rights (related to language) of communities affected.
Apropos of the multilingual situation in Sri Lanka, there is no question about transforming our education system from monolingual to multilingual status. Probably, however, what multilingual education in our specific context does or should mean is still not clear to many though they think they know. The popular perception seems to be in terms of a so-called quality education through the medium of English with or without a knowledge of Sinhala and Tamil (the mother tongues of 95% of the population). (I’m not saying that this notion corresponds to the policy of the official trilingual plan now underway.)
It has been long established that for a child’s proper education, particularly in the first years, the mother tongue/the home language is the best medium of instruction. Cummins refers to his own writings, and those of others such as Baker and Skutnabbs-Kangas among more recent researches in the field to confirm the importance of the mother tongue for the education of bilingual children. As educators these authorities hold that “children’s cultural and linguistic experience in the home is the foundation of their future learning and we must build on that foundation rather than undermine it; every child has the right to have their talents recognized and promoted within the school”. School education should not squander “the linguistic, cultural, and intellectual resources they bring from their homes to our schools and societies”. Though these statements were made in connection with multilingual societies different to ours, the importance of the mother tongue for children’s education, and through it to the society at large is the same.

‘Raw Law : La Loi vierge.’ in Schulte-Tenckhoff (ed.), Altérité et Droit, Contributions à l’étude du rapport entre droit et culture (Bruylant: Bruxelles).
{DRM’s library}

Waugh, Thomas, ed. 1984. Show Us Life: Towards a History and Aesthetics of the Committed Documentary (Scarecrow Press: Metuchen, NJ).

Weber, Raymond. 1995. ‘De la réalité multiculturelle à la démarche interculturelle. Quels défis pour le Conseil de l’Europe ?’ in Jean-Pierre Saez (ed.), Identités, Cultures et Territoires (Desclée de Brouwer: Paris).

Weber est directeur de l’enseignement, de la culture et du sport au Conseil de l’Europe.
Souvenons-nous. L’Europe des blocs, celle d’avant 1989, était l’Europe de la stabilité. D’un coté l’Europe occidentale construisait, lentement, son unité économique et politique. …l’Etat-providence commençait, certes, à donner les premiers signes de faiblesse et de crise, mais le niveeau de vie était en hausse quasi constante. De l’autre côté l’Europe centrale et orientale, sous domination communiste, a vécu une longe prériode de paix et de stabilité …imposée par des régimes totalitaires…Ainsi, cette Europe congéelée en deux blocs opposés, était en apparence un Europe stable, l’Europe des accords tacites, des partages de pouvoirs, des zones d’influence. Samuel Huntington nous annonce maintenant le « choc des civilisations » et nous explique que dorénavant les grandes sources de coflit ne seront plus idéologiques ou économiuqes, mais culturelles. Selon lui, « en Europe, le rideau de velours de la culture a remplacé le rideau de fer de l’idéologie »,. D’autres parlent d’un retour du tribalisme ou d’un nouveau moyen age. En fait, à défaut de choc des cultures, il semble évident que l’interpénétration culturelle de nos sociétés est devenue une dimension fondamentale de la réalité internationale sans laquelle nous ne pouvons pas comprendre les deux autres dimeniosn: l’interaction des stratégies diplomatico-militaires et l’interdépendance des intérêts économiques. En d’autres mots: la « culture » est devenue un enjeu central des poklitiques globales (y comnpris économiques et sécuritaires). Et les actions culturelles et éducatives peuvent constituer un « instrument « extraordinairement efficace au service d’une Europe plus démocratique etplus respectueurse des droits de l’homme.
La société multiculturelle est souvent définie comme une « mosaïque » où les groupes et les communatués à langues, cultures, ethnies ou religions différentes sont simplement juxtaposées. Une telle conception est tributaire d’une vision statique de la culture pratiquée par des groupes humains et méconnaît l’interaction entre individus, groupes et communatués et les conditions de mise en contact entre eux.
D’autes identifient la multiculturalité à l’idée du « melting-pot », où les diverses cultures se seraient fondues dans une espèce de culture cosmopolite. Ce qui ne rend pas justice aux situations pluriculturelles où chaque indivudu reste de fait structuré par ses appartenances identitaires, malgré de multiples emprunts à d’autres cultures. L’analyse de la culture à partir de ses composantes (l’élément cognitif: langues, connaissances, croyances; l’élément normatif: valeurs, normes; lélément affectif; le comportement: coutume, modes de vie, types de comportement; les éléments structurels: appartenance àa des groupes primaires, à des associations ou à une situation juridique, politique, professionnelle) révèle qu’un individu peut appartenir à plusieurs cultures.
Il est par ailleurs dangereux de concevoir les relations humaines dans une société multiculturelle uniquement en termes de « majorité » et de « minorité ». Il est important de prendre aussi en compte les relations interminorités et de retrouver la signification de sa culture dans la société d’aujourd’hui.
Enfin, il convient de ne pas confondre dans le même concept de société pluriculturelle les minorités ehtniques ou régionales faisant partie de la même nation, les minorités post.-coloniales installées dans les anciens pays métropolitqins bénéficiant de la citoyenneté nationale, les immigrés ayant gardé leur statut d’étrangers, les générations issues des migrations, les Tsiganes et les Juifs (spécificité culturelles).
Dans ce contexte, le vrai problème, ce n’est plus le pluriculturalisme, mais l’unicité.
cf également:
Bruckner, Pascal. Le vertige de Babel, cosmopolitisme ou mondialisme. Paris: Arléa, 1994.
Huntington, Samuel. “Le choc des civilisations.” Commentaires 66, no. été 1994.

Webster, N. (1789, reimp.1967). Dissertations on the English Language: With Notes, Historical and Critical. Meniston: Meniston.

Let me add, that whatever predilection the Americans may have for their native European tongues, and particularly the British descendants for the English, yet several circumstances render a future separation of the American tongue from the EngliSh, necessary and unavoidable
it must be considered further, that the english is the common root or stock from which our national language will be derived. all others will gradually waste away- and within a cent

Weill, Nicolas. 2020. ‘Mort du philosophe et critique George Steiner: Le penseur et critique littéraire hors pair est mort lundi à Cambridge (Royaume-Uni) à l’âge de 90 ans. Son ironie mordante n’épargnait pas la civilisation contemporaine.’, Le Monde, 3 février 2020.

Philosophe et critique
La mort de George Steiner nous confronte à un paradoxe, celui de savoir pourquoi, dans une ère mondialisée comme la nôtre, la disparition d’un érudit polyglotte et nomade, d’un penseur errant entre les cultures, mais jamais superficiel, s’accompagne d’une nostalgie pour le type d’intellectuel qu’il a incarné et qui semble disparaître avec lui.
Critique littéraire hors pair, théoricien de la traduction à laquelle il a consacré l’un de ses chefs-d’œuvre Après Babel (Albin Michel, 1978), comparatiste inégalé des littératures française, allemande et anglo-saxonne, George Steiner aimait à se définir en « hôte » de la vie, en lecteur « invité » des grands écrivains avec lesquels il aura jusqu’au bout conversé. Mais il ne manquait pas non plus, dans les nombreux entretiens qu’il a accordés, comme dans ses récits autobiographiques (Errata, récits d’une pensée,Gallimard, 1998 ou encore ses Fragments (un peu roussis), Pierre-Guillaume de Roux Editions, 2012), de témoigner du pessimisme culturel que suscitait le spectacle de l’éloignement des « classiques » et l’évolution de la planète depuis Auschwitz – sans jamais que s’érode son ironie mordante, cruelle parfois, pour ceux qui en faisaient les frais.
Difficile de comprendre l’itinéraire de George Steiner, qui est mort le lundi 3 février, à l’âge de 90 ans, à son domicile de Cambridge (Royaume-Uni), sans remonter au climat délétère des années 1930 et 1940, sur lequel il est souvent revenu. Né à Paris le 23 avril 1929, son père d’ascendance tchécoslovaque Friedrich Georg Steiner, juriste de formation et haut cadre de la Banque centrale autrichienne, précocement effaré par la montée de l’antisémitisme, avait eu la clairvoyance de quitter Vienne dès 1924 pour la capitale française. Sa « mère viennoise jusqu’au bout des ongles » qui « commençait habituellement une phrase dans une langue pour la finir dans une autre » et dotée, quoique juive, du prénom wagnérien d’Else, renâclait devant l’exil.
Départ pour New York
Mais ce sont bien le 16e arrondissement parisien et le lycée Janson-de-Sailly qui forment le premier décor de la vie de George. Celui-ci vient au monde avec un grave handicap du bras et de la main droite, qu’il surmonte grâce à l’obstination maternelle. Dans ce milieu de grands bourgeois juifs assimilés et cultivés, on reçoit beaucoup l’avant-garde littéraire de l’époque. George Steiner s’est souvenu y avoir vu James Joyce intercéder auprès de son père pour lui éviter une punition.
Pourtant, même s’il a toujours conservé sa nationalité française, George Steiner évoluera la plus grande partie de son existence dans le monde anglo-saxon, vers lequel l’oriente un second départ de ses parents pour New York, en 1940. Il y fréquente d’abord le lycée français, où cohabitent dans une ambiance insolite les enfants des diplomates de Vichy et les juifs. Il poursuit ses études à Yale puis à l’université de Chicago (les grandes universités américaines s’ouvrant alors à peine aux étudiants d’origine juive).
Grâce aux cours du philosophe Leo Strauss, il entend parler de la philosophie de Martin Heidegger, compromis dans le nazisme, dont Strauss refuse de prononcer jusqu’au nom. La pensée de l’auteur d’Etre et Temps va imprégner l’ensemble de l’œuvre de Steiner, tout réticent soit-il quant au personnage, qu’il s’est abstenu de rencontrer. De même, Steiner, qui se disait « apolitique au possible », a-t-il nourri toute sa vie une fascination esthétique pour les penseurs et écrivains d’extrême droite, que ce soit Céline (« shakespearien ! »), le philosophe royaliste Pierre Boutang ou le fasciste et antisémite Lucien Rebatet, qu’il va voir à Paris dans les années 1960 (l’entretien est reproduit dans Le Cahier de l’Herne de 2003, dirigé par Pierre-Emmanuel Dauzat et consacré à Steiner), ou encore le poète américain et admirateur de Mussolini Ezra Pound, parce qu’« il avait assumé la totalité de ses actes », précisait-il.
Il continue son cursus à Harvard et, grâce à une bourse, renoue, au début des années 1950, avec le Vieux Continent pour entreprendre un doctorat de littérature à Oxford. Ce premier travail, consacré à La Mort de la tragédie – il en fera un livre en 1961 (Gallimard, « Quarto », 2013) –, hérisse un jury de thèse offusqué par un style délibérément intuitif faisant fi des notes de bas de page et des bibliographies exhaustives. Après ce « Waterloo » académique, il présente plus tard, cette fois avec succès, une thèse dans les formes sur la poésie romantique ; elle ne sera jamais publiée, elle est « abandonnée aux souris ».
George Steiner devient d’abord journaliste pour l’hebdomadaire The Economist, où il passe, de 1952 à 1956, « les quatre meilleures années de sa vie », a-t-il affirmé un jour au quotidien britannique TheGuardian. L’un de ses trophées fut une interview du « père de la bombe atomique, Robert Oppenheimer » (1904-1967) à l’université de Princeton (Etats-Unis). Contrairement à tant de ses collègues universitaires, il n’a jamais dédaigné le métier de chroniqueur de presse, même s’il l’a exercé par la suite surtout comme critique littéraire dans les 130 articles qu’il a rédigés pour le magazine The New Yorker de 1967 à 1997 (Lectures, Gallimard, 2010). Il succède dans cette rubrique à l’intellectuel new-yorkais Edmund Wilson (1895-1972). C’est aussi au début des années 1950 qu’il rencontre l’historienne des relations internationales Zara Shakow, doctorante de Harvard, qu’il épouse en 1955. Deux enfants naissent de ce mariage, David et Deborah.
George Steiner aimait surprendre, sinon choquer, et s’essayer à tous les genres, y compris le roman. Son Transport d’A.H. (Julliard/L’Age d’homme, 1981), récit des tribulations d’un commando juif en chasse d’un Hitler supposé vivant et réfugié en Amazonie, suscita non seulement la polémique, mais convainquit son auteur qu’il était « un professeur, pas un créateur », comme il le confia à l’enseignante et écrivain Cécile Ladjali (Eloge de la transmission, Albin Michel, 2003).
Relation maître-élève
Attaché à la culture biblique et à l’existence d’Israël, ce « diasporiste assumé » pouvait se montrer fort critique de l’Etat juif, par haine du nationalisme en général et des cas de torture qui s’y étaient produits en particulier. Quoique s’affirmant « antisioniste », il s’y rendait souvent et fut l’ami du grand spécialiste de la Kabbale, Gershom Scholem (1897-1982). Pour lui, l’identité juive consistait avant tout à tenir « toujours ses bagages prêts ».
Malgré une longue période passée à enseigner la littérature comparée à l’université de Genève, « la polyglotte », il s’implante à Cambridge, où il se plaît à la fréquentation des scientifiques de haut vol dans une cité fière de ses neuf Prix Nobel et dotée d’un pub, l’Eagle, où fut annoncé la découverte de l’ADN. Il y est l’un des professeurs fondateurs (fellow founders) du Churchill College.
Aimant l’enseignement, il met au cœur de sa réflexion la relation entre maître et élève « allégorie en acte de l’amour désintéressé » (Maîtres et disciples, Gallimard, 2003). Dans sa maison typiquement dressée sur un gazon humide, il montrait fièrement à ses visiteurs son exemplaire de Kafka signé par l’auteur. Chaque matin, dans son bureau situé au bout du jardin, il s’exerçait à traduire un texte dans « ses » trois langues (français, anglais, allemand) dont il ne sut jamais laquelle avait la préséance.
Il y avait du collectionneur chez George Steiner, qui affirmait avoir pris conscience de l’infinie diversité du monde grâce à une passion d’enfant pour l’héraldique ; un monde toujours divers et dont la prolifération le rendait fort méfiant et sceptique à l’égard des théories littéraires un peu trop systématiques, du structuralisme à la déconstruction.
L’un des ouvrages typiques de son œuvre est sans doute Les Antigones (Gallimard, 1986, réédité en « Quarto »), où il applique conjointement ses talents de comparatiste, d’historien de la littérature et de philosophe, à penser l’épuisement d’un genre théâtral qui va de Sophocle à Anouilh. Il y démontre aussi la puissance intacte et l’actualité des auteurs les plus anciens (« Faire une lecture “classique” de Platon, de Pascal ou de Tolstoï, c’est tenter une vie nouvelle et différente »). Les tragédies antiques étaient, selon lui, des sources inépuisables de mythes – dont celui d’Antigone –, alors que la modernité peinait à en produire de durables, hormis celui de Don Juan et peut-être de Faust.
« Le texte classique, concluait-il, est un texte dont la naissance première, existentielle, nous est peut-être perdue (…) mais son autorité inhérente est telle qu’il peut absorber sans perdre son identité les incursions dont il est victime depuis des siècles, ainsi que l’accumulation des commentaires, des traductions et des variations qui s’accrochent à lui. Ulysse renforce Homère. La Mort de Virgile, de Broch, enrichitL’Enéide. L’Antigone de Sophocle n’a rien à craindre de Lacan. »
Malgré ses atrocités, George Steiner considérait comme un privilège d’avoir vécu au XXe siècle, tout en ayant conscience qu’il s’agissait probablement de l’un des plus « bestiaux » de l’histoire des hommes. Il n’en était pas moins un inlassable critique de la civilisation contemporaine, dont il ne ratait pas une occasion de fustiger les ridicules et condamner les dérives, sans pour autant céder à la facilité d’une pensée réactionnaire ou antimoderne mécanique.
« Anarchiste platonicien »
« Je plaide coupable pour n’avoir pas compris que le cinéma était peut-être la forme la plus importante dans l’esthétique moderne, confia-t-il, amusé, au Monde en 2013. (…) Je confesse n’avoir pas compris non plus l’importance de la télévision ni saisi la révolution que cinéma et télévision ont engendrée. (…) De la même façon, j’ai beaucoup aimé les grands maîtres du jazz quand j’étais étudiant à Chicago, puis est venu le heavy rock, l’art conceptuel, et j’ai décroché. On ne peut pas tout aimer ni comprendre. Il ne faut pas essayer de bluffer. » Pour lui, une invention comme le téléphone portable privait l’homme « de son monologue intérieur »…
Cet « anarchiste platonicien »,selon ses propres termes, a, en dépit de son aversion pour le communisme, trouvé une grandeur, fût-elle « absurde », dans l’idéal d’un Trotski prétendant élever le type humain moyen aux sommets d’un Aristote, d’un Goethe ou d’un Marx. George Steiner s’affirmait du reste sceptique dans la capacité d’une « démocratie populiste qui rend possible des performances athlétiques et sportives de plus en plus éclatantes » à favoriser aussi « cet acte de rébellion, de révolte intérieure qui est au cœur de l’art ». Pour autant, il n’était pas dupe de la vertu civilisatrice de l’art et souvent revenait dans sa bouche l’exemple du bourreau nazi, capable de perpétrer un meurtre massif le matin et de jouer Schubert au piano le soir.
Récemment, il s’inquiétait de la torpeur – l’« acédie » – qu’il voyait se répandre dans la jeunesse soumise au chômage et à la précarité. Dans ses derniers écrits, il se prononçait contre l’acharnement thérapeutique et en appelait à « une révolution morale et légale », instituant l’euthanasie comme une « option élémentaire ».
S’il fallait imaginer un panthéon de la critique, nul doute que George Steiner y occupera une place de choix, aux côtés des plus grands, Erich Auerbach, Leo Spitzer, Jean Starobinski, Roland Barthes… Il s’en distinguerait peut-être par son style acerbe et son humour distancé. Adepte des « confessions négatives », il affectionnait de parler de la littérature par antiphrase, ce que montrent certains essais comme Les Livres que je n’ai pas écrits (Gallimard, 2008). Il s’intéressait aussi à la musique comme au « taire » (son Langage et Silence, Seuil, date de 1969) qui investit une civilisation quand elle « n’est plus veillée par Apollon », où quand la diversité babélique des langues régresse. Pourra-t-on vivre dans son silence à lui ?

———. 2020. ‘Zeev Sternhell, historien israélien spécialiste du fascisme, est mort: Professeur d’université, officier de réserve dans l’armée israélienne et militant pacifiste, il a consacré une part de ses travaux aux origines du fascisme dont la France de la Belle Epoque a été, selon lui, le laboratoire. Le Monde, 21 juin 2020.
Plongé dans les livres et les archives, l’historien israélien Zeev Sternhell, mort à Jérusalem le dimanche 21 juin, à l’âge de 85 ans, a aussi été un combattant, au sens le plus littéral du terme, un « mentsch », disaient ses amis, en yiddish : homme de valeur et d’exception.
Sa femme, Ziva Sternhell, historienne de l’architecture, compagne intellectuelle de son existence et mère de ses deux filles, Tali et Yaël, l’appelait avec tendresse « Alexandre le bienheureux », résumant l’esprit qui animait ce caractère trempé mais bon vivant, fuyant les souvenirs trop lourds portés par le passé, parce qu’il refusait qu’ils entament sa foi inébranlable dans les Lumières et le progrès, en dépit des modes.
(…) attachement indéfectible à une France qui ne lui offrit ni poste ni citoyenneté en retour.

Weinreich, U. (1953). Languages in contact. La Haye: Mouton.

___(1966). Explorations in Semantic Theory. In Sebeok, T. A. (ed.) Current trends in linguistics. La Haye: Mouton.

in bibliography of Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press.

Weinstein, B. (1983). The Civic Tongue, Political Consequences of Language Choices. New York & London: Longman.

155: “Language and politics have been wedded in an indissoluble union”, quoted by Benrabah, M. (2004). Language and Politics in Algeria. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 10, 59-78.

White, Kenneth (1982), La figure du dehors (Grasset: Paris).

Cité par Francine Novel, directrice de l’ECG Jean-Piaget à sa conférence de rentrée 20014-2015 en guise de conclusion.
p. 89-90: Si nous nous engageons dans le champ du savoir, si nous nous préoccupons de techniques et de connaissances, (…) ce n’est pas pour arriver à une conclusion, mais pour nous maintenir exposés à ce que nous ne savons pas, pour confronter nos désirs et nos besoins au-delà de l’habitude et d’habiletés acquises, au-delà de ce qui “va de soi”, pour nous situer au bord même de nous-mêmes, à l’extrême limite du toucher et du penser, là où jaillissent l’impulsion et la nouveauté.

Wells, Lydia. 1999. ‘Australian Women’s Autobiographies as Discourses of National Identity: Jill Ker Conway’s The Road from Coorain and Ruby Langford’s Don’t Take Your Love to Town.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
in DRM’s library

Wenzel, G. (1992). Animal Rights, Human Rights: Ecology, Economy and Ideology in the Canadian Arctic. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

West, Cornel (1990), ‘The new cultural politics of difference’, in R. Ferguson et al (ed.), Out there: marginalization and contemporary cultures. (Boston: MIT Press).

Wheelock, Arthur Jr (ed.)^(eds.). 1995. Johannes Vermeer (Flammarion: Paris).
Dans la bibliographie du cours de l’Ecole du louvre de Bouttier, Ronan 2021. “Les pays du Nord au XVIIe siècle.” In, edited by Cours d’initiation à l’histoire générale de l’art. Paris: Le Louvre.

Whitlam, E. G. (1994). Introduction. In Murray, S. (ed.) Australian Cinema. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin. 1-4.

Wicherkiewicz, Tomasz (2012), ‘Revitalization through Documentation – the Case of Wilamowicean, a Micro-Minority Language in Southern Poland’, paper given at Languages in the City, Berlin, 21-24 August, 2012.

Western Galicia
Poland, Bohemia and Russia region. 3500 aboriginal inhabitants. Bilingual towns with a specific germanic ethnolect mothertongue
ethnolinguistic distinctness: isolation, germanic mixed constructions language contact
Decline of language and culture.
Prior to WWII, common di-or triglossia (Wilamowicean, Polish, German
School and church in Polish
Austria (-Hungarian administration – bilingual (German-polish)
In 96, he predicted the death of this language within the next 15 years. Still 51 speakers. average age of 84, two young native speakers in their twenties, one in his 30s and two in their 50s, several children attend private classes
regional ensemble using more and more Wilamowecean in teir repertoire.
two contempora writers, Jozef Gara and Tymoteusz Krol, poet about his beloved old language.
Language landscape in Wilamowice is still very modest: two signpost found only.
Most important task: documentation. The language is fortunately well documented: dictionary and grammer. Masterpieces of literature, such as Florian Biesiek
More than 300 hours recordings (audio/viedeo). 80 native speakers recorded, customs, mythology, folkstalks, memories and histories, biogrammes. ,,,
Looking for any piece of written language including short pieces written on napkins.
Standardized orthography is under way. 1200 entries with many examples.
2012, according to his prediction a time post the death of this minority language, there is even a signpost welcoming in both languages at the city entrance.
Need to create a platform to develop this language on the internet.

Wickberg, Edgar (ed.) (1982). From China to Canada: A History of the Chinese Communities in Canada. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart&Multiculturalism Program, Department of the Secretary of State and the Canadian Government Publishing Center.

— (ed.)^(eds.). 1988. A History of the Chinese Communities in Canada (McClelland and Stewart: Toronto).

Widmann, A.-F. (1996). La Californie met fin à la protection des minorités. Le Nouveau Quotidien. Genève et Lausanne. 5.

Wievorka, M. (2001). La Différence. Paris: Balland.

Chap.4: le multiculturalisme
82: Le substantif ” multiculturalisme “, tout comme son adjectif ” multiculturaliste “, sont d’usage récent et particulièrement confus.
Ils renvoient en effet de manière constatne, et en les amalgamant, aux trois registres que nous avons d’emblée disgingués dans cet ouvrage -sociologique, pholosophique et politique – ou, pour reprendre les catégoties de Chrstiine Inglis, “démographique-descriptif”, “idéologique-normatif”, programmatique et politique” (Inglis, C. 1996. ‘Multiculturalism: New policy Responses to Diversity, Most’ : UNESCO.). La fusion des registres constitue ici une opération courante. Dans les cas exgtrêmes, elle est inséparable du refus de penser et de dépbattre serinement, pour s0apparenter é une disqualification de ceux labellisés comme “multiculturalistes”. Ainsi en France, pour imposer leur point de vue, les tenants d’un universalisme raidi autour d’idée “républicanistes” s’en sont-ils pris sur un ton violent, tout au ong des années 90, à ceux qui demandaient que des demandes de reconnaissance culturelles bénéficient d’un traitement politique dépmocratiques. Ces derniers se vient ainsi traités de “multiculturalistes”, parfois de “communautaristes” – “à l’américaine” précisait-on pour faire bonne mesure- , selon un procédé récurrent de stigmatisation dans la vie des idées en France. La confusion se trouvait de surcroît redoublée par certians préjugéps relatifs, sonon à l’hénérogénéité culturelle des Etats-Unis- et plus largement, des pays qui se sont construits par vagues d’immigraiton-, du moins à l’homogénéité supposée des pays du Vieux continent. “Si nous voulons développer une réflexion s’appuyant, dans le champs du multiculturalisme, sur les leçons de la comparaison interncontinentales, note avec force arguments à l’appui Giovana Zincone, nous devons d’abord en finir avec l’idée de nation d’Europe culturellement homogènes et que viendraient miner les nouvelles vagues de l’immigration”(Zincone, G. 1998. ‘Multiculturalism from Above: Italian Variations on a European Theme’ in Baübock, R. and Rundell, John (eds.) Blurred Boundairies: Migration, Ethnicity, Citizenship. Vienna: Aldershot.)

— & J. Ohana (eds.) (2001). La Différence Culturelle: Une reformulation des débats (Colloque de Cerisy). Paris: Balland.

{DRM’s library}

Wiley, T. G. (1996). Language Planning and Policy. In McKay, S. L. & N. H. Hornberger (eds.) Sociolinguistics and Lnaguage Teaching. New York: Cambridge University Press. 103-47.

Wilford, John Noble (2010), ‘Hunting One Language, Stumbling Upon Another’, New York Times, October 11, 2010.

Two years ago, a team of linguists plunged into the remote hill country of northeastern India to study little-known languages, many of them unwritten and in danger of falling out of use.

On average, every two weeks one of the world’s recorded 7,000 languages becomes extinct, and the expedition was seeking to document and help preserve the endangered ones in these isolated villages.

At a rushing mountain river, the linguists crossed on a bamboo raft and entered the tiny village of Kichang. They expected to hear the people speaking Aka, a fairly common tongue in that district. Instead, they heard a language, the linguists said, that sounded as different from Aka as English does from Japanese.

After further investigation, leaders of the research announced last week the discovery of a “hidden” language, known locally as Koro, completely new to the world outside these rural communities. While the number of spoken languages continues to decline, at least one new one has been added to the inventory, though Koro too is on the brink of extinction.

“We noticed it instantly” as a distinct and unfamiliar language, said Gregory Anderson, director of the Living Tongues Institute for Endangered Languages in Salem, Ore.

Dr. Anderson and K. David Harrison, a linguist at Swarthmore College, were leaders of the expedition, part of the Enduring Voices Project of the National Geographic Society. Another member of the group was Ganash Murmu, a linguist at Ranchi University in India. A scientific paper will be published by the journal Indian Linguistics.

When the three researchers reached Kichang, they went door to door asking people to speak their native tongue — not a strenuous undertaking in a village of only four bamboo houses set on stilts. The people live by raising pigs and growing oranges, rice and barley. They share a subsistence economy and a culture with others in the region who speak Aka, or Miji, another somewhat common language.

On the veranda at one house, the linguists heard a young woman named Kachim telling her life story in Koro. She was sold as a child bride, was unhappy in her adopted village and had to overcome hardships before eventually making peace with her new life.

Listening, the researchers at first suspected Koro to be a dialect of Aka, but its words, syntax and sounds were entirely different. Few words in Koro were the same as in Aka: mountain in Aka is “phu,” but “nggo” in Koro; pig in Aka is “vo,” but in Koro “lele.” The two languages share only 9 percent of their vocabulary.

The linguists recorded Kachim’s narrative in Koro, and an Indian television crew had her repeat it in Hindi. This not only enabled the researchers to understand her story and her language, but called attention to the cultural pressures threatening the survival of such languages, up against national languages dominant in schools, commerce and mass media.

In “The Last Speakers: The Quest to Save the World’s Most Endangered Languages,” published last month by National Geographic Books, Dr. Harrison noted that Koro speakers “are thoroughly mixed in with other local peoples and number perhaps no more than 800.”

Moreover, linguists are not sure how Koro has survived this long as a viable language. Dr. Harrison wrote: “The Koro do not dominate a single village or even an extended family. This leads to curious speech patterns not commonly found in a stable state elsewhere.”

By contrast, the Aka people number about 10,000 living in close relations with Koro speakers in a district of the state of Arunachal Pradesh, where at least 120 languages are spoken. Dr. Anderson said the coexistence of separate languages between two integrated groups that do not acknowledge an ethnic difference between them is highly unusual.

As Dr. Harrison and Dr. Anderson expanded their research, comparing Koro with several hundred languages, they determined that it belonged to the Tibeto-Burman language family, which includes 400 tongues related to widely used Tibetan and Burmese. But Koro had never been recognized in any surveys of the approximately 150 languages spoken in India.

The effort to identify “hot spots of threatened languages,” the linguists said, is critical in making decisions to preserve and enlarge the use of such tongues, which are repositories of a people’s history and culture.

In the case of Koro speakers, Dr. Harrison wrote in his book, “even though they seem to be gradually giving up their language, it remains the most powerful trait that identifies them as a distinct people.”

Wilkerson, I. (1989). Many who are Black favor new term for who they are. New York Times. N.Y. 1, 8.

quoted Reverend Jackson:.”..just as we were called colored, but were not that…and then Negro, but not that…to be called Black is just as baseless…Black tells you about your skin color and what side of town you live on. African American evokes discussion of the world.”

Williams, Colin (2013), ‘Report and launch of From Act to Action publication: study of language legislation in Ireland, Wales and Finland’, paper given at International Conference on Language Rights: Sharing best practice, Dublin Hilton.williamsch@cardiff.ac.uk.
partial irishman at this stage. Expertise in language planning policy. Cooperative in Ireland.
advocated for a network of Language Commissioners since 2003
Legislative turn: every decade I ‘ve seen a new fashion pushing for an agenda.Generation preoccupied with education local goverment and media/IT
Generic turn to indivudual and group rights either to bolster promotion or to compensate for poor recognition and inadequate services.
Mainstreaming language as public good in international law and policies

Need language law be necessarily soft? What sort of law is language law?
Overarching legal framework

Canadian model-template
Federal official languages act
NB act recognizing the equality of the two official linguistic communities vitality essential if indivudual rights upheld
Canadian charter of rights and freedoms-holistic view of Citizen rights.

Ombudsman-commissioner continuum

promotion +/- regulation?
Monopoly or Shared responsibilities?
Hierarchical division and impact
sanction, penalties, purchase
what real powers do Commissioners have to influence behaviour?

Whither Commissioners?

advocates, educationalists, investigators and regulators
how are these functions balanced over time?
Is there a switch in emphasis as office matures?
The search for cognate bodies so as to make role more effectivel

Uniqueness of Language Commissioners

In plural or multilingual socieites, LCs can act as bridge builders, conscience, voice and advocate in non-threatening or partial manner
Not quite the great physician in ar-torn or conflict ridden societies, but a force for good, peace and mutual understanding.
Functions: Bridge builder, auditing, ombudsman, liaison…see slide.

Canadian Principles and Virtues

Language policies must be based on respect and have clear mechanism to ensure that rights of citizens are respected.
Entrenched consitutional rights afforded to the linguistic minority
Statutory mechanisms (ombudsman and court remedy) to ensure the language rights of citizens are respected
Education in the other official language.

Independence of Office

Canadian, Catalan, Ontario, NB, Irish, Welsh and Finis systems all prize the independence of office holder to act
Saw evidence of various threats to independence, viz. politial, fiscal, resource-based, absorption and integration. HOW TO RESPOND?

OFLSC’S MANDATE AND RESPONSIBILITIES.
Conducting independent investigations under the French language sercie act in response to complaints or on its own initiaive.
preparing reports on investiagions, including recommendations aimed at improving the provision of French-language sercies
Monitoring the progress made by governement agencies in providing French-language services.

best practice:
Canadian active offer of service: how do you build up an awareness that what you have by right should be translated in practice. Make a case for this.

Key questions and issues

Administrative reticence and lack of buy-in from senior managers
Inconsistent citizen expectations and realities-hence self-restrictive behavious and under-use of potential of official services. Demand not an exact measur of need
Capacity, terminology and usage

Non official languages

what role do non-official languages play in articulating the particular approach to official languages?

Are there fundamental geo-linguistic or teritorial divides which legislation has failed to overcome?
Demolinguistic trends and the absorption of migrants as new speakers? How do we meet their new demands? how to educate and absorb them.

Regarding budget: to be effective it would need to be tripled, but are people ready
`
Ireland proves that dynamism, not size is vital

Ireland’s questions

Whither language rights

Rights evolve through struggle.
Jurisdictional immaturity in several cases
Language as part of human rights, fundamentally important but how well activated in practice?

How do commissioners evalutate?
keeping up the pressure
recognize the lagging departments/units
schedule thematic evaluation by sector

Who evaluate the ombudsmen?
Annual reports
selecto committee q&a
special investigation

Costs, neoliberal discourse
how real is the threat the gains made by stealth politics over the past generation are now being dismanteld by neo-liberal arguments and fiscal pressures
How can such pressures be transformed by new discourses and needs-based, public good argments

Majority’s inclusion and legitimacy for policy

sell the notion that in the long term it’s not only in the interest of the minority

Inclusive definitions
Since 2009, Ontario govement adopted an includive definition of francophone that is based on a new critieria for calculating the size of its franco population.

In Finland
they’ve taken swedish as a national treasure.
finish goverment prepare a language poolicy action plan for 2011-15

It’s up to the majority
language training courses for public servants, improvement in the natinal curriculum

Lessons learnt

reflect on what people have done.

annoyed at 5 commissioners stating that over 80% of the population are in favour. It’s far more complex otherwise they wouldn’t be in office

What is it about our teaching system that fails to make Irish people really bilingual. Usage in the real world is what really counts.

How to reshape the relative balcned between public sector, creating skills and space for a langauge, and the private and vountary sectors where the action is acute and language shift more evident.
Crunch issue:
where does power reside, how influence fifused, role of supreme courts and legal system, articulation of rights in practice.

Less emphasis today on economic impoeratives, the world of work, skills, science, technology, arts and entertainment

Where next? International network of language commissioners and regulatory bodies, european langauge roadmap, greater awareness of pubic involvment and buy-into official langauge policy and sujite of langauge rights and services
role of civil society in mobilizing pressure.

From Act to Action has now been published!

___(2010). Keynote: Language Commissioners: A comparative Perspective. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

___and P. O’Flatharta (2010). The office of the language commissioner Ireland- Impact of the commission on the Irish language policy and official strategy. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Williams, F. (1970). Language, attitude, and social change. In Williams, F. (ed.) Language and Poverty. Chicago: Markham.

quoted in Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press.

Williams, G. (1992). Sociolinguistics: A Sociological Critique. London: , Routledge.

Williams, R. (1961). Culture and Society. London: Penguin.
___(1965). The Long Revolution. London: Penguin.
Williams, Robert. L. (1975). Ebonics: the True Language of Black Folks. St Louis, Missouri: Institute of Black Studies.

Cité par McArthur, T. (1998). The English Languages. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 199:
“Robert L. Williams entitled Ebonics: the True Language of Black Folks, was published in 1975 by the Institute of Black Studies in St Louis, Missouri. Williams coined the term in 1973, blending ebony, a euphemizing synonym for black, with phonics, a method of teaching reading and spelling based on regular sound/spelling correspondences: probably a nuniqe approagch to naming a language variety. “

Williams, Lisa (2012), ‘Cymraeg yn y Didnas – An old Language in a Modern City.’ paper given at Languages in the City, Berlin, 21-24 August, 2012.

misleading bilingual signage. No capital city till 1955. Official language as of 1957. Certain aspects of legal system are becoming more welsh. Very small country. A lot of welsh speakers complain that welsh was once spoken all over britain. It could be seen as a language of the past but there’s more beyond. Welsh was widely spoken and is still proudly spoken. Mentioned the pride of being welsh. Last figures show an increase in Welsh speakers. Cardiff, heart of industrial revolution. There were always some welsh communities there but due to industrial revolution, it was largely taken over by english speaking. 1978, 1st Welsh school. The initial director had to pass protest pannels while driving to his school. Now 3 Welsh medium and two bilingual primary schools plus starter units in several English medium school. From September 2012, all 3-7 year olds in EM schools following the bilingual Foundation Phase. Increased focus on attaining bilingualism in all EM 11-19 school. Lots of non-welsh origin school children are enrolling. Success right now but what about the future….

Willis, Ellen. 1995. ‘Feminism, Moralism and Pornography.’ in Adele M. Stan (ed.), Debating Sexual Correctness: Pornography, Sexual Harassment, Date Rape, and the Politics of Sexual Equality

{DRM’s library}

Willocks, Tim (2006), The Religion (Tor) 665.

21: The largest armada since antiquity, bearing the finest ar{Willis, 1995 #2538}my in the modern world, had been dispatched by Suleiman Shah to conquer Mata. Turquish success would expose southern Europe to a waive of Islamic terror.Sicily would be ripe for the picking. A Moslem reconquest of Granada would not be unthinkable. Rome itself would tremble. Yet these strategic rewards be as theiy might, Suleiman’s most passionate ambition was to exterminate the Knights of Saint John-that singualar band of healers and warriror monks known to some as the Knights and to others as the Hospitallers, and who in an age of Inquisition yet dared call themselves “The Religion”.

24: The Order of Saint John was divided into eight langues -or tongues- each according to the nationality of its members; those of France, Provence, Auvergne, Italy, Castille, Aragon, Germany, and England

367: Sunday, July 15, 1565- Saint Michel-L’Isola-The Sacred Infirmary
Ludovico stood on the bastion of Fort Saint Michel and listened to the unhallowed wail of the call to prayer. Devils in thrall to the rantings of a desert lunatic. By the standards of his own erudition he knew little of Islam, but more than enough to recognize a creed that was antithetical to higher reason and designed to excite and beguile the most primitive minds. As such it would no doubt continue to find a large constituency among the lower races. Yet as long as it could be contained to the barren lands in which it thrived, history would consign it to irrelevance -or at worst to the role of a shackle on the stride of mankind.

Wilson, R. W. (1976). The Blacks in Canada: A History. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University.

Wimmer, A. (1997). A note from your Conference Organizer. European Association for Studies in Australia Newsletter: 1.

Certain hints were dropped last July and August (which were, in turn, roundly condemned by a Japanese historian as indicative of a new OZ racism!) that Howard would not fully endorse Keating’s swing towards Asia and might re-orientate some aspects of Australia’s policies in favour of Europe and the USA. This would be welcomed by Australianists here. While Australia must centre its economic policies on Asia, SE Asia in particular, this need not be blindly followed by a similarly thorough re-orientation in cultural policy

Wimmer, Adi (ed.)^(eds.). 1999. Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
(DRM’s bibliography)
Contributors:
Armano, Venero. 1999. ‘Wider Eyes: Growing up Different.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Barnes, John. 1999. ‘Questions of Identity in Contemporary Australia.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Bennett, Bruce. 1999. ‘Public Rhetoric on National Occasions.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Bridge, Carl. 1999. ‘Manning Clark and the Ratbag Tradition.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Carter, David. 1999. ‘Modest Nationalism, Mundane Diversity and Positive Unoriginality. Models of Cultural Originality and Transfer in Australia.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Dobrez, Livio. 1999. ”Late’ and ‘Post’ Nationalisms: Reappropriation and Problematization in Recent Australian Cultural Discourse.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Fahey, Diane. 1999. ‘Litany (a poem).’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Gillen, Paul. 1999. ‘Global Capitalism Meets Local Culture. The McDonaldization of Australia.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Goldworthy, Kerryn. 1999. ”Ordinary Australians’: Discourses on Race and Nation in Contemporary Australian Political Rhetoric.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Halligan, Marion. 1999. ‘Religion, Suburbia and Semantics.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Josephi, Beate. 1999. ‘Not Making it National.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Kinsella, John. 1999. ‘A Patch of Ground.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Lynch Percopo, Maureen. 1999. ”A World of Our Own’: Thea Astley and National Shadows.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Moran, Albert. 1999. ‘A Tale of two Cities: National Identity and Television Soap Opera.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Nuttall, Sarah. 1999. ‘History and Identity in Contemprary Australian Women’s Autobiography.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
O’Connor, Mark. 1999. ‘The View from Mt Buggery (a poem).’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Ommundsen, Wenche. 1999. ‘In Backlash Country: Revisiting the Multicultural Literature Debate in the Wake of Pauline Hanson.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Oost, Victor. 1999. ‘Television as Mirror for National Identity: Heartbreak High and A Country Practice.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Pons, Xavier. 1999. ‘The Exciting Fifties.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Schaffer, Kay. 1999. ‘Dancing with Worlves or Stricktly Ballroom? How Feminisms Negotiate with Australia’s Nationalist histories and Mythologies: A pas de deux about Questions of Identity and Difference.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Shoemaker, Adam. 1999. ”Flying Rock Art’: The Balarinji Phenomenon.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
(Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Thompson, Helen. 1999. ‘Madness as a Postcolonial Strategy of National Identity in Peter Carey’s Illywhacker and Kate Grenville’s Lillian’s Story and Dark Places.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Turner, Graeme. 1999. ‘Making it national reconsidered: The uses of nationalism in contemporary Australia.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).
Vlckova, Jitka. 1999. ‘Do they Mean What They Say? Nationalism and Racial Coding in Australian Personal Advertisements.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society
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Wells, Lydia. 1999. ‘Australian Women’s Autobiographies as Discourses of National Identity: Jill Ker Conway’s The Road from Coorain and Ruby Langford’s Don’t Take Your Love to Town.’ in Adi Wimmer (ed.), Australian Nationalism Reconsidered: Maintaining a Monocultural Tradition in a Multicultural Society (Stauffenburg Verlag: Tübingen).

Winant, H. (1994). Racial Conditions. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Winograd, Carol (2012), ‘Moving Women to the Fore and Advancing Peace.’ J Street: Making History (Washington D.C.).

Practitioner on activism. Women Donors Network.
Trip with congress women.
Inclusive, no talking heads, no more than 15-20 mn speeches then Q&A
5 of 6 congress women are African american.
heart of congressional black caucus.
changing the conversation in touches.

Winstein, B. (1983). The Civic Tongue. New York: Longman.

Winter, G. (2000). Coca-Cola Settles Racial Bias Lawsuit. International Herald Tribune. Zurich.

In the largest settlement ever in a racial discrimination case, Coca-Cola Co. has agreed to pay more than $156 million to resolve a lawsuit brought by black employees. The settlement agreed to Thursday also madates sweeping changes,which will cost the company an additional $ 36 million, and requires Coke to relinquish broad monitoring powers to a panel of outsiders.
The lawsuit, filed in April 1999, accused Coke of erecting a corporate hierarchy in which black employees were clustered at the bottom of the pay scale, wehre they typically earned $26,000 a year less than white workers in comparable jobs. As redress, the settlement provide each of the 2,000 current and former emplyees in the class with an average of $40,000 in cash, while the four plaintiffs will receive up to $300,000 apiece.
(…)Perhaps more suprising than its size, the settlement gives an outside panel, appointed equally by Coke and the plaintiffs’ lawyers, limited authority to dictate company policy. Serving as a watchdog with some access to the company’s books, the panel is charged with ensuring that Coke’s record of paying and promoting all minority workers and women improves.
(…)Though withholding final judgement, civil rights leaders applauded the accord. It sets a new standard for corprate settlements” says the Reverend Jesse Jackson, referring to Colke’s agreement to tie executives’ salaries to how well they meet the company’s diversity goals. “The internal cultures of companies have been built on patterns of exclusion based on gender and race. This is a step in the right direction”-

Wire (2000) La Cour d’appel de Paris accorde un interprète en basque à ”Kantauri”. Associated Press.mercredi 20 septembre 2000, 18h29

PARIS (AP) — La chambre d’accusation de la Cour d’appel de Paris a reconnu mercredi le droit à José Luis Arizkuren Ruiz, alias ”Kantauri”, ancien chef de l’ETA militaire, de s’exprimer en langue basque devant la Cour et a ordonné la présence d’un interprète pour la prochaine audience fixée au 25 octobre.

Interlocuteur désigné de l’ETA avec l’Etat espagnol lors des négociations, Kantauri avait fait valoir qu’il n’avait pas d’avocat et qu’il ne maîtrisait pas assez la langue française pour se défendre. Il a par ailleurs fait savoir qu’il ne parlait pas l’Espagnol.

Malgré les réquisitions contraires de l’avocat général, Bernard Aldigé, la Cour présidée par Gilbert Azibert a estimé qu’elle ”ne saurait se substituer” à Kantauri pour évaluer ses connaissances linguistiques et qu’elle devait ”conformément à la convention
européenne des droits de l’homme” lui fournir un interprète basque, langue officiellement reconnue dans la province autonome espagnole.

Il n’y a cependant plus d’interprète officiel inscrit sur les listes des tribunaux parisiens depuis plusieurs années. Certains présidents de chambres s’étaient donc résignés à accepter les services de personnes présentes à l’audience en leur faisant prêter serment.

”Ils n’ont qu’à prendre des sympathisants”, s’est énervé mercredi un magistrat proche du dossier qui craint des ”pressions sur les interprètes”.

La majorité des magistrats parisiens étant de toute façon hostile à accorder des interprètes en langue basque aux prévenus, la décision de la chambre d’accusation peut être interprétée comme une victoire pour les nationalistes basques qui militent pour le droit de s’exprimer dans leur langue.

”Je suis Basque, j’ai le droit de m’exprimer en basque”, avait fait valoir mercredi José Luis Arizkuren, avant de repartir en triomphant.

Auparavant il avait renié son identité, obligeant la Cour à suspendre l’audience pour comparer ses empreintes digitales à celles du dossier.

La chambre d’accusation devait se prononcer mercredi sur 7 des 21 demandes d’extradition formulées par l’Espagne à l’encontre du chef historique de l’ETA. Ces examens ont été repoussés au 25 octobre. Six demandes avaient déjà reçu une réponse favorable de la justice française, notamment celle concernant le dossier de la tentative d’attentat contre le roi Juan Carlos en 1995 à Majorque.

Wire (1987). Survey: Most Think English Is official U.S. Language. Associated Press.

Wittgenstein, Ludwig (1940), Remarques mêlées (2002 edn.: GF Flammarion).

Il faut parfois retirer de la langue une expression et la donner à nettoyer – pour pouvoir la remettre en circulation »

— (1984), Culture and Value trans. Peter Winch (University of Chicago Press) 195.

LW: Né en 1889 mort en 1951
googlebooks excerpts.
We tend to take the speech of a Chinese for inarticulate gurgling. Someone who understands Chinese will recognize language in what he hears. Similarly I can often discern humanity in a man.
Ein neues Wort is Wie ein frischer Same, der in den Boden der Diskussion geworfen wird: A new word is like a fresh seed sewn on the ground of the discussion.

Woirin, Jullien. 1999. ‘La France face au multiculturalisme Américain, 1989-1999’, DEA, Université Paris-XIII.
{DRM’s library} Envoyé avec petit courrier de remerciements.

Wolf, Naomi. 1995. ‘Are You A Bad Girl?’ in Adele M. Stan (ed.), Debating Sexual Correctness: Pornography, Sexual Harassment, Date Rape, and the Politics of Sexual Equality
{DRM’s library}

Wolfe, Alan. 1995. ‘Dirt and Democracy.’ in Adele M. Stan (ed.), Debating Sexual Correctness: Pornography, Sexual Harassment, Date Rape, and the Politics of Sexual Equality
{DRM’s library}

Woerhrling, J. (2010). La cour suprême du Canada et la réflexion sur la nature et les fondements des droits linguistiques. “Language, Law and the Multilingual State” 12th International Conference of the International Academy of Linguistic Law Bloemfontein, Free State University.

Wolfram, W. (1969). A sociolinguistic description of Detroit Negro speech. Washington, D.C.: Center for Applied Linguistics.

quoted by Labov in Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press. As having made the mistake of taking black english vernacular as a disability of black children.

Woo, E. & C. Mary (1996). California Educators Give Black English a Voice. International Herald Tribune and Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles.

Wooden, Mark, Robert Holton, Graeme Hugo, and Judith Sloan. 1991. Australian Immigration: A survey of the Issues (Australian Government Publishing Services: Canberra).
in DRM’s library

Woodhouse, D. (1998), ‘‘The Judiciary in the 1990s’, Policy and Politics, (26:), 458-70.

quoted by Morris, Lydia (2012 ), ‘Citizenship and Human Rights’, The British Journal of Sociology 2, 63 (1).

Woolard, Kathryn A. and Frekko, Susan E. (2013), ‘Catalan in the twenty-first century: romantic publics and Cosmopolitan communities’, International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 16 (2), 129-37.

129: The politics surrounding identity in Catalonia and its position within Spain traditionally have been based in a monolingual Romantic national idea that pits two mutually exclusive languages and corresponding identities against each other, in this case Catalan and Castilian.
These now traditional tenets of language ideology have been deconstructed in extended critical analysis (…) over the last decades.
130: In contrast to public representations (…)on the ground, in the language contact zones where actual speakers live there has been a collective restructuring of language resurces.
ordinary individuals of varying social ethnic, and linguistic backgrounds now routinely mobilize varying forms of Catalan as well as Castilian (…) in varying combinations and for varying purposes in daily life.
…new immigration and polylingualism brought by globalization.

Wren, H. (1997). Introduction. In Eggington, W. & H. Wren (eds.) Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. xxv-xxvii.

p. xxv: At a time when English is expanding its role as a world language it is important to examine the impact of English in countries in which it is taken for granted. At issue is how the dominance of English impacts on the development of national language policies (and national language education policies) the maintenance of minority languages, the ability to provide services in other languages, the efforts to promote first language (L1) and bilingual education programs and opportunities for adult and child second language (L2) and literacy training.

—(1997). Making a Difference in Language Policy Agendas. In Eggington, W. & H. Wren (eds.) Language Policy: Dominant English, pluralist challenges. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. 3-28.

7:Even with 1.2 billion people speaking Chinese, teachers in today’s China are rated on English fluency for their academic advancement. One of the costs of modernisation and its superior technology is to master the English language as the medium of communication.(…)English through technology has a dominant influence throughout the globe and decisions about English-language policy are central to teaching and learning worldwide.
Not only do teachers have to guard against setting paternalistic limits of standard “English Only” with minority immigrant in the classroom, but they also have to ensure they teach a systematic and cumulative English-language mastery that gives access to the dominant discours. Language for a range of audiences and purposes must be made accessible to students while building on their first language and culture.
11: In English-dominant countries the TESOL associations usually see language policy and advocacy as central to their work, because first and foremost the students who are taught in ESL classrooms may often be the most disadvantaged and marginal in the community. This is certainly the case in nations such as Australia and Canada, with an immigration plicy that continually welcomes a large and diverse range of new settlers.
It is perhaps no accident that Australian-born writers should be so well represented in this book. A relatively small population of mainly English speakers on a vast island continent in the middle of the Asia-Pacific is being forced to look outwards to the rest of the world for what is seen as its economic as well as cultural survival. If Australi is the second most diverse society after Israel, as Lo Bianco reports, then it is a good place to study language plicy and its effects in this most intercultural of nation-experiments in conflict resolution.
16: An “English Only” policy is evident in context in which there is inadequate atttention to social equity in the community. However, if English policy is defined in terms of “standard” English, then any groups within the community for whom English is not a first language may be doubly disadvantaged. They miss out on specialised English as second language (ESL) instruction to give them access to the medium and to the content of instruction as well as support for education (including bilingual) and services in their own first language.
“English Plus”, on the other hand, implies commitment to education in both English for social and academic learining and also in the first languages of the community. This may take the form of programs to support the teaching of languages other than English (LOTEs) through bilingual instruction of indigenous or immigrant children in schools as well as to support intercultural and anti-racism education. The level of promotion or at least acceptance of local languages (LOTEs) learning in the English-speaking background community (as measured by the proportion of sutdents in school courses) and especially in higher education enrolments may also be an indicator of an “English Plus” policy approach in English-dominant nations.
All (3) nations aim to help English learning along with cultural/social adjustment and to teach multiculturalism but that each country does this “from a language-deficit position” (Churchill, S. (1986). The Education of Linguistic and Cultural Minorities in OECD Countries. Philadelphia, Multilingual Matters.). Minorities (are) ancestral peoples as well as established and new minorities, should be provided, at the very least, with early chldhood and transitional bilingual support using the community LOTE as medium of instruction in the core curriculum.
19:Canada where two-thirds of its 25 million population speak English, where 6 million French speakers in Québec province learn English as a foreign language in schools, and where 500`000 “first nation” indigenous peoples with their various language needs receive support. Bilingual policies in Canada relate to the fact that both French and English ahve official language status. Each year thousands of immigrants and refugees including about 50’000 adults with little or no English move to Canada and settle mainly in the large cities of Toronto, Vancouver, and Montreal.
The prevalent issues in Canada regarding language and language-in-education policies include access to courses, tentiosn betwen regional responsibilities (federal verseus state versus local area interests), the maintenance of first languages, and of Languages other than English and French (LOTEF), and the need to develop resources, theories, research, and facilitating structures to enable better language services to be funded and delivered.
20: As a country with an active immigration program, Canada is most like Australia, so any discussion of international comparisons of language policy has to look at immigration along with the English-language back-ground percentage of population as a key factor for these countries. The United States continues to attract porportionally fewer immigrants.
In the case of Australia, “the secure place of English” as the dominant language in its multilingual society frees the antion to implement an explicit languages policy. After Istael, Australia has the greatest demographic pluralism in birthplace and linguistic origin of any nation, and public policy and multilingualism are now possible partly because English is so secure. In Australia, there is no majority versus minority debate nor is there a large place based-group of bilingual settlers, so there is not the same domestic challenge of pluralism as in USA and Canad. Language and language in education planning is now well accepted as part of public discourse in Australia.
In Australia, prior to the 1960s, language planning was implicit and monolingual, but the decline of LOTE teaching and language access rights led to a coalition of lobby groups during the 1980s to secure a national languages policy in 1987. In 1991 the federal government Green Paper, which included literacy for the Anglo population in a new language and literacy poliy, had a decided “English Only” monolingualism as its keys goal. a united lobby managed to defeat ist worst excesses. Changes to the adult ESL program however have limited access to 510 hours of English instruction for newly arrived settlers of LOTE background and directed all other LOTE background immigrants to publicly tendered vocational literacy courses for the unemployed.
For the one per cent of Australians of Aboriginal heritage, many of whom now live in urban areas, language policy is way ahead of local realities. In the the past, holtility led to the death of many of the originally estimated 270 indigenous languages. In a house of Representatives enquiry of 1992, Aboriginal English was recognised as a dialect of English, but in schools where the issue is not addressed and only standard English is rewarded the Aboriginal child is sure to fail.
23: In Canada, commitment to bilingual practices framed in findings of laocal research is probably more advanced than elsewhere.

Wright, J. (1985). We Call For A Treaty. Sydney: Fontana.

mentionné par Nettheim, G. (1988). “Peoples” and “Populations” – Indigenous Peoples and Rights of Peoples. The Rights of Peoples. J. Crawford. Oxford, Clarendon Press: 107-126.

Wright, S. (1994). The Contribution of Sociolinguistics. Current Issues in Language and Society 1.

http://www.hellas.com.au The Greek Media & Jounalists.

The handwritten, then the later printed, circulars and newsletters of the Greek Orthodox communities, and of the regional brotherhoods, associations and clubs provided the first manifestation of a Greek media industry in Melbourne. A number of them -for instance, Ulysses,
the official journal of the Ithacan Philanthropic Society – have a long tradition. The first Greek newspaper in Australia was published in Melbourne in 1913 by Stratis Venlis, a settler from Lesvos, under the title Afstralia (Australia). In December 1922, that paper was bought by
the Marinakis brothers and published in Sydney, under the new name of NationalTribune.

Other newspapers began to appear in Australia during and just after World War II, including Salpinx (Bugle), Ethniki Salpinx (National Bugle) and Phos (Light) in Mclbourne. Aftcr the war the Greek press understandably flourished in response to themassive increase in immigration. At one stage there were 20 Greek newspapers in Melbourne alone. The most famous was Afstraloellinas (Greek Australian) which came out in 1955 and changed its name to Neos
Kosmos (New World) in 1957. Neos Kosmos was one of the few newspapers to survive the strong competition. It is a liberal, biweekly newspaper with a good balance of Greek and Australian news together with feature articles on political, social and cultural issues, a coverage of events and happenings, and a supplement in English (Generation Extra) in its Monday edition. In brief, it provides a lot of information and guidance for Greek-Australians which are not available in the English-language press. The general editor and founder of Neos Kosmos is Dimitri Gogos. The chief of staff is Sotiris Hatzimanolis. The other journalists on the staff include: Jim Antonopoulos, Elias Donaidis, Kathie Kambouropoulos, Vivienne Morris, Kostas Nikolopoulos, Nikos Psaltopoulos, and Stella Tsombanakis. Other well-known newspapers that have survived in Melbourne are Nea Ellada, Greek Kosmos and Ta Nea.

Ta Nea is owned by Spiro Stamoulis. The paper, which is published once a week, has been in existence only since March 1995. It has already experienced rapid success under the management of Peter Souvatzis, who is also the General Manager of 3XY. Peter attributes the success of the paper to a number of factors, in particular, to the introduction of new ideas. The paper initiated full colour printing and provides well-researched articles focusing on specific issues facing the Greek community, such as the plight of the elderly, employment issues, dietary habits and current community events. The paper also devotes space to enable subscribers to express their views on various issues.

Peter has 40 persons on his staff, many of whom are in their twenties or thirties. Some of his closest collaborators include Tassos Neratzis (editor), Rena Frangioudakis (program manager), Jim Papanikolaou (products manager), Jim Theodorikakos (political reporter) and Maggy
Margritis(entertainment editor).

In addition to providing news and information specially relevant to the community, Greek newspapers have played a vital role in promoting a Hellenic consciousness in the Greek community, the Greek language and an awareness of Greek traditions and values. They have taken up causes and galvanized the Greek community to take action on particular matters, as well as helping individuals.

There are also a number of journalists of Greek origin who work for the mainstream press. One of the best-known Greek-Australian journalists, originally from Melbourne, is George Megalogenis. He is a senior political and economic reporter for The Australian and is based in Canberra.
Kathy Kizilos works as a sub-editor for The Age in Melbourne. Tricia Drivas is an editorial assistant with the Herald Sun.

There are few Greek magazines in Melbourne. The most recent one to be launched is a monthly Greek-Australian review in Greek, Nea Parikia. The magazine is the brainchild of Christos Mourikis, the former assistant editor of Neos Kosmos. It focusses largely on developments in Australia and targets the younger generation. Christos plans to have his
magazine published in both Greek and English in the course of 1996.

The development of what is now called “ethnic radio” has provided an additional, and highly effective means of communication. Its aim is to give ethnic communities the possibility of broadcasting in their own language. The first Greek language program on radio began in the
Victorian country town of Wangaratta in 1951. In 1954 George Giannopoulos started his commercial programs in the Greek language on 3AK. A number of other stations which broadcast ethnic programs have come into existence – including 3EA, 3ZZZ, 3XY and 3CR. Some of them, 3EA for example, have commanded very large audiences. Rena Frangioudakis, Dino Melidonis, and Amalia Vasiliadis are among those who have developed a large personal following on this and other stations. The issue of alternative radio has become a controversial
community and political issue on various occasions since its introduction.

Ethnic radio has also experienced a number of problems in connection with finances and is now under the administration of the Special Broadcasting Service(SBS), a statutory authority. SBS has its own radio Greek language program. It is headed by Eugenia Yokarinis. Others who
are involved with the program are: Ntina Gerolymou, Bill Gonopoulos, Alexis Ntountoulakis and Angela Pirdas.
The introduction of multicultural television in 1980-’81 gave an enormous boost to the Greek community, and ethnic minorities generally. The frequent screening of Greek programs and films has attracted a large Greek audience. In the early months of 1996 alone there were no fewer than four regular Greek drama series on SBS each week: Girlfriends, Hote1 Amore, Red Dyed Hair and The Respectable Ones. The news services and commercial films in various languages have ensured SBS a wide audience in Australia’s migrant communities,
and the quality of its programs generally has attracted the admiration of the Australian community as a whole, as well as that of overseas observers.

Wyett, Kelly (2014), ‘Escaping a Rising Tide: Sea Level Rise and Migration in Kiribati’, Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies, 1 (1), 171-85.

Abstract: The inundation of an entire nation due to anthropogenic climate change has never been seen. And the low-lying Pacific nation of Kiribati is likely to be among the first victims of such a disaster. As such, this article examines a number of strategies for the relocation of Kiribati, and finds that bilateral migration deals with Australia and New Zealand present the best policy option. First, bilateral agreements can be designed to allow for pre-emptive and planned migration. Second, as relatively large countries with low population densities, Australia and New Zealand are in the best place to absorb large numbers of migrants. Third, with a history of migration, and support for the Pacific islands combating climate change, there is scope for bilateral deals to be politically supportable. Fourth, as the wealthiest countries in the region, and with developed capacities in refugee resettlement, these governments are most able to implement a migration deal. Of course, the challenge of climate change migration is larger than Kiribati. Some estimates suggest that more than 200 million people may be displaced by climate change by 2050. When this is taken into account, getting policy right in Kiribati takes on added importance, as the way the international community handles this challenge is likely to set a global precedence

Notes:

In addition to high population growth, outmigration from Kiribati is incredibly limited. Since 2002, New Zealand’s Pacific Access Category scheme has allowed for 75 migrants annually, although take-up of this scheme has generally been far below the allowance. 2 Other forms of migration have also been negligible. As a result, the population is expected to increase by a third in the next 15 years (KNSO 2007). This, combined with the projected loss in habitable land due to climate change, will contribute to a sharp rise in population density, placing increasing pressure on already marginal land and threatening local agriculture—the main economic activity for the majority of the population.

Despite the severity of the challenge faced by Kiribati and many other low-lying nations, the migration of persons due to climate change is not recognised in any binding international treaty. This means that such migrants are almost invisible in the international system: no institution is responsible for collecting data on their numbers, let alone providing them with basic services. Additionally, no individual country has yet been willing to set a precedent by unilaterally agreeing to accept climate change refugees. Consequently, forced climate migrants ‘fall through the cracks of international refugee and immigration policy’ (International Organization for Migration 2008).

Without a viable migration strategy, Kiribati is forced to consider radical measures to enable the population to stay in place. For example, in a recent address to the Pacific Islands Forum, the president noted that he had seen a plan to build a series of seawalls at a cost of nearly $1 billion, as well as a model for a $2 billion floating island. 3 However, none of these measures would allow the population to remain in place indefinitely. Moreover, for a country with a GDP of US$151 million in 2010, projects with projected costs in the billions are clearly infeasible.

Given this situation, this article argues that migration will be an eventual necessity for the majority of the population of Kiribati, and thus explores a number of migration strategies. 4 To begin, the most viable host nations for Kiribati migrants are its regional neighbours, with whom it already has established relationships. These include Australia and New Zealand, as well as other Pacific islands. 5 Other developed countries, such as Japan, the United States and European nations, are not examined given the lack of evidence suggesting their interest in addressing development, climate change or migration in Kiribati. 6

An alternative plan would involve working towards an international agreement that made provisions for climate change refugees. Inclusion within current international refugee law, or the creation of a new agreement, would require organisations, such as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), to provide assistance to climate change refugees. And would also require states not to return people to climate-related harms, but to grant them domestic legal status (McAdam 2011).

This article evaluates these policy options according to a number of criteria. Section 2 examines the costs and benefits of each option, Section 3 the political viability and Section 4 the administrative feasibility. Finally, Section 5 puts forward the most viable option and discusses a number of recommendations associated with its implementation.

Wyld, H. C. (1939). A history of modern colloquial English. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

in bibliography of Labov, W. (1972). Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press.

Wyld, H.C. 1939. A history of modern colloquial English (Basil Blackwell: Oxford).
Wyler, Stéphanie 2022. “L’inquiétante étrangeté de la nature à Rome.” In. Paris: Le Louvre.
_____ 2023. “Les femmes et les enfants d’abord ? Piété populaire et représentation à Rome. .” In, jeudi 9 février 2023 20h00-21h30. Paris: Le Louvre.
As for all my Ecole du Louvre notes, they are confidential and protected.

Yacoub, J. (1995). Les Minorités: Quelle Protection? Paris: Desclée de Brouwer.

Yadin, Azzan , and Ghil‘ad Zuckermann. 2010. ”Blorít: Pagans’ Mohawk or Sabras’ Forelock?: Ideologically Manipulative Secularization of Hebrew Terms in Socialist Zionist Israeli,.’ in Tope Omoniyi (ed.), The Sociology of Language and Religion: Change, Conflict and Accommodation. ( Palgrave Macmillan: London – New York).

quoted by Zuckermann, Ghil’ad , and Michael Walsh. 2011. ‘Stop, Revive, Survive: Lessons from the Hebrew Revival Applicable to the Reclamation, Maintenance and Empowerment of Aboriginal Languages and Culture. ‘, Australian Journal of Linguistics: 111-27

Yaguello. 1988. Dictionnaire des Idées Reçues sur la Langue (Seuil: Paris).

Yataco, Miryam 2012. ‘Les politiques de l’Etat et l’exclusion des langues autochtones au Pérou’, Droit et Cultures: 101-26.

Yataco, Miryam (2011), ‘Peruvian Indigenous Languages and the Spanish Supremacy’, paper given at World Conference on the Education of the Indigenous People (WIPCE 2011).

After Tupac Amaru, Spanish only.
Language policy, very tied to educational policy. Castellanization, implied language loss, imposition of the written culture, cognitive violence against the language and speakers but against the way they use knowledge. Schooling meant and means relinquishing mothertongue and native literacies.
Quechua language, considered the main language in terms of numbers, overshadowing all other native languages. 8 to 14 million speakers. Spread throughout 6 S. American languages. Yet large variety. Cf. Seran Palomino.
What does it mean to be in 2011 to be a native speaker of an indigenous language in Peru when you live in a society in which the school is characterized by a long tradition of hegemonic Spanish-only monolingual school system. What does it mean to attend a school in which indigenous bilingualism and consequently indigenous children are discriminated against?
Language Rights: 1975, first officialization of Quechua, 1979 Constitution
Legislation 806 approved in June 2010 by Peruvian Congress and after much negotiation, legislation 29735 approved in June 24, 2011.cf. thge text about the situation of discrimination against indigenous languages
We have challenged the prevailing ideology. Spanish-only policy in Latin America meant exclusion, homogenizing, imposing one language over the diversity of languages in the territories. It’s a linguistic apartheid. Humala could bring the Republic of Indians.
Exerpt from Bill 809 (2010) article 3 the rights of all people.
Showed the Congress woman Maria Sumire who refused to take oath in Spanish, not even to be translated in Spanish, Shuar Velazquez and Quechua artists.

Yearwood, G. (ed.) (1982). Black Cinema Aesthetics. Athens,: Ohio University Press.

Yehoshua, Abraham B. (2011), ‘Juifs de la Diaspora, c’est votre droit d’agir’, in David Chemla (ed.), JCall: les raisons d’un appel (Paris: Liana Levi ), 117-24.

Intervention prononcée lors de la première réunion organisée par JCall à Paris, le 6 Octobre 2010
117: Je suis venu participer à votre conférence pour trois raisons principales:
Vous apporter mon soutien et renforcer votre légitimité à vous exprimer à partir de votre appel.
Vous faire part de mes impressions sur l’état d’esprit existant aujourd’hui au sein de l’opinion israélienne quant au processus de paix.
Vous présenter quelques idées nouvelles sur la question des colonies.
Chacun est (…) libre d’exprimer son opinion sur n’importe quel sujet, n’importe quel problème qui se passe quelque part sur cette terre.
(…)C’est pourquoi il est capital pour chacun de s’informer sur l’essentiel des problèmes compliquées de ce monde et de prendre position pour essayer d’avoir une influence sur eux en fonction de sa propre conviction du monde. Pour le peuple juif, ce n’est pas seulement un devoir mais une obligation.
118: Si nous nous considérons comme un seul peuple, les Israéliens ont raison de donner leur avis sur l’existence juive en diaspora, de prendre position et d’agir dans le cadre d’un dialogue démocratique pour essayer d’influencer les orientations et les idées des Juifs en diaspora.
De même, il est juste et approprié que les Juifs en diaspora,, angoissés par le destin et la situation d’Israël, se donnent le droit d’exprimer leur opinion sur la politique israélienne et essayent d’influencer démocratiquement le public israélien pour qu’il change de position ou pour soutenir telle ou telle orientation
118-119: A la différence de certains de mes amis du camp de la paix, je n’ai jamais soutenu que les Juifs de diaspora aux idées nationalistes, n’avaient pas le droit de dire au gouvernement et au public israéliens de poursuivre la colonisation ni de s’opposer au retrait des Territoires. Je ne leur ai pas dénié ce droit en arguant que ni eux ni leurs enfants ne supporteraient les conséquences de la poursuite de l’hostilité et de la guerre. Je suis convaincu que même les idées franchement nationalistes prônées par certains Juifs en diaspora, opposés aux concessions, proviennent d’une identification profonde, d’un amour et d’un vrai souci pour Israël. Ces Juifs ne paieront pas physiquement le prix des idées extrêmes qu’ils proclament, mais ils ont pleinement le droit sur un plan moral d’exprimer leur opinion et de condamner les décisions légitimes d’un gouvernement qui appellerait à des concessions ou au retrait des Territoires.
De même, quand vous, Juifs de diaspora, vous vous réveillez enfin et que vous vous adressez publiquement au gouvernement israélien en lui demandant d’une façon beaucoup plus énergique que par le passé de changer sa politique et d’avancer de façon plus résolue vers la paix(…)Je sais que vous vous opposez continuellement à l’antisémitisme et à l’antisionisme qui se développent en Europe. C’est pourquoi je suis venu vous saluer et renforcer votre voix.
119-120: Quel est l’état d’esprit en Israël aujourd’hui au sujet de la paix? Sur cette question (…)je dis seulement que ma longue expérience (…) me permet de discerner ces dernières années un phénomène nouveau. Grâce au calme sur le plan sécuritaire, à la stabilité politique, au développement économique accéléré dans les territoires de Judée-Samarie ces dernières années et à la demande réitérée de l’Autorité palestinienne d’une paix basée sur les frontières de 67 se renforce en Israël une position politique et réelle: celle d’une division du pays en deux, avec la création d’un Etat palestinien à côté d’Israël comme seule et nécessaire solution pour faire avancer la paix dans la région. Cette position vise principalement à ne pas créer un Etat binational qui se transformera en enfer pour les deux peuples.
Mais parallèlement à cette évolution de la conscience politique vers plus de réalisme, que l’on retrouve aussi dans les positions officielles du gouvernement, se développent des opinions nationalistes et extrémistes avec, ici et là, des expressions racistes.
Je ne me souviens pas par le passé avoir rencontré un tel mélange de modération politique et intellectuelle et d’extrémisme émotionnel. Et l’explication principale est simple: il y a une peur de la paix et de son prix. La peur est liée principalement au fait qu’une évacuation par la force des colonies et des colons (même s’il ne s’agit en fait que de 100 0000 d’entre eux) puisse entraîner la société israélienne dans une guerre fratricide douloureuse. Le bouleversement profond et difficile, les douleurs et les tempêtes qui ont accompagné l’évacuation des 9 000 colons du Goush Katif sont encore inscrits dans un traumatisme difficile pour tous. Et dans ce cas il ne s’agissait que d’un nombre minime de colons vivant dans les enclaves au milieu d’un million et demi de Palestiniens, majoritairement des réfugiés, et dans une région où il était évident depuis le début qu’il n’y avait aucune chance qu’elle soit annexée un de ces jours par les Juifs. (…)
121: (cette évacuation) est restée gravée dans la conscience populaire comme un événement difficile et douloureux.
Une autre crainte s’ajoute à l’incertitude existante quant aux personnes qui pourraient pénétrer dans le nouvel Etat palestinien: celle de voir des éléments étrangers, non palestiniens, profiter peut-être de l’indépendance pour y venir et commencer à faire des provocations afin d’allumer un incendie dans la région.
Enfin la perspective de diviser Jérusalem en deux capitales, situation qui n’existe nulle part ailleurs dans le monde, obligerait à aire un découpage si délicat et compliqué qu’il y a une grande crainte qu’il n’en résulte une catastrophe sanglante.
En conséquence, l’appréhension de l’éventualité d’un accord avec les Palestiniens qui y semblent prêts entraine une réaction émotionnelle d’échappatoire et la mise en avant d’une argumentation visant à les délégitimer fondamentalement et ce justement parce qu’ils semblent, maintenant, être réellement des partenaires pour un accord de paix.
121-122: Et cela m’amène au troisième point qui m’importe.
Il ne fait aucun doute que les colonies dans les territoires de Judée Samarie sont le plus grand obstacle à la création d’un Etat palestinien dans ce que sont peu ou prou les frontières de 67, avec de légères modifications de part et d’autre. N’oublions pas que les frontières de 67 donnent aux Palestiniens un quart des terres de Palestine, et que c’est du point de vue de la morale et de la justice le minimum qu’ils sont en droit de se voir attribuer pour constituer un Etat indépendant.
Par ailleurs, supposant qu’un accord comprenne un échange de territoires permettant l’annexion à Israël de certains blocs important de colonies, l’évacuation de force de 100 000 à 200 000 colons de leurs maisons entraînera des souffrances pour des milliers de familles et semble être au-delà de ce que la société israélienne peut supporter tant sur le plan économique que social et moral. Cela pourrait provoquer une fracture irréparable dans la société israélienne et creuser plus encore le fossé entre laïcs et religieux. Rappelons-nous que la destruction du Deuxième Temple en l’an 70 a été marquée par une guerre civile meurtrière entre Juifs. Ceux qui sont conscients de l’ampleur, de la profondeur et de la vigueur de l’installation juive dans les territoires palestiniens sont effrayés par la perspective d’arracher de force des milliers de personnes de leurs maisons.
(…)
122-123: Il est essentiel et urgent d’arriver à un large consensus national dans le un processus auquel le camp de la paix doit être activement associé, visant à trouver des solutions élaborées et réalistes qui permettent aux colons de choisir entre deux alternatives: accepter une évacuation volontaire accompagnée d’un dédommagement adéquat ou continuer à résider dans leur lieu d’habitation et devenir des citoyens à part entière du futur Etat palestinien.
123: Dans les entretiens avec les Palestiniens, il se dégage une tendance à accepter une telle perspective, mais à la condition que l’Ett palestinien s’étende sur une superficie égale à la totatlité du territoire occupé en 67 suite à des échanges de terre multuellement consentis. De plus, dans le pire des cas, il s’agirait d’une minorité nationale juve qui ne représenterait pas plus que 2% de l’ensemble de la population palestinienne. Il faut se rappeler par ailleurs qu’en Israël la minorité nationale palestinienne représente plus de 20%. Cette idée que le maintien des implantations dans un Etat palestinien est préférable au déracinement et à leur évacuation fait son chemin même dans le noyau idéologique dur des colons. Ceux qui décideraient de rester et de constituer une minorité nationale (avec une reconnaissance officielle de leur langue et de leur culture spécifique comme c’est le cas pour la minorité palestinienne en Israël) ne partent pas en exil. Les territoires de Judée Samarie font partie du patrimoine historique national israélien de la même manière de Nazareth, Jaffa, Saint-Jean-d’Acre ou Sashnin font partie du patrimoine palestinien. Rappelons-nous que l’ensemble du territoire des implantations (sans compter les routes qui y conduisent) ne représente pas plus de 2% du territoire du futur Etat palestinien. Israël pourrait en compensation transférer aux Palestiniens un territoire équivalent.
Et n’oublions pas qu’une colonie située au coeur du territoire palestinien n’est pas plus éloignée de Tel-Aviv que Fontainebleau ne l’est de Paris. La plupart des colonies se trouvent, elles, à une distance semblable à celle existant entre Neuilly et l’est de Paris. Les colons, citoyens de l’Etat palestinien, conserveront leur nationalité israélienne comme c’est le cas pour tous les Israéliens vivant à l’étranger, avec en plus le droit de voter à l’élection de la Knesset ainsi qu’à celle du parlement palestinien. Ils pourront continuer à travailler en Israël, qui se trouve à moins d’une heure de voiture, et à y avoir une vie sociale et culturelle.
Cette solution pourrait créer par ailleurs une dynamique qui contribuerait le moment venu au développement de relations économiques et culturelles entre le jeune Etat en devenir et sa soeur aînée Israël.
Je n’ai fait qu’ébaucher ici quelques principe d’une solution dans un souci de désamorcer ce qui me semble être le plus grand blocage du côté israélien. Une proposition détaillée et plus élaborée nécessitera une profonde réflexion par les deux parties ainsi que par la communauté internationale.

Yermeche, Ouerdia 2011. “Le français au contact de l’arabe et du berbère: le mixlangue dans les production langagières de jeunes Algériens.” In Langues en contact: le français à travers le monde. Martin-Luther-Universität, Halle-Wittenberg.
mixlangue: coexistence de langues (standard, national, étrangères). national et officiel, national arabe algérien et tamazight
locuteurs algériens multilingues via école…
français pression interne au niveau de l’emprunt et mélanges codiques parler algérien: langue hybride dans lesquelles se mélangent deux voire trois langues
usage courant et spontané des trois codes linguistique selon procédés d’hybridation linguistique ou insertion de segments lexicaux. Emprunts sous forme locale avec significations particulière.
recherche: énoncés oraux d’étudiants en licence en différentes situation de communication (dans et hors enceinte uni et en salle de classe)
alternance codique dans les conversations de locuteurs algériens:
récurrence
alternance intra-phrastique
extraphrastique
tour de parole
éléments et procédés linguistiques déclencheurs des types d’alternance en conversation
monèmes lexicaux: monèmes fonctionnels (bessah, fi, beli, verbe dire, pronoms démonstratifs, pronoms personnels), grammaticaux et procédés linguistiques
expression idiomatiques (inchah allah)
verbe avoir
formes empruntées mais adaptées à la locution algérienne: yerkhdam fort (il travaille fort), activi chouya, amany ma’n pardonniche, dillili gosto (fais-moi plaisir) vient de l’espagnol
avonsi lor (reculez), avansilqadam (avancer)
pikani wahed lizoursin (un oursin m’a piqué)
hittiste (hit mur ) = chomeur
taxieur
dégoutage
vacancer
défiancer
nerfaza (nervosigé)
mariager
parkingueur
chawarmiste
trabendiste (qui pratique une activité informelle)
mdigouti (j’étais dégouté)
Métissage linguistique est une pratique languagière admise. elaborent stratégies discursives et former énoncés bilingues originaux. Jeu sur les langues qui fait fi de la langue et des barrières linguistiques.
La langue française est tellement intériorisée que les locuteurs en usent à leur guise dans sa forme, structure et sémantisme.
algérianismes: concepts souvent nouveaux et spécifiques au milieu algérien.

Yearwood, Gladstone (ed.). 1982. Black Cinema Aesthetics (Ohio University Press: Athens,).

Yermeche, Ouerdia (2011), ‘Le français au contact de l’arabe et du berbère: le mixlangue dans les production langagières de jeunes Algériens’, paper given at Langues en contact: le français à travers le monde, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, 16-18 septembre 2011.

mixlangue: coexistence de langues (standard, national, étrangères). national et officiel, national arabe algérien et tamazight
locuteurs algériens multilingues via école…
français pression interne au niveau de l’emprunt et mélanges codiques
parler algérien: langue hybride dans lesquelles se mélangent deux voire trois langues
usage courant et spontané des trois codes linguistique selon procédés d’hybridation linguistique ou insertion de segments lexicaux. Emprunts sous forme locale avec significations particulière.
recherche: énoncés oraux d’étudiants en licence en différentes situation de communication (dans et hors enceinte uni et en salle de classe)

alternance docdique dans les converstations de locuteurs algériens:

récurrence

alternance intra-phrasique
extraphrastique
tour de parole

éléments et procédés linguistiques déclencheurs des types d’alternance en conversation
monèmes lexicaux: monèmes fonctionnels (bessah, fi, beli, verbe dire, pronoms démonstratifs, pronoms personnels)
, grammaticaux et procédés linguistiques
expression idiomatiques (inchah allah)
verbe avoir

formes empruntées mais adaptées à la locution algérienne: yerkhdam fort (il travaille fort), activi chouya, amany ma’n pardonniche, dillili gosto (fais-moi plaisir) vient de l’espagnol

avonsi lor (reculez), avansilqadam (avancer)
pikani wahed lizoursin (un oursin m’a piqué)

hittiste (hit mur ) = chomeur
taxieur
dégoutage
vacancer
défiancer
nerfaza (nervosigé)
mariager
parkingueur
chawarmiste
trabendiste (qui pratique une activité informelle)
mdigouti (j’étais dégouté)

Métissage linguistique est une pratique languagière admise. elaborent stratégies discursives et former énoncés bilingues originaux. Jeu sur les langues qui fait fi de la langue et des barrières linguistiques.
La langue française est tellement intériorisée que les locuteurs en usent à leur guise dans sa forme, structure et sémantisme.
algérianismes: concepts souvent nouveaux et spécifiques au milieu algérien.

Young, I. M. (1989). Polity and group difference: a critique of the ideal of universal citizenship. Ethics: 250-74.

Young, I. M. (1990). Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Young, J. (1994). New Line Cinema: it was a very good year. The New York Times. NY. H13, 20-1.

Young, Robert A. 1995. The Secession of Quebec and the Future of Canada (McGill-Queen’s University: Montreal & Kingston, London, Buffalo).
Yunupingu, Galarrwuy. 1997. ‘A matter of Identity, an intervew by Xavier Pons’, Cultures of the Commonwealth: 161-71.

Yuval-Davis, Nira (1993), ‘Gender and nation’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 16 (4), 621-32.

The article outlines some of the main dimensions in which gender relations are crucial in understanding and analysing the phenomena of nations and nationalism, and the specific boundaries of inclusions and exclusions that they construct. Three major dimensions of nationalist projects that relate to citizenship, culture and origin are differentiated. In each of them gender relations play specific roles and have mobilized specific struggles. The article looks at the dualistic nature of women’s citizenship, as both included and excluded from the general body of citizens. Even when there is a formal equality of women in their political rights as citizens, other modes of exclusion in the political, social and civil spheres continue to operate. The particular ways in which the entry of women into the military has been linked to struggles for women’s equality as citizens are examined in this context. In relation to national cultures, both secular and religious, the article examines the ways in which women play the roles of cultural transmitters as well as cultural signifiers of the national collectivity. The last part of the article examines the role of women as biological reproducers of ‘the nation’ and how a variety of means are taken in order to ensure that the biological reproduction will fall within the legitimate boundaries of the collectivity.

Zabunyan, Elvan 2020. ‘Who’s afraid of the postcolonial ? L’histoire de l’art comme bastion’, AOC.
AUTEURE: HISTORIENNE DE L’ART CONTEMPORAIN: ABSTRACT: Les études culturelles et postcoloniales, qui font tant polémiques aujourd’hui, sont convoquées depuis les années 50 par l’histoire de l’art, qui y trouve un nouvel appareil critique lui permettant de se décloisonner. Ce mouvement est aussi initié par des expositions importantes comme la documenta de Kassel qui se tient tous les cinq ans depuis 1955. Par sa transdisciplinarité, la manifestation permet aux questions de société et de politique, à l’histoire des idées et aux pensées postcoloniales de faire corps avec les pratiques artistiques. Rien dans cette histoire ne devrait être envisagé comme menaçant.

Certaines pensées sont nécessaires car elles permettent de mettre des mots clairs sur des désaccords que l’on tourne dans son esprit sans toujours arriver à comprendre pourquoi ils surgissent ou ressurgissent, parfois brutalement, décennie après décennie. Ces désaccords sont souvent idéologiques mais s’appuient la plupart du temps sur des malentendus et surtout sur la méconnaissance de certains champs, considérés à tort comme pouvant menacer les assises sur lesquelles on repose.
Parmi ces pensées nécessaires, il y a celle de Paul Gilroy (Gilroy, Paul. 2005. Postcolonial Melancholia (Columbia University Press: New York:). La lecture de Mélancolie postcoloniale écrit par le sociologue britannique aux lendemains du 11 septembre 2001 et qui vient de paraître dans une belle traduction française vibre, seize ans après sa publication, au son d’une repoussante actualité politique.
On est en 2004 et dans son introduction intitulée « Vivre avec la différence » il écrit : « Aujourd’hui, toute attitude d’ouverture envers l’altérité semble démodée, irénique et pittoresquement ethnocentrique. Notre incapacité à conceptualiser les relations multiculturelles et postcoloniales autrement que comme un risque et un danger nous rend cruellement conscients des limites du rêve cosmopolite du XXe siècle. Sans parler des difficultés à produire une vision planétaire qui ne soit pas simplement un maquillage universaliste trompeur de ces aspirations mises au service d’un nouveau particularisme impérialiste. »
Quelques lignes plus loin, il évoque le socialisme et le féminisme, leur existence sans patrie et leur rôle fédérateur dans la création « de nouveaux réseaux d’interconnexion et de solidarité susceptibles de trouver un écho au-delà des frontières » dans un espoir qu’il dit dorénavant « évanoui ». Il affirme aussi que « ce déclin de la solidarité n’est pas sans rapport avec un certain manque d’ambition des sciences humaines, voire avec les effets négatifs de leur réticence à se transformer en sciences critiques de l’inhumanité ».
En 2019, Gilroy a reçu le prestigieux prix Holberg qui salue les personnalités travaillant dans les domaines des arts, des humanités et des sciences sociales. Aujourd’hui en France, il serait peut-être suspecté de « communautarisme », de « séparatisme » et d’ « indigénisme », autant de mots gluants qui collent au palais de ceux qui les prononcent.
Quand Paul Gilroy publie Black Atlantic, Modernity and Double Consciousness en 1993, le milieu de l’art contemporain est alors en pleine métamorphose cherchant dans la continuité de l’effet produit par certaines expositions d’envergure, la Biennale de la Havane en 1986, Magiciens de la terre en 1989, la Biennale du Whitney de 1993, à comprendre l’importance d’une réflexion fondée sur les enjeux de la différence et de la marginalisation. À la Havane et à Paris, pour la première fois, des artistes issus des continents asiatiques et africains sont exposés ensemble dans une manifestation internationale ; à New York, sont montrés les travaux d’artistes africain·es-américain·es qui n’avaient jusque-là que peu de visibilité institutionnelle.
Les études culturelles et postcoloniales sont alors convoquées comme un nouvel appareil critique permettant à l’histoire de l’art de se décloisonner. Des intellectuel·les et des artistes, partant d’une lecture contemporaine des conséquences de la colonisation et de la décolonisation, de l’immigration et de l’exil, interrogent les formes d’inclusion et d’exclusion opérant dans le champ des pratiques sociales et artistiques. Ils et elles s’engagent par leur production à examiner les problématiques raciales, sociales ou genrées au prisme d’une histoire de l’art en passe de devenir globale.
Les créations en 1987 à Londres de la revue Third Text par l’artiste et critique Rashid Araeen et à New York en 1994 de la revue Nka, Journal of contemporary art par Okwui Enwezor et Salah Hassan participent à l’analyse des concepts de « centres et périphéries » ou de « diaspora africaine ». Au sein même des expositions, des temporalités et des spatialités artistiques mouvantes, fluides, syncrétiques régénèrent les modalités de déplacement.
L’artiste est au cœur d’un renouvellement épistémologique majeur puisque c’est à son travail que les concepts théoriques s’amarrent. Ce paysage transformé de l’art contemporain a un impact sur les modalités de lecture des œuvres par les historien·nes de l’art qui s’ouvrent dès lors à des méthodologies transversales.
“Les moments de glissement et de fusion entre l’art et le politique, entre l’art et la société, entre l’art et les différences culturelles sont ceux qui permettent d’élaborer une autre histoire.”
Le médium « exposition », parce qu’il accueille et met en relation dans un même espace des œuvres produites par des artistes du monde entier, devient un champ d’étude de plus en plus important et un véritable lieu d’hospitalité. La cohabitation des formes picturales, sculpturales, filmiques, photographiques et performatives, leur rencontre, leur dialogue, leur juxtaposition, provoquent l’enchevêtrement de milliers de fragments qui sont autant de propositions artistiques pensées en lien avec des contextes de création situés sur les cinq continents.
Ces moments de glissement et de fusion entre l’art et le politique, entre l’art et la société, entre l’art et les différences culturelles, entre l’art et l’histoire du passé sont ceux qui permettent d’élaborer une autre histoire. Une histoire inhérente aux univers artistiques et intellectuels qui s’articulent les uns aux autres comme autant de moyens de promouvoir des lignes de fuite défaisant les points de vue autoritaires et conservateurs.
La documenta de Kassel, monumentale exposition qui, chaque cinq ans, propose de découvrir les travaux d’artistes invité·es selon des perspectives croisées pourrait être une étude de cas exemplaire pour comprendre les mécanismes culturels, diplomatiques et économiques qui composent le paysage artistique dès la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. Née en 1955 dans une Allemagne scindée entre les blocs de l’Est et de l’Ouest, portant en son sein la fracture de la Guerre froide, la documenta a, depuis, suivi un chemin traçant, pour l’art contemporain, des parcours alternatifs.
1955 est aussi la date de la conférence de Bandung où, en pleine période de décolonisation, les pays qui choisissent de n’appartenir à aucun des deux blocs se positionnent en tant que « non-alignés » et s’approprient cette notion de Tiers-Monde comme une force émancipatrice afro-asiatique. Si, lors des différentes éditions de la documenta, de sa création à aujourd’hui, les propositions artistiques contemporaines s’adossent à des formes discursives et esthétiques le plus souvent progressistes, elles existent dans le même temps selon les normes imposées par le marché et le tourisme de l’art qui désactivent parfois leur potentiel initial.
En 1997, considérant de façon conjointe l’histoire de l’art, la philosophie, la sociologie, l’économie, les sciences politiques, le droit, l’ethnologie ou l’anthropologie comme autant d’outils critiques, la dixième édition de la documenta dirigée par Catherine David (qui était, rappelons-le, la première femme et la seule Française à endosser ce rôle prestigieux) véhicule une charge théorique déterminante. Aux cent jours de la manifestation, elle associe une conférence prononcée par des artistes et intellectuel·les qui sont au cœur de ce changement paradigmatique.
C’est dans ce contexte artistique que sont invitées des personnalités majeures et notamment des figures tutélaires des études postcoloniales comme Edward Saïd ou Gayatri C. Spivak (un entretien avec elle conduit par Jean-François Chevrier est publié dans le catalogue). Valentin-Yves Mudimbe, Abderrahmane Sissako, Raoul Peck (dont le film Lumumba, La mort du prophète de 1991 est présenté dans l’exposition), Ariella Azoulay, Carlos Basualdo, Geeta Kapur, Wole Soyinka, Okwui Enwezor, Etienne Balibar viennent parler dans le cadre de cette monumentale exposition conçue selon un parcours urbain qui sonde les circulations des artistes.
Dans le volumineux catalogue Politics/Poetics, la chronologie débute en 1945 et des extraits de textes littéraires, philosophiques ou théoriques, ceux d’Aimé Césaire, Frantz Fanon, Édouard Glissant, Gilles Deleuze et Félix Guattari, Michel Foucault, James Clifford, s’entremêlent littéralement aux images d’actualité et aux œuvres reproduites. C’est la première fois que ces noms se retrouvent ensemble en s’alliant à des travaux d’artistes.
Les derniers entretiens qui concluent la publication sont ceux réalisés avec Étienne Balibar et Jacques Rancière qui réfléchissent, de manière distincte, à la définition contemporaine de la démocratie. On est, à l’époque, dans une période où l’usage d’Internet n’est pas encore généralisé et pourtant la façon dont le concept de réseaux est établi permet d’envisager les rencontres et les imbrications.
Pourquoi tant insister sur cette exposition ? Peut-être parce qu’elle initie précisément, et au sens propre, la transdisciplinarité permettant aux questions de société et de politique, à l’histoire des idées et aux pensées postcoloniales de faire corps avec les pratiques artistiques afin de souligner l’importance de ces réflexions entrelacées. Alors que les sciences sociales considèrent l’histoire de l’art comme une discipline minoritaire, à travers elle, et à travers une histoire des expositions, de dialogues fructueux s’élaborent dans une matérialité unique qui est redevable aux objets artistiques.
Il faudrait considérer ces champs de pensée qui recherchent un équilibre entre toutes les différences avec bienveillance et sans crainte.
C’est le contexte de l’art contemporain qui permet ces corrélations comme celles que mettra en place, de façon tout aussi exemplaire, Okwui Enwezor avec l’édition de la documenta en 2002, en s’appuyant lui, de façon encore plus affirmée, sur le postcolonial. En évoquant l’importance du postcolonialisme dans sa méthode critique en tant que poète et commissaire d’exposition, Enwezor, dans un article publié en 2003 intitulé « Postcolonial constellation » insiste : « Il est reconnu depuis longtemps que les processus postcoloniaux ont, de façon croissante, révélé la problématique du jugement occidental porté sur de vastes champs culturels appartenant au monde non-occidental. De nos jours, de nombreuses pratiques curatoriales sont des réponses directes à la critique postcoloniale de l’autorité occidentale. »
Pour confirmer la transformation des paradigmes de l’exposition même, Enwezor, avec son équipe de commissaires, choisit d’éclater la manifestation en cinq plateformes qui chacune se tient dans une ville différente des continents européen (Vienne, Berlin), asiatique (New Delhi), africain (Lagos), ou américain (Sainte-Lucie), la cinquième plateforme est l’exposition à Kassel. Ces plateformes et les différents lieux choisis sont symboliquement agencés selon l’idée philosophique d’archipels énoncée par Glissant dont la pensée illumine la plateforme « Créolité and creolization » à Sainte-Lucie.
La première plateforme est intitulée « Democracy Unrealized » et, ironie suprême, se tient à Berlin quelques jours après les attaques terroristes du 11 septembre 2001 qui conduisent à la mise en place de politiques répressives à une échelle mondialisée alors que l’espoir symbolique d’un renouveau avec le passage au XXIe siècle est brutalement enterré. Ce paysage transformé n’est plus seulement celui de l’art dans une perspective postcoloniale mais aussi, voire surtout, celui des liens historiques revisités à l’aune des rapports de pouvoir entre les différentes puissances du globe dont les équilibres sont inversés.
Comme le déplore Edward Saïd dans sa préface à la nouvelle édition d’Orientalisme, écrite quelques mois avant sa mort en 2003, la « guerre contre le terrorisme » lancée par les États-Unis a pris le dessus sur la « connaissance d’autres peuples et d’autres temps comme résultat de la compréhension, de la compassion, de l’étude minutieuse et d’une analyse [qui serait] dans leur propre intérêt ». On pourrait dire qu’aujourd’hui encore, et de façon généralisée, l’hypocrisie étatique et les lois sécuritaires qui sont votées ici et ailleurs, font vaciller la confiance citoyenne en laminant les lieux – de l’éducation, de la recherche, de la presse, de la culture – où la liberté d’expression pourrait contrer une pernicieuse autorité malade de son pouvoir.
Stuart Hall, penseur postcolonial majeur, né en Jamaïque, a inlassablement analysé les différentes formes de pouvoir à l’œuvre dans la société contemporaine, notamment au prisme des cultural studies pour lesquelles il fonde avec Richard Hoggart un centre de recherche à l’université de Birmingham en 1964. Hall participe lui aussi à l’impressionnante aventure de la documenta. Il s’investit dans la plateforme sur la démocratie en 2001 mais prend également la parole lors de la plateforme caribéenne qui se déroule en janvier 2002. Trois ans plus tard, il est l’invité d’honneur du colloque « Les Post-colonial studies en débat » organisé au Centre Pompidou dans le cadre de l’exposition Africa Remix.
Stuart Hall est filmé à Londres s’entretenant avec Mark Alizart. L’entretien publié aux éditions Amsterdam deux ans plus tard permet de saisir l’importance de penser les études postcoloniales au prisme de l’art contemporain. La conversation insiste aussi sur le décalage de la réception de ce champ dans les contextes états-unien, britannique ou français et les convergences qui en découlent. Mark Alizart revient sur la conception républicaine et universaliste de la citoyenneté française en rappelant que les penseurs de la French Theory ont « massivement contribué à déconstruire cette identité » mais que par exemple Pierre Bourdieu, dont les premières recherches portent sur la Kabylie, ne se réfère pas au postcolonial. Alizart demande son avis à Stuart Hall qui confirme que les études postcoloniales ont été « profondément influencées par la grande théorie française – des auteurs comme Barthes, Derrida, Foucault, Deleuze, Lacan etc. À quoi, s’attache Derrida, rappelle Hall, si ce n’est à déconstruire les fondements philosophiques d’une certaine forme de certitude et de finitude de l’Europe ? ».
Idées philosophiques, politiques et poétiques issues de courants intellectuels et artistiques complémentaires se conçoivent ensemble, se font écho en privilégiant les mobilités qui les définissent. Ce sont des épistémologies qui s’appuient sur des échanges marqués par ce que Glissant appellerait « Relation » et rien n’autorise à les envisager comme menaçantes. Pourtant, quinze ans plus tôt, Stuart Hall ne comprenait déjà pas pourquoi il y avait une telle résistance aux études et théories postcoloniales en France.
À l’époque, on s’imagine pourtant que les premières traductions de ses écrits ainsi que ceux d’Homi K. Bhabha permettraient à la pensée postcoloniale de s’affirmer dans le paysage français. Certes, des débats antagonistes sur l’historiographie de l’histoire coloniale surgissent comme toujours, mais il paraît difficile de douter que le « postcolonial » ne soit pas un courant de recherche ayant sa validité, au même titre que n’importe quel autre champ des humanités.
Un peu plus loin, dans le même entretien, Hall s’exclame : « de Bourdieu, j’ai d’abord lu la description d’un foyer berbère. C’est un formidable travail anthropologique. Comment Bourdieu, à la fin de sa vie, a-t-il pu me dire : « le multiculturalisme est une conspiration des intellectuels américains contre les Français ? », comment quelqu’un d’aussi intelligent, d’aussi profondément et infiniment intelligent, d’aussi progressiste que Bourdieu a-t-il pu croire que, parce les intellectuels américains disaient des inepties sur le multiculturalisme, les intellectuels d’Europe de l’Ouest n’avaient rien d’autre à penser sur le multiculturalisme si ce n’est qu’il s’agissait d’une conspiration contre les intellectuels français ? ».
On a un étrange sentiment de déjà-vu. Pourquoi, ce que rapporte Hall résonne-t-il à l’identique aujourd’hui ? De quelle dépossession a-t-on peur ? Il faudrait sans doute s’apaiser, commencer tout simplement par lire les textes, et considérer ces champs de pensée qui recherchent un équilibre entre toutes les différences avec bienveillance et sans crainte.
Se retrancher derrière les œuvres produites par des artistes qui analysent à travers leur travail tous les bouleversements du monde et les expriment librement dans des formes esthétiques et politiques est un des meilleurs moyens de faire front et de faire face.
Dans le questionnement surpris de Stuart Hall, on sent l’amertume d’un intérêt unilatéral. La French theory est un modèle pour les intellectuel·les postcoloniaux, aussi profondément et infiniment intelligent·e·s que le Bourdieu dont parle Hall. Spivak n’est-elle pas celle qui, en 1976, a traduit la première De la grammatologie de Derrida en anglais ? Mais pourquoi donc, n’y a-t-il pas eu, ailleurs que dans les manifestations organisées par des institutions culturelles, muséales et artistiques de véritables rencontres et une reconnaissance respectueuse de ces études postcoloniales et culturelles en France ?
Est-ce dû aux blocages infondés qui rejaillissent comme aujourd’hui, avec toute la virulence des énoncés récents mettant dos à dos des collègues universitaires, dans un contexte tourmenté par des sommations totalitaires ? Est-ce dû aux discriminations raciales qui sourdent partout dans les empires déchus ? Est-ce ce lié à cette intéressante « mélancolie » évoquée par Gilroy qui imprègne la perte de la domination impériale ? Sans avoir de réponses immédiates, nous choisissons de nous réfugier dans l’histoire de l’art que nous estimons être notre bastion.
“Se retrancher derrière les œuvres produites par des artistes qui analysent à travers leur travail tous les bouleversements du monde et les expriment librement dans des formes esthétiques et politiques est un des meilleurs moyens de faire front et de faire face.”
La volonté de s’approprier des outils critiques rationnels pour penser le racisme ou la xénophobie, travail que la célèbre artiste et philosophe Adrian Piper réalise depuis les années 1970, induit de façon très claire que la subjectivité seule n’a pas les armes suffisantes pour contrer logiquement le rejet et la peur de l’autre.
Trinh T. Minh-ha, immense artiste cinéaste et théoricienne postcoloniale féministe, professeure à l’université de Berkeley, a produit elle aussi une disjonction salutaire dès son premier film Reassemblage (1982). Réalisé au Sénégal, elle y provoque une rupture formelle et idéologique en évinçant le documentaire ethnographique traditionnel. Au tout début du film, sur des images d’un paysage rural, on l’entend prononcer en une douce voix off ces deux commentaires : « À peine vingt ans ont été suffisants pour faire que deux milliards de personnes se définissent comme sous-développées », puis « Je n’ai pas l’intention de parler sur. Juste de parler à côté de ». La délicatesse de cette position est précisément en lien avec la question postcoloniale que Trinh Minh-ha interroge en choisissant d’habiter l’espace qu’elle traverse.
Lors d’une conversation l’été dernier, Angela Davis nous disait que l’art est central dans le développement des luttes des peuples pour la démocratie, pour la justice, pour la liberté et pour l’égalité. « On suppose souvent que les figures les plus importantes du mouvement sont les théoriciens, les orateurs, les organisateurs. On suppose que ce sont eux qui font le travail central de construction des mouvements et que l’art permet simplement de nous rendre plus réceptifs à ces idées. Je pense que c’est précisément parce que l’art nous permet de ressentir les liens qui nous unissent et de faire ensemble l’expérience des possibilités d’avenir que l’art joue un rôle profond dans le développement de mouvements sociaux radicaux. »
C’est sans doute dans cette perspective que la direction artistique de la 15e documenta qui se tiendra à Kassel en 2022 a été confiée à ruangrupa, un collectif d’artistes indonésien·nes de Jakarta qui privilégiera une approche déhiérarchisée de l’exposition. Depuis 2000, ce collectif travaille avec des acteurs issus des sciences politiques et sociales ou des nouveaux médias.
En 2022 toujours, le monumental projet curatorial intitulé Postcolonial qu’Okwui Enweror avait initié alors qu’il était le directeur du musée Haus Der Kunst à Munich et finalisé avant sa mort en 2019 sera présenté de façon posthume à la 15e Biennale de Sharjah. La manifestation s’intitule déjà « Thinking Historically the Present » en écho évident à « ce présent qu’il faut penser historiquement » énoncé par Frederic Jameson en 1984. À méditer plus que jamais en se projetant au-delà des frontières nationales et en songeant sérieusement à des jours meilleurs.
NDLR : Elvan Zabunyan a codirigé avec Marie-laure Allain Bonilla, Émilie Blanc et Johanna Renard, Constellations subjectives, pour une histoire féministe de l’art, récemment publié aux Éditions iXe.
Cet article a été publié pour la première fois le 16 décembre 2020 dans le quotidien AOC.
Elvan Zabunyan
HISTORIENNE DE L’ART CONTEMPORAIN, PROFESSEURE À L’UNIVERSITÉ RENNES 2 ET CRITIQUE D’ART

Zahidi, Mohamad (2012), ‘Universal Vision and Philosophical Framework’, in Surendra Pathak (ed.), Teacher Education for Peace and Harmony (New Delhi and Shardarsahar).

What do we mean by peace? Why do we need it? Is this a moral value, a useful piece for life? Is Peace possible?
Historically, no good news

Zangwill, I. (1908). The Melting Pot.

Zeitoun, M. (1979). Le Judaïsme américain et sa position face à l’Etat d’Israel: Etude d’une minorité aux Etats-Unis et de son influence sur la politique extérieure américaine, 1948-1972. Dir. Claude Fohlen. Paris: Paris 1.

Zaubermann, Yolande, and Paulina Mikol Spiechowicz. 2016. Les mots qui nous manquent, encyclopédie (Calmann-Lévy: Paris).
Cadeau de Clélia, in DRM’s library

Zellner, W., M. Arnd & B. Amy (2000). Etats-Unis cherchent immigrés désespérément: en phase de croissance, l’immigration amène un élan supplémentaire et protège l’économie des risques de surchauffe. Le Point Edition Affaires avec Business Week. x-xii.

L’Amérique s’est longtemps enorgueillie d’être un pays d’immigrés. Aujourd’hui, alors que la situation économique est au beau fixe, cette fierté a cédé le pas à l’inquiétude.
Selon les économistes, l’afflux des travailleurs étrangers donne un élan supplémentaire et appréciable à une économie en plein essor.

Zerbib, Marc and Parent, Cécile (2013), ‘Discours de clôture du colloque’, paper given at Israël-Palestine 2020: La Guerre de l’Eau aura-t-elle lieu? , Université d’Angers, 30 novembre 2013.

— ‘L’association 2Peuples 2Etats (Pays de Loire)’, paper given at Israël-Palestine 2020: La Guerre de l’Eau aura-t-elle lieu?, Université d’Angers, 30 novembre 2013

Ziegler, Jean. 2005. L’Empire de la Honte (Librairie Arthème Fayard: Paris).
in DRM’s library

Ziehl, S. (2004). globalization, migration and family pattern. 36th World COngress International Institute of Sociology.

lack of dialogue between globalization and family theorist. Globalization is merely economic. Also has to due to gender family theorist is primarily female research.
cf. Runaway world, Giddens: connection between the 2. Cf. Manuel Castells.

Zimmermann Corpataux, Pascale 2020. ‘Le journal du docteur «Mains propres»: «Limiter la propagation de ce virus n’a rien de mystique!»’, La Tribune de Genève, 21.10.2020.
Le professeur Didier Pittet publie avec Thierry Crouzet «Vaincre les épidémies», un journal de bord de la pandémie qui raconte jour après jour la crise du coronavirus. Il en tire des enseignements pour gérer la deuxième vague.
L’OMS a-t-elle correctement joué son rôle de gouvernance sanitaire mondiale?J’ai des réserves sur son action, tant pour l’alerte initiale au monde que pour le déconfinement. Aucun plan n’a été préparé, les pays n’avaient aucune information, alors que nous, en avril, y avions déjà travaillé très fort. En termes de gouvernance mondiale, c’est un ratage.
Le masque brouille-t-il selon vous le message de prévention?Eh bien oui, malheureusement! Toute l’attention se focalise sur le masque. Voyez la décision du Conseil fédéral prise dimanche: obligation de le porter dans tous les lieux fermés. Pourtant les données épidémiologiques ne montrent pas qu’il faut aller dans cette direction. Je n’ai rien contre le masque s’il est utilisé correctement, ce n’est pas une mauvaise chose. Mais si l’on s’attend, en Suisse, à ce que cette stratégie fasse baisser le nombre de nouveaux cas, on se trompe. Le masque est un emplâtre sur une jambe de bois si les deux consignes essentielles, hygiène des mains répétée et respect de la distance sociale, ne sont pas appliquées.(…)
Un autre fléau dans cette crise, c’est l’infodémie, la propagation d’informations tous azimuts.C’est dramatique. Nous sommes là au cœur de l’infodémie. Les véritables experts ne sont plus disponibles pour relire les travaux scientifiques des autres. On publie trop vite. Il existe des journaux prédateurs, on les connaît. Et certains scientifiques surfent sur la vague, ils s’enfilent dans la brèche pour publier tout et n’importe quoi, il suffit qu’apparaisse le mot Covid.
À propos d’infodémie, quel est aujourd’hui le point de la situation sur la propagation du virus par aérosol?La doctrine n’a absolument pas changé depuis le début: le virus se transmet par contact et par postillons. Ce virus-là – et heureusement! autrement on pourrait tout fermer – ne se propage pas par aérosol. Il se diffuse bien par voie aérienne, mais les gouttelettes tombent à 50 centimètres de vous, allons jusqu’à un mètre, c’est tout. Quand vous chantez, quand vous crachez, ça va plus loin, mais c’est vraiment très rare.

Zincone, Giovanna. (1998). Multiculturalism from Above: Italian Variations on a European Theme. In Baübock, R. & Rundell, John (eds.) Blurred Boundairies: Migration, Ethnicity, Citizenship. Vienna: Aldershot.

citée par Wievorka, M. 2001. La Différence. Paris: Balland p. 17 et p. 83 et 94
Si nous voulons développer une réflexion s’appuyant, dans le champs du multiculturalisme, sur les leçons de la comparaison intercontinentale, note avec force arguments à l’appui Giovana Zincone, nous devons d’abord en finir avec l’idée de nation d’Europe culturellement homogènes et que viendraient miner les nouvelles vagues de l’immigration”

Zizek, Slavoj (1997), ‘Multiculturalism, or the cultural logic of multinational capitalism’, New Left Review, 225 (September-October), 28-51. Weblink

Those who still remember the good old days of Socialist Realism, are well aware of the key role played by the notion of the ‘typical’: truly progressive literature should depict ‘typical heroes in typical situations.’ Writers who presented a bleak picture of Soviet reality were not simply accused of lying; the accusation was rather that they provided a distorted reflection of social reality by depicting the remainders of the decadent past, instead of focusing on the phenomena which were ‘typical’ in the sense of expressing the underlying historical tendency of the progress towards Communism. Ridiculous as this notion may sound, its grain of truth resides in the fact that each universal ideological notion is always hegemonized by some particular content which colours its very universality and accounts for its efficiency
Why Is the Single Mother ‘Typical’?
In the rejection of the social welfare system by the New Right in the US, for example, the universal notion of the welfare system as inefficient is sustained by the pseudo-concrete representation of the notorious African-American single mother, as if, in the last resort, social welfare is a programme for black single mothers (…)This specific twist, a particular content which is promulgated as ‘typical’ of the universal notion, is the element of fantasy, of the phantasmatic background/support of the universal ideological notion. (…)this phantasmatic specification is by no means an insignificant illustration or exemplification: it is at this level that ideological battles are won or lost—the moment we perceive as ‘typical’ the case of abortion in a large lower-class family unable to cope with another child, the perspective changes radically.footnote1
This example makes clear in what sense ‘the universal results from a constitutive split in which the negation of a particular identity transforms this identity in the symbol of identity and fullness as such’:footnote2 (…)
(…)
(…) ideology is in a way nothing but the form of appearance, the formal distortion/displacement, of non-ideology. To take the worst imaginable case, was Nazi anti-Semitism not grounded in the utopian longing for an authentic community life, in the fully justified rejection of the irrationality of capitalist exploitation? Our point, (…) is that it is theoretically and politically wrong to denounce this longing as a ‘totalitarian fantasy’, that is, to search in it for the ‘roots’ of fascism—the standard mistake of the liberal-individualist critique of fascism: what makes it ‘ideological’ is its articulation, the way this longing is made to function as the legitimization of a very specific notion of what capitalist exploitation is (the result of Jewish influence, of the predominance of financial over ‘productive’ capital—only the latter tends towards a harmonious ‘partnership’ with workers) and of how we are to overcome it (by getting rid of the Jews).
The struggle for ideological and political hegemony is thus always the struggle for the appropriation of the terms which are ‘spontaneously’ experienced as ‘apolitical’, as transcending political boundaries.
(…)
The predominant ‘spontaneous ideology of cyberspace’ is so-called ‘cyber-revolutionism’ which relies on the notion of cyberspace—or the World Wide Web—as a self-evolving ‘natural’ organism.footnote8 Crucial here is the blurring of the distinction between ‘culture’ and ‘nature’: the obverse of the ‘naturalization of culture’ (market, society as living organism) is the ‘culturalization of nature’ (life itself is conceived as a set of self-reproducing data—‘genes are memes’).footnote9 (…)
The (…) reference to jouissance enables us to cast a new light on the horrors of the Bosnian war, as they are reflected in Emir Kusturica’s film, Underground (1995). The political meaning of this film does not reside primarily in its overt tendentiousness, in the way it takes sides in the post-Yugoslav conflict—heroic Serbs versus the treacherous, pro-Nazi Slovenes and Croats—but, rather, in its very ‘depoliticized’ aestheticist attitude. That is to say, when, in his conversations with the journalists of Cahiers du cinéma, Kusturica insisted that Underground is not a political film at all but a kind of liminal trance-like subjective experience, a ‘deferred suicide’, he thereby unknowingly put on the table his true political cards and indicated that Underground stages the ‘apolitical’ phantasmatic background of the post-Yugoslav ethnic cleansing and war cruelties. How? The predominant cliché about the Balkans is that the Balkan people are caught in the phantasmatic whirlpool of historical myth—Kusturica himself endorses this view: ‘In this region, war is a natural phenomenon. It is like a natural catastrophe, like an earthquake which explodes from time to time. In my film, I tried to clarify the state of things in this chaotic part of the world. It seems that nobody is able to locate the roots of this terrible conflict.’footnote14 What we find here, of course, is an exemplary case of ‘Balkanism’, functioning in a similar way to Edward Said’s concept of ‘Orientalism’: the Balkans as the timeless space onto which the West projects its phantasmatic content. Together with Milche Manchevski’s Before the Rain (which almost won the Oscar for the best foreign film in 1995), Underground is thus the ultimate ideological product of Western liberal multiculturalism: what these two films offer to the Western liberal gaze is precisely what this gaze wants to see in the Balkan war—the spectacle of a timeless, incomprehensible, mythical cycle of passions, in contrast to decadent and anaemic Western life.footnote15
The weak point of the universal multiculturalist gaze does not reside in its inability to ‘throw out the dirty water without losing the baby’(…) Such a common sense distinction reproduces the very nationalist reasoning which aims to get rid of ‘impure’ excess. One is therefore tempted to propose a homology with psychoanalytic treatment, whose aim is also not to get rid of the dirty water (symptoms, pathological tics) to keep the baby (the kernel of the healthy Ego) safe, but, rather, to throw out the baby (to suspend the patient’s Ego) to confront the patient with his ‘dirty water’, with the symptoms and fantasies which structure his jouissance. In the matter of national identity, one should also endeavour to throw out the baby (the spiritual purity of national identity) to render visible the phantasmatic support which structures the jouissance in the national Thing. And the merit of Underground is that, unknowingly, it renders visible this dirty water.
(…)Kusturica refers (…) to the old European fairy-tale motif of diligent dwarfs (usually controlled by an evil magician) who, during the night, while people are asleep, emerge from their hiding-place and accomplish their work (set the house in order, cook the meals), so that when, in the morning, people awaken, they find their work magically done. Kusturica’s ‘underground’ is the last embodiment of this motif which is found from Richard Wagner’s Rhinegold (the Nibelungs who work in their underground caves, driven by their cruel master, the dwarf Alberich) to Fritz Lang’s Metropolis in which the enslaved industrial workers live and work deep beneath the earth’s surface to produce wealth for the ruling capitalists.
This schema of the ‘underground’ slaves, dominated by a manipulative evil Master, takes place against the background of the opposition between the two figures of the Master: on the one hand, the ‘visible’ public symbolic authority, on the other hand, the ‘invisible’ spectral apparition. (…) the ‘invisible’ Master—whose exemplary case is the anti-Semitic figure of the ‘Jew’ who, invisible to the public eye, pulls the strings of social life—is a kind of uncanny double of public authority: he has to act in shadow, invisible to the public eye, irradiating a phantom-like, spectral omnipotence.footnote16
‘Concrete’ Versus ‘Abstract’ Universality
How, then, is this multiculturalist ideological poetry embedded in today’s global capitalism? The problem which lurks beneath it is that of universalism. Etienne Balibar discerned three levels of universality in today’s societies: the ‘real’ universality of the process of globalization and the supplementary process of ‘internal exclusions’ (the extent to which, now, the fate of each of us hinges on the intricate web of global market relations); the universality of the fiction which regulates ideological hegemony (Church or State as the universal ‘imagined communities’ which allow the subject to acquire a distance towards his immersion in his immediate social group—class, profession, sex, religion—and posit himself as a free subject); the universality of an Ideal, as exemplified by the revolutionary demand for égaliberté (equality-freedom) which remains an unconditional excess, setting in motion permanent insurrection against the existing order, and can thus never be ‘gentrified’, included in the existing order.footnote17
The point, of course, is that the boundary between these three universals is never stable and fixed: égaliberté can serve as the hegemonic idea which enables us to identify with our particular social role (…)
Hegel was the first to elaborate the properly modern paradox of individualization through secondary identification. At the beginning, the subject is immersed in the particular life-form into which he was born (family, local community); the only way for him to tear himself away from his primordial ‘organic’ community, to cut his links with it and to assert himself as an ‘autonomous individual’, is to shift his fundamental allegiance, to recognize the substance of his being in another, secondary community which is universal and, simultaneously, ‘artificial’, no longer ‘spontaneous’ but ‘mediated’, sustained by the activity of independent free subjects—nation versus local community; a profession in the modern sense (a job in a large anonymous company) versus the ‘personalized’ relationship between an apprentice and his master-artisan; the academic community of knowledge versus the traditional wisdom passed from generation to generation. In this shift from primary to secondary identification, primary identifications undergo a kind of transubstantiation: they start to function as the form of appearance of the universal secondary identification—say, precisely by being a good member of my family, I thereby contribute to the proper functioning of my Nation-State. The universal secondary identification remains ‘abstract’ insofar as it is directly opposed to the particular forms of primary identification, that is, insofar as it compels the subject to renounce his primary identifications; it becomes ‘concrete’ when it reintegrates primary identifications, transforming them into the modes of appearance of the secondary identification. This tension between ‘abstract’ and ‘concrete’ universality is clearly discernible in the precarious social status of the early Christian Church: on the one hand, there was the zealotry of the radical groups which saw no way to combine the true Christian attitude with the existing space of predominant social relations, and thus posed a serious threat to the social order; on the other hand, there were the attempts to reconcile Christianity with the existing structure of domination, so that participation in social life and occupying a place within a hierarchy were compatible with being a good Christian—indeed, accomplishing your determinate social role was not only seen as compatible with being a Christian, it was even perceived as a specific way to fulfil the universal duty of being a Christian.
In the modern era, the predominant social form of the ‘concrete universal’ is the Nation-State as the medium of our particular social identities: the determinate form of my social life (as, say, worker, professor, politician, farmer, lawyer) is the specific mode of my participation in the universal life of my Nation-State. With regard to this logic of transubstantiation which guarantees the ideological unity of a Nation-State, the United States of America plays a unique role of exception: the key element of the standard ‘American Ideology’ consists in the endeavour to transubstantiate the very fidelity to one’s particular ethnic roots into an expression of ‘being American’: in order to be ‘a good American’, one does not have to renounce one’s ethnic roots—Italians, Germans, Blacks, Jews, Greeks, Koreans, they are ‘all Americans’, that is, the very particularity of their ethnic identity, the way they ‘stick to it’, makes them Americans. This transubstantiation by means of which the tension between my particular ethnic identity and my universal identity as a member of a Nation-State is surpassed, is threatened today: it is as if the positive charge of pathetic patriotic identification with the universal frame of the American Nation-State has been seriously eroded; ‘Americanness’, the fact of ‘being American’, less and less gives rise to the sublime effect of being part of a gigantic ideological project—‘the American dream’—so that the American state is more and more experienced as a simple formal framework for the coexistence of the multiplicity of ethnic, religious or life-style communities.
Modernism in Reverse
This gradual collapse—or, rather, loss of substance—of the ‘American dream’ bears witness to the unexpected reversal of the passage from primary to secondary identification described by Hegel: in our ‘postmodern’ societies, the ‘abstract’ institution of secondary identification is increasingly experienced as an external, purely formal frame that is not really binding, so that one is more and more looking for support in ‘primordial’, usually smaller (ethnic, religious) forms of identification. Even when these forms of identification are more ‘artificial’ than national identification—as is the case with the gay community—they are more ‘immediate’ in the sense of seizing the individual directly and overwhelmingly, in his specific ‘way of life’, thereby restraining the ‘abstract’ freedom he possesses in his capacity as the citizen of a Nation-State. What we are dealing with today is thus a reverse process to that of the early modern constitution of a Nation: in contrast to the ‘nationalization of the ethnic’—the de-ethnicization, the ‘sublation’ (Aufhebung) of the ethnic into the national—we are now dealing with the ‘ethnicization of the national’, with a renewed search for (or reconstitution of) ‘ethnic roots’. The crucial point here, however, is that this ‘regression’ from secondary to ‘primordial’ forms of identification with ‘organic’ communities is already ‘mediated’: it is a reaction to the universal dimension of the world market—as such, it occurs on its terrain, against its background. For that reason, what we are dealing with in these phenomena is not a ‘regression’ but rather the form of appearance of its exact opposite: in a kind of ‘negation of negation’, this very reassertion of ‘primordial’ identification signals that the loss of organic-substantial unity is fully consummated.
(…) far from being a ‘natural’ unity of social life, a balanced frame, a kind of Aristotelian entelechia towards which all previous development advances, the universal form of the Nation-State is rather a precarious, temporary balance between the relationship to a particular ethnic Thing (patriotism, pro patria mori, and so forth) and the (potentially) universal function of the market. On the one hand, it ‘sublates’ organic local forms of identification into the universal ‘patriotic’ identification; on the other hand, it posits itself as a kind of pseudo-natural boundary of the market economy, delimiting ‘internal’ from ‘external’ commerce—economic activity is thus ‘sublimated’, raised to the level of the ethnic Thing, legitimated as a patriotic contribution to the nation’s greatness. This balance is constantly threatened from both sides, from the side of previous ‘organic’ forms of particular identification which do not simply disappear but continue their subterranean life outside the universal public sphere, as well as from the side of the immanent logic of Capital whose ‘transnational’ nature is inherently indifferent to the boundaries of Nation-State. And today’s new ‘fundamentalist’ ethnic identifications involve a kind of ‘desublimation’, a process of disintegration of this precarious unity of the ‘national economy’ into its two constituent parts, the transnational market function and the relationship to the ethnic Thing.footnote19 It is therefore only today, in contemporary ‘fundamentalist’ ethnic, religious, life-style communities, that the splitting between the abstract form of commerce and the relationship to the particular ethnic Thing, inaugurated by the Enlightenment project, is fully realized: today’s postmodern ethnic or religious ‘fundamentalism’ and xenophobia are not only not ‘regress-ive’, but, on the contrary, offer the supreme proof of the final emancipation of the economic logic of market from the attachment to the ethnic Thing.footnote20 Therein resides the highest speculative effort of the dialectic of social life: not in describing the process of mediation of the prim-ordial immediacy—say, the disintegration of organic community in ‘alienated’ individualist society—but in explaining how this very process of mediation characteristic of modernity can give birth to new forms of ‘organic’ immediacy. The standard story of the passage from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft should therefore be supplemented by an account of how this process of becoming-society of community gives rise to different forms of new, ‘mediated’ communities—say, the ‘life-style communities’.
Multiculturalism
How, then, does the universe of Capital relate to the form of Nation-State in our era of global capitalism? Perhaps, this relationship is best designated as ‘auto-colonization’: with the direct multinational functioning of Capital, we are no longer dealing with the standard opposition between metropolis and colonized countries; a global company as it were cuts its umbilical cord with its mother-nation and treats its country of origins as simply another territory to be colonized. This is what disturbs so much the patriotically oriented right-wing populists, from Le Pen to Buchanan: the fact that the new multinationals have towards the French or American local population exactly the same attitude as towards the population of Mexico, Brazil or Taiwan. Is there not a kind of poetic justice in this self-referential turn? Today’s global capitalism is thus again a kind of ‘negation of negation’, after national capitalism and its internationalist/colonialist phase. At the beginning (ideally, of course), there is capitalism within the confines of a Nation-State, with the accompanying international trade (exchange between sovereign Nation-States); what follows is the relationship of colonization in which the colonizing country subordinates and exploits (economically, politically, culturally) the colonized country; the final moment of this process is the paradox of colonization in which there are only colonies, no colonizing countries—the colonizing power is no longer a Nation-State but directly the global company. In the long term, we shall all not only wear Banana Republic shirts but also live in banana republics.
And, of course, the ideal form of ideology of this global capitalism is multiculturalism, the attitude which, from a kind of empty global position, treats each local culture the way the colonizer treats colonized people—as ‘natives’ whose mores are to be carefully studied and ‘respected’. That is to say, the relationship between traditional imperialist colonialism and global capitalist self-colonization is exactly the same as the relationship between Western cultural imperialism and multiculturalism: in the same way that global capitalism involves the paradox of colonization without the colonizing Nation-State metropole, multi-culturalism involves patronizing Eurocentrist distance and/or respect for local cultures without roots in one’s own particular culture. In other words, multiculturalism is a disavowed, inverted, self-referential form of racism, a ‘racism with a distance’—it ‘respects’ the Other’s identity, conceiving the Other as a self-enclosed ‘authentic’ community towards which he, the multiculturalist, maintains a distance rendered possible by his privileged universal position. Multiculturalism is a racism which empties its own position of all positive content (the multiculturalist is not a direct racist, he doesn’t oppose to the Other the particular values of his own culture), but nonetheless retains this position as the privileged empty point of universality from which one is able to appreciate (and depreciate) properly other particular cultures—the multiculturalist respect for the Other’s specificity is the very form of asserting one’s own superiority.
What about the rather obvious counter-argument that the multiculturalist’s neutrality is false, since his position silently privileges Eurocentrist content? This line of reasoning is right, but for the wrong reason. The particular cultural background or roots which always support the universal multiculturalist position are not its ‘truth’, hidden beneath the mask of universality—‘multiculturalist universalism is really Eurocentrist’—but rather the opposite: the stain of particular roots is the phantasmatic screen which conceals the fact that the subject is already thoroughly ‘rootless’, that his true position is the void of universality. Let me recall here my own paraphrase of de Quincey’s witticism about the simple art of murder: how many people have began with an innocent group sex orgy and ended with sharing meals in a Chinese restaurant!footnote21 The point of this paraphrase is to reverse the standard relationship between the surface-pretext and the unacknowledged wish: sometimes, the most difficult thing is to accept the appearance at its surface value—we imagine multiple phantasmatic scenarios to cover it up with ‘deeper meanings.’ It may well be that my ‘true desire’ to be discerned behind my refusal to share a Chinese meal is my fascination with the fantasy of a group orgy, but the key point is that this fantasy which structures my desire is in itself already a defence against my ‘oral’ drive which goes its way with absolute coercion. . .
What we find here is the exact equivalent of Darian Leader’s example of the man in a restaurant with his date, who, when asking the waiter for the table, says ‘Bedroom for two, please!’ instead of ‘Table for two, please!’ One should turn around the standard Freudian explanation (‘Of course, his mind was already on the night of sex he planned after the meal!’): this intervention of the subterranean sexual fantasy is rather the screen which serves as the defence against the oral drive which effectively matters to him more than sex.footnote22 In his analysis of the French revolution of 1848 (in The Class-Struggles in France), Marx provides a similar example of such a double deception: the Party of Order which took over after the Revolution, publicly supported the Republic, yet secretly, it believed in Restoration—they used every opportunity to mock republican rituals and to signal in any way possible where ‘their heart is’.footnote23 The paradox, however, was that the truth of their activity resided in the external form they privately mocked and despised: this republican form was not a mere semblance beneath which the royalist desire lurked—it was rather the secret clinging to Royalism which enabled them to fulfil their actual historical function, to implement the bourgeois republican law and order. Marx himself mentions how members of the Party of Order found immense pleasure in their occasional Royalist ‘slips of the tongue’ against the Republic—referring, for instance, to France as a Kingdom in their parliamentary debates: these slips of the tongue articulated their phantasmatic illusions which served as the screen enabling them to blind themselves for the social reality of what was going on on the surface.
(…)
The falsity of elitist multiculturalist liberalism thus resides in the tension between content and form which characterized already the first great ideological project of tolerant universalism, that of freemasonry: the doctrine of freemasonry (the universal brotherhood of all men based on the light of Reason) clearly clashes with its form of expression and organization (a secret society with its rituals of initiation)—the very form of expression and articulation of freemasonry belies its positive doctrine. In a strictly homologous way, the contemporary ‘politically correct’ liberal attitude which perceives itself as surpassing the limitations of its ethnic identity (‘citizen of the world’ without anchors in any particular ethnic community), functions, within its own society, as a narrow elitist upper-middle-class circle clearly opposing itself to the majority of common people, despised for being caught in their narrow ethnic or community confines.
(…)
the post-Nation-State logic of capital remains the Real which lurks in the background, while all three main leftist reactions to the process of globalization—liberal multiculturalism; the attempt to embrace populism by way of discerning, beneath its fundamentalist appearance, the resistance against ‘instrumental reason’; the attempt to keep open the space of the political—seem inappropriate. Although the last approach is based on the correct insight about the complicity between multiculturalism and fundamentalism, it avoids the crucial question: how are we to reinvent political space in today’s conditions of globalization? The politicization of the series of particular struggles which leaves intact the global process of capital is clearly not sufficient. What this means is that one should reject the opposition which, within the frame of late capitalist liberal democracy, imposes itself as the main axis of ideological struggle: the tension between ‘open’ post-ideological universalist liberal tolerance and the particularist ‘new fundamentalisms’. Against the liberal centre which presents itself as neutral and post-ideological, relying on the rule of the Law, one should reassert the old leftist motif of the necessity to suspend the neutral space of Law.
Of course, both the Left and the Right involve their own mode of the suspension of the Law on behalf of some higher or more fundamental interest. The rightist suspension, from anti-Dreyfusards to Oliver North, acknowledges its violation of the letter of the Law, but justifies it via the reference to some higher national interest: it presents its violation as a painful self-sacrifice for the good of the Nation.footnote26 As to the leftist suspension, suffice it to mention two films, Under Fire (Roger Spottiswoode, 1983) and Watch on the Rhine (Herman Shumlin, 1943). The first takes place during the Nicaraguan revolution, when an American photojournalist faces a troublesome dilemma: just prior to the victory of the revolution, Somozistas kill a charismatic Sandinista leader, so the Sandinistas ask the journalist to fake a photograph of their dead leader, presenting him as alive and thus belying the Somozistas’ claims about his death—in this way, he would contribute to a swift victory of the revolution and reduce bloodshed. Professional ethics, of course, strictly prohibit such an act, since it violates the unbiased objectivity of reporting and makes the journalist an instrument of the political fight; the journalist nevertheless chooses the ‘leftist’ option and fakes the picture. In Watch on the Rhine, based on a play by Lillian Hellmann, this dilemma is even more aggravated: in the late 1930s, a fugitive family of German political emigrants involved in the anti-Nazi struggle comes to stay with their distant relatives, an idyllic all-American small-town middle-class family; soon, however, the Germans face an unexpected threat in the guise of an acquaintance of the American family, a rightist who blackmails the emigrants and, via his contacts with the German embassy, endangers members of the underground in Germany itself. The father of the emigrant family decides to kill him and thereby puts the American family in a difficult moral dilemma: the empty moralizing solidarity with the victims of Nazism is over; now they have effectively to take sides and dirty their hands with covering up the killing. Here also, the family decides on the ‘leftist’ option. ‘Left’ is defined by this readiness to suspend the abstract moral frame, or, to paraphrase Kierkegaard, to accomplish a political suspension of the Ethical.
The Universality to Come
The lesson of all this, which gained actuality in relation to the Western reaction to the Bosnian war, is that there is no way to avoid being partial, since neutrality involves taking sides—in the case of the Bosnian war, the ‘balanced’ talk about the Balkan ethnic ‘tribal warfare’ already endorses the Serbian standpoint: the humanitarian liberal equidistance can easily slip into or coincide with its opposite and effectively tolerate the most violent ‘ethnic cleansing’. So, in short, the leftist does not simply violate the liberal’s impartial neutrality; what he claims is that there is no such neutrality. The cliché of the liberal Centre, of course, is that both suspensions, the rightist and the leftist, ultimately amount to the same, to a totalitarian threat to the rule of Law. The entire consistency of the Left hinges on proving that, on the contrary, each of the two suspensions follows a different logic. While the Right legitimizes its suspension of the Ethical by its anti-universalist stance, by way of a reference to its particular (religious, patriotic) identity which overrules any universal moral or legal standards, the Left legitimizes its suspension of the Ethical precisely by means of a reference to the true Universality to come. Or, to put it in another way, the Left simultaneously accepts the antagonistic character of society (there is no neutral position, struggle is constitutive), and remains universalist (speaking on behalf of universal emancipation): in the leftist perspective, accepting the radically antagonistic—that is, political—character of social life, accepting the necessity of ‘taking sides’, is the only way to be effectively universal.
How are we to comprehend this paradox? It can only be conceived if the antagonism is inherent to universality itself, that is, if universality itself is split into the ‘false’ concrete universality which legitimizes the existing division of the Whole into functional parts, and the impossible/real demand of ‘abstract’ universality (Balibar’s égaliberté). The leftist political gesture par excellence (in contrast to the rightist motif ‘to each his or her own place’) is thus to question the concrete existing universal order on behalf of its symptom, of the part which, although inherent to the existing universal order, has no ‘proper place’ within it (say, illegal immigrants or the homeless in our societies). This procedure of identifying with the symptom is the exact and necessary obverse of the standard critical and ideological move of recognizing a particular content behind some abstract universal notion (‘the “man” of human rightly is effectively the white male owner’), of denouncing the neutral universality as false: in it, one pathetically asserts (and identifies with) the point of inherent exception/exclusion, the ‘abject’, of the concrete positive order, as the only point of true universality, as the point which belies the existing concrete universality. It is easy to show that, say, the subdivision of the people who live in a country into ‘full’ citizens and temporary immigrant workers privileges ‘full’ citizens and excludes immigrants from the public space proper—in the same way in which man and woman are not two species of a neutral universal genus of humanity, since the content of the genus as such involves some mode of ‘repression’ of the feminine; much more productive, theoretically as well as politically—since it opens up the way for the ‘progressive’ subverting of hegemony—is the opposite operation of identifying universality with the point of exclusion, in our case, of saying ‘we are all immigrant workers.’ In a hierarchically structured society, the measure of its true universality resides in the way its parts relate to those ‘at the bottom’, excluded by and from all others—in ex-Yugoslavia, for example, universality was represented by Albanian and Bosnian Muslims, looked down on by all other nations. The recent pathetic statement of solidarity ‘Sarajevo is the capital of Europe’ was also an exemplary case of such a notion of exception as embodying universality: the way the enlightened liberal Europe related to Sarajevo bore witness to the way it related to itself, to its universal notion.footnote27
This assertion of the universality of antagonism in no way entails that ‘in social life, there is no dialogue, only war’. Rightists speak of social (or sexual) warfare, while leftists speak of social (or class) struggle. There are two variations on Joseph Goebbels’ infamous statement ‘When I hear the word “culture”, I reach for my pistol’: ‘When I hear the word “culture”, I reach for my cheque-book’, pronounced by the cynical cinema producer in Godard’s Mépris, and the leftist Enlightened reversal, ‘When I hear the word ‘gun’, I reach for culture.’ When today’s neo-Nazi street-fighter hears the word ‘Western Christian culture’, he reaches for his gun in order to defend it from the Turks, Arabs, Jews, thereby destroying what he purports to defend. Liberal capitalism has no need for such direct violence: the market does the job of destroying culture far more smoothly and efficiently. In clear contrast to both these attitudes, the leftist Enlightenment is defined by the wager that culture can serve as an efficient answer to the gun: the outburst of raw violence is a kind of passage á l’acte rooted in the subject’s ignorance—as such, it can be counteracted by the struggle whose main form is reflective knowledge.
1Another name for this short-circuit between the Universal and the Particular is, of course, ‘suture’: the operation of hegemony ‘sutures’ the empty Universal to a particular content.
2Ernesto Laclau, Emancipation(s), Verso, London 1996, pp. 14–15.
3See Etienne Balibar, La crainte des masses, Paris 1997.
4Now, when this magic moment of universal solidarity is over, the signifier which, in some postocialist countries, is emerging as the signifier of the ‘absent fullness’ of society, is honesty: it forms the focus of the spontaneous ideology of ‘ordinary people’ caught in the economic and social turbulence in which the hopes of a new fullness of Society that should follow the collapse of Socialism were cruelly betrayed, so that, in their eyes, ‘old forces’ (ex-Communists) and ex-dissidents who entered the ranks of power joined hands in exploiting them even more than before under the banner of democracy and freedom. The battle for hegemony, of course, is now focused on the particular content which will give a spin to this signifier: what does ‘honesty’ mean? And, again, it would be wrong to claim that the conflict is ultimately about the different meanings of the term ‘honesty’: what gets lost in this ‘semantic clarification’ is that each position claims that their honesty is the only ‘true’ honesty: the struggle is not simply a struggle among different particular contents, it is a struggle which splits from within the universal itself.
5Jacqueline Rose, States of Fantasy, Oxford 1996, p. 149.
6Cited in ibid.
7Retroactively, one thus becomes aware of how deeply the phenomenon of so-called ‘dissidence’ was embedded in the socialist ideological framework, of the extent to which ‘dissidence’, in its very utopian ‘moralism’ (preaching social solidarity, ethical responsibility, and so forth) provided the disavowed ethical core of socialism: perhaps, one day, historians will note that—in the same sense in which Hegel claimed that the true spiritual result of the Peloponnesian war, its spiritual End, is Thucidydes’s book about it—dissidence’ was the true spiritual result of Really Existing Socialism.
8See Tiziana Terranova, ‘Digital Darwin’, New Formations, no. 29, Summer 1996.
9See Richard Dawkins, The Selfish Gene, Oxford 1989.
10Michael L. Rothschild, Bionomics: The Inevitability of Capitalism, Armonk, NY 1992.
11See Slavoj Žižek, ‘Introduction’, in Mapping Ideology, Verso, London 1995.
12See Jacques Rancière, On the Shores of Politics, Verso, London 1995, p. 22.
13For a more detailed account of the role of jouissance in the process of ideological identification, see Slavoj Žižek, The Plague of Fantasies, Verso, London 1997, ch. 2.
14‘Propos de Emir Kusturica, Cahiers de cinéma, no. 492, June 1995, p. 69.
15As to this Western perception of the Balkans as a fantasy-screen, see Renata Salecl, The Spoils of Freedom, London 1995.
16See Slavoj Žižek, ‘’I Hear You with My Eyes’; or, The Invisible Master’, in Renata Salecl and Slavoj Žižek, eds, Gaze and Voice as Love Objects, Durham, NC 1996.
17See Balibar, La crainte des masses, pp. 421–54.
18Here, the parallel is clear with Laclau’s opposition between the logic of difference (society as a differential symbolic structure) and the logic of antagonism (society as ‘impossible’, thwarted by an antagonistic split). Today, the tension between the logic of difference and the logic of antagonism assumes the form of the tension between the liberal-democratic universe of negotiation and the ‘fundamentalist’ universe of struggle between Good and Evil.
19One of the minor, yet tell-tale, events that bear witness to this ‘withering-away’ of the Nation-State is the slow spreading of the obscene institution of private prisons in the USA and other Western countries: the exercise of what should be the monopoly of the State (physical violence and coercion) becomes the object of a contract between the State and a private company which exerts coercion on individuals for the sake of profit—what we have here is simply the end of the monopoly on the legitimate use of violence which (according to Max Weber) defines the modern State.
20These three stages (pre-modern communities, the Nation-State and today’s emerging transnational ‘universal society’) clearly fit the triad of traditionalism, modernism, and postmodernism, elaborated by Fredric Jameson: here also, the retro-phenomena that characterize postmodernism should not deceive us—it is only with postmodernism that the break with pre-modernity is fully consummated. The reference to Jameson’s Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism (Verso, London 1993) in the title of this essay is thus deliberate.
21Slavoj Žižek, Enjoy Your Symptom!, New York 1993, p. 1.
22See Darian Leader, Why Do Women Write More Letters Than They Post?, London 1996.
23Karl Marx, ‘The Class Struggles in France: 1848 to 1850’, in Surveys from Exile. Political Writings: Volume 2, London 1973.
24See Wendy Brown, States of Injury, Princeton 1995.
25See Paul Piccone, ‘Postmodern Populism’, Telos, no. 103, Spring 1995. Exemplary here is also the attempt by Elizabeth Fox-Genovese to oppose to the upper-middle-class feminism interested in the problems of literary and cinema theory, lesbian rights, and so forth, a ‘family feminism’ which focuses on the actual concerns of ordinary working women and articulates concrete questions of how to survive within the family, with children and work. See Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Feminism is Not the Story of my Life, New York 1996.
26The most concise formulation of the rightist suspension of public (legal) norms was provided by Eamon de Valera: ‘The people has no right to do wrong.’
27This, perhaps, is how one should read Rancière’s notion of singulier universel: the assertion of the singular exception as the locus of universality which simultaneously affirms and subverts the universality in question. When we say, ‘We are all citizens of Sarajevo’, we are obviously making a ‘false’ nomination, a nomination which violates the proper geopolitical disposition; however, precisely as such, this violation gives word to the injustice of the existing geopolitical order. See Jacques Rancière, La Mésentente, Paris 1995. (http://www.editions-galilee.fr/f/index.php?sp=liv&livre_id=3047)

Zmora, Nohar and Handelzalts, Michael (eds.) (2014), Special Magazine for the Israel Conference on Peace (Tel-Aviv: Haaretz ).

Peace and conciliation with our neighbours are essential for Israel (…). Yet, even though peace is indispensable for Israel’s future, it has disappeared almost completely from the Israeli public discourse
Instead of striving to conclude the conflict with the Palestinians, Israel has assumed a self-righteous posture that alleges its has “no partner” (…). Military power is seen as the only solution to the country’s problems and the only way to ensure its viability in the Middle-East.
Over the years, Haaretz has supported efforts to terminate the conflict and arrive at a political response to the challenges facing Israel-not one based on brute force. The Israeli Coference on Peace (…) is intended to the missing word to public debate in Israel.
Where do we go from here? Should we cling to ideas perceived as self-evident but difficult to realize, or, in despair, pursue the status quo, whose price looks affortable in the short term -but might well turn out to be ultimately ruinous?

Zourbi, Zourbi (2013), ‘Humour and Non-Violent approach.’ paper given at JCall trip to Israel and Palestinian Territories, Tel Aviv.

vient en compagnie de Neki ( Grande bretagne) qui l’accompagne dans le cadre de son apprentissage de pasteur.
you can call me by either name! Uplifted by your visit and purpose working for justice and peace. To sea people from Europe connected to Israel as well as to peace. This is the recipe for a less troubled road.
Happy to see people to feel for others.
We are not against Jews, we are against occupation. Jews, Muslims and Christians are all dysfunctional children of Abraham as a family.
occupied toilet joke.
occupation job.
We started the peace process with Israelis as a quantum leap but it didn’t result in qualitative leap. This peace process was not peace nor process. Palestinians felt they were on the table and not at the table. Many challenges for peace process but it remains essential and we need a jump start for it. Art of delaying the inevitability. Inevitable is the living together of Israelis and Palestinians.

I decided that instead of cursing darkness, let’s find a candle. Our centre is Agape, harmony, to help solve conflicts in our society. We are trying to do so among ourselves and using non-violent conflict transformation.

Jerusalem arbitration center to solve conflicts in the communities. We had training there and in Washington DC. But this all stopped since the deteriorationl Anyhow, we ontinued to work in the palestinian circles and we try to help young people to use their anger in more constructive ways instead of competing to victimated.

We work with the use in one way or another through other conflicting areas such as South Africa, Northern Island, Balkans, Koreas, to have lessons learnt from those who made it or those who are still thriving to make it.

We don’t want them again to feel lonely. Programs also for women as our society is still patriarcal. We are working on resolution 1325 and gender equality. In the desert we didn’t need to ask women for direction but now we do.

No post-trauma but trauma still.

Most of the children have nightmares, bad achievement at school, all subject to trauma and paranoïa. All stress-related sicknesses.

International programs (Canada, Japan, Europe…) where israelis are also present.
Call for hope at a time of hopelessness and helplessness.
We are against occupation but work nonviolently.
Pro-peace camp in Israel: we are trying to help them to get rid of occupation to save the soul of Israel. This situation not only demoralizes us but also the israelis.
Shift from guilt and blaming to acting instead of pointing the finger: let’s assume collective responsibility. We need to find ways to relate to each other. We are also calling for transformation. We need this at all level from individual to state level. No one yet has transformed, but in fact things already have changed.
Peace also implies strong economy. We need to empower our economy.
Absence of honest arbitrators. To empower the weak and bring the strong to their senses. We believe in restaurative justice. win-win solution to be sought.

“Sorry is not enough, I need chocolate”. Naqba happened, but we need to look forward to a better situation. Don’t be afraid to be called self-hating jews. You are going a good job for your country and for Israel. Peace is regional and international. Palestinian leadership under Abbas is the most moderate one.
Peace and justice for all, inclusive security, culture of acceptance, work together under umbrella of dialogue.
You and I are in the diaspora and are the best placed for justice and peace. Jerusalem should be the capital for both and spiritual capital for the whole world. Release all the prisoners. Work hard to stop all kind of violence.
All kind of violence should be stopped, state-violence, environmental etc…no more pointing fingers. Why checkpoints in the west bank.
613 check points to be transformed into good work.
Story of lion and the lamb.
We need the heart to heart communication.
1/3 of the male population has been in jail among the Palestinians. Not necessarily for wrong doing. We are guilty until proven innocent according to the habeas corpus british theory.

Walls are no response. Never again, but not only for jews.
20,000 student graduate without jobs, healthcare is poor. “Palesteid”.
the only thing we learn from history is that we never learn from history.
Hundreds of kids in summer camps. We do training in peer mediation, dialogue, dance and art therapy, exchange programs for yuth 1500 young people we work with 70-100 women clubs. people from city and refugee camps. 100 + volunteers and 30 interns from different parts of the world from 3 weeks to 3 months.
If a divorce as Amos Oz claims, let it be on equal footing!
Zourbi from the United States of Palestine.
28 refugee camps 58 in the whole arab world. Jordanians are palestinians by the way…
Right to return and/or compensation. Fair solution to the refugees. Palestinians are ready to have these 22.7% of their land back as their own state.
There should be a recognition of the UN resolution and this will pave the road to a solution for the refugees.
We’d like to have a safe heaven called home too.
There is still place for a 2 state solution but it should be a quick process.
Dilemma of democracy. Anything can come out. We need a better atmosphere to counter extremism which is about to hijack the road
Horses are born but human beings are made.
There a myriads of peace initiative. If there is a will, there’s a way. The most applicable is the Arab plan. There will be no normalization without the ending of occupation.
Palestinians think that nothing has changed except for the worse. 70% of the Palestinians are less than 30.
New frame for P2P, lobby to say to Israel to end occupation. Cessation of all kind of violence. It’s our last chance if we want to live together and have a new approach. Otherwise the future will be bleak because power corrupts but lack of power corrupts too!

Zuckerman, Mortimer. 1995. ‘Behind the Paula Jones Story.’ in Adele M. Stan (ed.), Debating Sexual Correctness: Pornography, Sexual Harassment, Date Rape, and the Politics of Sexual Equality
{DRM’s library}

Zuckermann, Ghil‘ad. 2003. Language Contact and Lexical Enrichment in Israeli Hebrew (Palgrave Macmillan.: London – New York).

Revived Hebrew, or what I usually refer to as Israeli, is the most cited example of language revival. But to be truthful, the modern-day vernacular spoken in urban Tel Aviv is a very different language, typologically and genetically, from that of the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament) or of the Mishnah, the first major redaction of Jewish oral traditions.

Even so, Israeli is so far the most successful known reclamation of a sleeping beauty tongue. As a language movement it has been in progress for more than 120 years. By comparison, language revival movements elsewhere are in their infancy. With globalisation, homogenisation and coca-colonisation, there will be more and more groups added to the forlorn club of the lost-heritage peoples. Language revival will therefore become increasingly relevant as people seek to recover their heritage. There is an urgent need to offer comparative insights and provide information about the Hebrew revival to other linguists, language endangerment experts and revival activists.

I propose the establishment of revival linguistics, a new discipline studying the universal mechanisms and global constraints apparent in revival attempts across all sociological backgrounds. As a branch of both linguistics and applied linguistics, it is closely related to contact linguistics (when different languages interact) and complements the established field of documentary linguistics.

For linguists, the first stage must involve a long period of observation and careful listening while learning, mapping and characterising the specific indigenous or minority or culturally endangered community. Only then can one inspire and assist. That said, there are linguistic constraints applicable to all revival attempts. Mastering them would help revivalists to work more efficiently: for example, to focus more on basic vocabulary and verbal conjugations than on sounds and word order. Revival linguistics may also help revivalists to be more realistic and to abandon discouraging slogans such as “Give us authenticity or give us death!”

Take, for example, revived Kaurna, an Aboriginal language spoken in South Australia. The language was subject to linguicide by Anglo-Australians and the last native speaker died in the 1920s, but it is currently being reclaimed.

However, the impact of the revivalists’ mother tongue (Aboriginal or Australian English) on reclaimed Kaurna is far-reaching. Consider sounds: a retroflex “r” in classical Kaurna is pronounced in neo-Kaurna as the English “r”. Consider vocabulary: there are numerous calques (loan translations): cricket (the sport) is replicated as yertabiritti (the term for the insect with the same name in English). Consider word order: while in classical Kaurna it was free but tending to be subject-object-verb, in neo-Kaurna it is subject-verb-object, replicating the English.

Now let us look at Israeli. Consider sounds: the classical Hebrew “r” was pronounced like the Arabic “r”. But the Israeli “r” is the one occurring in most dialects of the revivalists’ mother tongue, Yiddish (as in German). Consider vocabulary: there are numerous calques such as ma nishma (“What’s up?”, literally “what’s heard?”) from the Yiddish vos hert zikh and parallel expressions in Polish, Russian and Romanian. Consider word order: in Biblical Hebrew it was verb-subject-object, but in Israeli it is subject-verb-object, replicating Yiddish and Standard Average European.

Unlike Hebrew and Kaurna, where there are no native speakers of the sleeping, original tongue, in Hawaii one can observe both. Hawaii is a fascinating case of both a severely endangered language (classical Hawaiian, fewer than 1,000 speakers) and a reclaimed language (neo-Hawaiian, approximately 3,000, still non-native, speakers). Hawaiian offers scholars a unique laboratory to explore the constraints of language revival. Genetically engineered neo-Hawaiian can indeed be systematically compared to the organically evolving classical Hawaiian, as the latter is still spoken by several hundred people, who are unfortunately not involved in the reclamation.

One day we may invent devices to “inject” a language into our brains. But until then, any attempt to reclaim a hibernating language will result in a hybrid that combines components from the revivalists’ and documenters’ mother tongues and the target tongue. In the immortal words of Jerry Seinfeld: “Not that there’s anything wrong with that!”

The punch line? One, if your language is endangered, do not allow it to die. Two, if your language dies: stop, revive, survive. Three, if you revive a language, embrace its hybridity.

Postscript :
Ghil’ad Zuckermann is professor of linguistics and endangered languages and an Australian Research Council Discovery fellow at the University of Adelaide, Australia.

____ 2012. ‘Sleeping beauties awake: Linguists and revivalists worldwide have much to learn from Hebrew’s remarkable, hybridic modern-day rebirth’, Times Higher Education.
Revived Hebrew, or what I usually refer to as Israeli, is the most cited example of language revival. But to be truthful, the modern-day vernacular spoken in urban Tel Aviv is a very different language, typologically and genetically, from that of the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament) or of the Mishnah, the first major redaction of Jewish oral traditions.
Even so, Israeli is so far the most successful known reclamation of a sleeping beauty tongue. As a language movement it has been in progress for more than 120 years. By comparison, language revival movements elsewhere are in their infancy. With globalisation, homogenisation and coca-colonisation, there will be more and more groups added to the forlorn club of the lost-heritage peoples. Language revival will therefore become increasingly relevant as people seek to recover their heritage. There is an urgent need to offer comparative insights and provide information about the Hebrew revival to other linguists, language endangerment experts and revival activists.
I propose the establishment of revival linguistics, a new discipline studying the universal mechanisms and global constraints apparent in revival attempts across all sociological backgrounds. As a branch of both linguistics and applied linguistics, it is closely related to contact linguistics (when different languages interact) and complements the established field of documentary linguistics.
For linguists, the first stage must involve a long period of observation and careful listening while learning, mapping and characterising the specific indigenous or minority or culturally endangered community. Only then can one inspire and assist. That said, there are linguistic constraints applicable to all revival attempts. Mastering them would help revivalists to work more efficiently: for example, to focus more on basic vocabulary and verbal conjugations than on sounds and word order. Revival linguistics may also help revivalists to be more realistic and to abandon discouraging slogans such as “Give us authenticity or give us death!”
Take, for example, revived Kaurna, an Aboriginal language spoken in South Australia. The language was subject to linguicide by Anglo-Australians and the last native speaker died in the 1920s, but it is currently being reclaimed.
However, the impact of the revivalists’ mother tongue (Aboriginal or Australian English) on reclaimed Kaurna is far-reaching. Consider sounds: a retroflex “r” in classical Kaurna is pronounced in neo-Kaurna as the English “r”. Consider vocabulary: there are numerous calques (loan translations): cricket (the sport) is replicated as yertabiritti (the term for the insect with the same name in English). Consider word order: while in classical Kaurna it was free but tending to be subject-object-verb, in neo-Kaurna it is subject-verb-object, replicating the English.
Now let us look at Israeli. Consider sounds: the classical Hebrew “r” was pronounced like the Arabic “r”. But the Israeli “r” is the one occurring in most dialects of the revivalists’ mother tongue, Yiddish (as in German). Consider vocabulary: there are numerous calques such as ma nishma (“What’s up?”, literally “what’s heard?”) from the Yiddish vos hert zikh and parallel expressions in Polish, Russian and Romanian. Consider word order: in Biblical Hebrew it was verb-subject-object, but in Israeli it is subject-verb-object, replicating Yiddish and Standard Average European.
Unlike Hebrew and Kaurna, where there are no native speakers of the sleeping, original tongue, in Hawaii one can observe both. Hawaii is a fascinating case of both a severely endangered language (classical Hawaiian, fewer than 1,000 speakers) and a reclaimed language (neo-Hawaiian, approximately 3,000, still non-native, speakers). Hawaiian offers scholars a unique laboratory to explore the constraints of language revival. Genetically engineered neo-Hawaiian can indeed be systematically compared to the organically evolving classical Hawaiian, as the latter is still spoken by several hundred people, who are unfortunately not involved in the reclamation.
One day we may invent devices to “inject” a language into our brains. But until then, any attempt to reclaim a hibernating language will result in a hybrid that combines components from the revivalists’ and documenters’ mother tongues and the target tongue. In the immortal words of Jerry Seinfeld: “Not that there’s anything wrong with that!”
The punch line? One, if your language is endangered, do not allow it to die. Two, if your language dies: stop, revive, survive. Three, if you revive a language, embrace its hybridity.
Postscript :
Ghil’ad Zuckermann is professor of linguistics and endangered languages and an Australian Research Council Discovery fellow at the University of Adelaide, Australia.

Zuckermann, Ghil’ad. 2020. Revivalistics: fron the genesis of Israeli to Language reclamation in Australia and beyond (Oxford University Press: Oxford). in DRM’s library

_____ and Michael Walsh. 2011. ‘Stop, Revive, Survive: Lessons from the Hebrew Revival Applicable to the Reclamation, Maintenance and Empowerment of Aboriginal Languages and Culture. ‘, Australian Journal of Linguistics: 111-27.
Hebrew was spoken since approximately the 14th century BC. It belonged to the Canaanite division of the northwestern branch of the Semitic languages, which constitute a branch of the AfroAsiatic language family. Following a gradual decline, it ceased to be spoken by the second century AD. The failed Bar-Kokhba Revolt against the Romans in Judea in 132-5 AD marks the symbolic end of the period of spoken Hebrew. We believe that the Mishnah was codified around 200 AD because Hebrew was then dying as a mother tongue. Rabbi Judah haNasi and his collaborators might have realized that if they did not act then to redact the oral tradition, it would soon have been too late
because Jews were already speaking languages other than Hebrew. (In fact, the Gemara, the other component of the Babylonian Talmud, which was codified around 500 AD, was written in Aramaic rather than in Hebrew.)
For approximately 1,750 years thereafter, Hebrew was ‘clinically dead’. A most important liturgical and literary language, it occasionally served as a lingua franca – a means of communication between people who do not share a mother tongue – for Jews of the Diaspora, but not as a native language.
Fascinating and multifaceted Israeli, which emerged in Palestine (Eretz Israel) at the end of the nineteenth century, possesses distinctive socio-historical characteristics such as the lack of a continuous chain of native speakers from spoken Hebrew to Israeli, the non-Semitic mother tongues spoken by the Hebrew revivalists, and the European impact on literary Hebrew. Consequently, it presents the linguist with a unique laboratory in which to examine a wider set of theoretical problems concerning language genesis, social issues like language, identity and politics, and important practical matters, such as whether it is possible to revive a no-longer spoken language.
The genetic classification of Israeli has preoccupied scholars since its genesis. The still regnant traditional thesis suggests that Israeli is Semitic: Hebrew revived. The revisionist antithesis defines Israeli as Indo-European: Yiddish relexified; that is, Yiddish, the revivalists’ mother tongue, is the ‘substratum’, whilst Hebrew is the ‘superstratum’ providing the vocabulary (cf. Horvath, Julia and Wexler, Paul (eds) 1997. Relexification in Creole and Non-Creole Languages –
With Special Attention to Haitian Creole, Modern Hebrew, Romani, and Rumanian (Mediterranean Language and Culture Monograph Series, vol. xiii). Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz). According to Zuckermann’s mosaic (rather than Mosaic) synthesis, Israeli is not only multilayered but also multi-parental. A Semito-European, or Eurasian, hybrid, Israeli is both Semitic (Afro-Asiatic) and (Indo-) European. It is based simultaneously on ‘sleeping beauty’ / ‘walking dead’ Hebrew and ‘máme lóshn’ (mother tongue) Yiddish, which are both primary contributors to Israeli, and a plethora of other tongues spoken by Jewish pioneers in Palestine in the 1880s–1930s, e.g. Russian, Polish, Arabic, Ladino (Judeo-Spanish), Turkish, German, French and English.
Questions of this kind, albeit in an implicit and sometimes confused fashion, are being raised within the context of Australian Aboriginal languages. Current language revival activities are worthy but often under-theorized. The tendency has been to attempt to revive the language en masse despite what has been indicated about the Hebrew rate of success for take up of particular components of language. There is a need to examine a range of existing language revitalization programmes with a view to assessing the rate of success for take up of particular components of language and at the same time adduce the preferences (and sometimes the prejudices) of the group in question (cf.
Couzens, Vicki & Christina Eira. 2014. Meeting point: Parameters for the study of revival languages. In Peter K. Austin & Julia Sallabank (eds.) Endangered languages: Beliefs and ideologies in language documentation and revitalisation, 313-333. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.).
Indigenous Australians have been living in Australia for more than 40,000 years. Today Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders make up 2.6% of Australia’s population.
Unfortunately, one of the main findings of the most recent National Indigenous Languages Survey Report (2005) was that the situation of Australia’s languages is grave (in both senses). Of an original number of over 250 known Australian Indigenous languages, only about 145 Indigenous languages are still spoken and the vast majority of these, about 110, are critically endangered: they are spoken only by small groups of people, mostly over 40 years old. Eighteen languages are strong in the sense of being spoken by all age groups, but three or four of these are showing some disturbing signs of moving into endangerment. So of an original number of over 250 known Australian Indigenous languages, only 6% (i.e. 15) are in a healthy condition.
Aboriginal language revival began recently – from the late 1970s (Amery, Rob and Gale, Mary-Anne 2007. ‘But our language was just asleep: a history of language revival in Australia’, pp. 339-382 of William B. McGregor (ed.), Encountering Aboriginal languages: studies in the history of Australian linguistics, Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.) – and has therefore much to learn from other revival efforts, especially that of Hebrew, which began in the late nineteenth century. There has been little coordination among the geographically-scattered language revival efforts in Australia. Most recently, language revitalization practitioners have begun to share experiences at various conferences and workshops (…). There is thus an urgent need for an on-the-ground, ongoing input, creating intellectual and practical synergy and complementing the mission of the regional Aboriginal language centres and the recently-established mobile language team based at the University of Adelaide – by adding significant advice based on scholarly and universal perspectives. Practical outcomes will include a useful handbook of the best practices for language revival in Australia (Christina Eira, pers. comm.), and an improved sense of well being in the local Aboriginal community.
There is community support in some parts of the country for revival and heritage learning programmes: either in reclamation proper (e.g. extensive courses similar to Israel’s ulpaním) or only in symbolic, postvernacular maintenance (teaching Aboriginal people some words and concepts related to the dead language – cf. postvernacular Yiddish among secular Jews in the United States – see Shandler 2005). At its broadest level language revival refers to the range of
strategies for increasing knowledge and use of a language which is no longer spoken fully across all generations. In practice, however, this can range from largely symbolic uses of ancestral languages like naming buildings or places through to more constant involvement with the language through school-based language instruction (Walsh, Michael 2005. ‘Indigenous Languages of Southeast Australia, Revitalization and the Role of Education’, Australian Review of Applied Linguistics. 28(2): 1-14. ). Zuckermann, Ghil’ad , and Michael Walsh. 2011. ‘Stop, Revive, Survive: Lessons from the Hebrew Revival Applicable to the Reclamation, Maintenance and Empowerment of Aboriginal Languages and Culture. ‘, Australian Journal of Linguistics: 111-27
Comparative Analysis of Hebrew and Aboriginal Language Revival
Although they too were at the beginning very few in number, and encountered great hostility and animosity (e.g. by those who saw the revival as the desecration of a holy tongue), the Hebrew revivalists had several advantages compared with Australian revivalists. Consider the following:
(1) Documentation: extensive – consider, for example, the Hebrew Bible and the Mishnah.
(2) Accessibility: Jews have been exposed to literary Hebrew throughout the generations, e.g. when praying in the synagogue or when saying the blessing over the meal. It would be hard to find a Jew who did not have access to Hebrew (unless in totalitarian regimes such as the Soviet Union).
(3) Prestige: Hebrew was considered a prestigious language (as opposed to Yiddish, for instance, whose Australian sociolinguistic parallel might be Aboriginal English). It is true that some Aboriginal languages are held in high regard by their owners/custodians but unfortunately usually not by the wider Australian society.
(4) Uniqueness: Jews from all over the globe only had Hebrew in common (Aramaic was not as prominent), whereas there are dozens of ‘sleeping’ Aboriginal languages and it would be hard to choose only one unifying tongue, unless one resorts to Aboriginal English. The revival of a single language is much more manageable than that of numerous tongues in varying states of disrepair.
(5) National self-determination: revived Hebrew was aimed to be the language of an envisioned state, where speakers of Revived Hebrew would eventually have the political power (cf.Yadin, Azzan and Zuckermann, Ghil‘ad 2010. ‘Blorít: Pagans’ Mohawk or Sabras’ Forelock?: Ideologically Manipulative Secularization of Hebrew Terms in Socialist Zionist Israeli,’ pp. 84-125 (Chapter 6) of Tope Omoniyi (ed.), The Sociology of Language and Religion: Change, Conflict and Accommodation. London – New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ).
(6) Lack of ownership: Unlike in the case of Aboriginal languages (cf. Walsh, Michael 2002. ‘Language ownership: a key issue for Native Title’, in John Henderson and David Nash (eds) Language and Native Title. Canberra: Native Title Research Series, Aboriginal Studies Press, 230-244. ), anybody has the right to speak Hebrew, without getting permission from the Jews.
(7) Easy borrowing: Loanwords and foreign words are not considered theft. In fact, Eliezer BenYehuda loved borrowing from Arabic, Aramaic and other Semitic languages.
(8) Lack of place restriction: Hebrew could be and was revived all over the globe – consider Haim Leib Hazan’s coinage mishkafáim ‘glasses’ in 1890 in Grodno (see Zuckermann, Ghil‘ad 2003. Language Contact and Lexical Enrichment in Israeli Hebrew. London – New York: Palgrave Macmillan. : 1-4)
(9) Multilingualism: Jews arriving in Eretz Israel in the time of the revival were used to multilingualism and did not have a ‘monolingual mindset’. For example, back in Europe many of them spoke Yiddish at home and Polish in the market, and prayed in Hebrew (and Aramaic) in the synagogue.
(10) Number: There are many more Jews than Aboriginal people in Australia. But, as it happens, Aboriginal revivalists actually have some advantages vis-à-vis Hebrew revivalists. Consider the following:
(1) Deontological reason for the revival: As we see it, Aboriginal tongues deserve to be revived for historical, humanistic and social justice, inter alia addressing inequality (cf. Thieberger, Nicholas 1990. ‘Language Maintenance: Why Bother?’. Multilingua – Journal of Cross-Cultural and Interlanguage Communication 9.4: 333-358. .). This can provide strength to the revival attempts. We hear again and again ‘native title’ but where is the ‘native tongue title’? Is land more important than langue and (cultural) lens?
And if land, langue and heritage are bound together as a trinity, then why ask for reparation only for land?
(2) Numerous utilitarian reasons for the revival: The revival of sleeping Aboriginal languages can result in personal, educational and economic empowerment, sense of pride and higher selfesteem of people who have lost their heritage and purpose in life (see concluding remarks). The Hebrew revival had many less utilitarian purposes, the main one being simply the constitution of a unifying tongue to Jews from all over the world. It would have been unfair, for example,
for Ladino-speaking Sephardim if German were selected.
(3) Governmental support: Although it could obviously be greater, the Australian government does support the reclamation and maintenance of Aboriginal languages, or at least there is an obvious address to apply for money from. This has not been the case in fin-de-siècle Palestine.
(4) Similarities between Aboriginal English and Aboriginal Languages: Aboriginal English (e.g. Nunga English in Adelaide), spoken by some revivalists, contain various linguistic features – such as connotations, associations, sounds and morphological characteristics like the dual – of the reclaimed Aboriginal languages at stake. One might perspicaciously argue that Israeli semantics, which is deeply modelled on Yiddish semantics, also maintains the original Hebrew semantics after all because Yiddish, a Germanic language with Romance substratum, was deeply impacted by Hebrew and Aramaic. However, the Yiddish dialects that have been the most influential ones in Israel, e.g. Polish Yiddish, are, in fact, the ones that underwent Slavonization from the thirteenth century onwards, when Jews moved from Germany to Slavonic-speaking areas in Eastern Europe. Aboriginal English is much younger and therefore is much more likely to retain features of Aboriginal languages, than Yiddish is to retain features of Hebrew.
CONCLUSION:
While we know that language revitalization can have numerous beneficial effects, we also know that some revival efforts are more successful than others (see Walsh, Michael. ‘Why language revitalization sometimes works’ in John Hobson, Kevin Lowe, Susan Poetsch and Michael Walsh (eds), Re-Awakening languages: Theory and practice in the revitalisation of Australia’s Indigenous languages. Sydney: Sydney University Press, 2010).
A better understanding of success in this arena by surveying numerous language reinvigoration efforts in Australia, and by drawing on lessons from the Hebrew revival, will enable less waste of resources and better outcomes. Besides significant scholarly impact and intellectual benefits, the results of such endeavours will also improve substantially the future of Australia’s Indigenous communities, promoting and maintaining their physical, spiritual and cultural good health through:
(1) Transformation of disturbed individuals;
(2) Capacity building: Some Aboriginal people will undertake training only because they are interested in language(s). However, what they will learn in the process are useful generic skills such as literacy, computer literacy, conducting research and giving speeches in public;
(3) Improved sense of well being in the local Aboriginal community;
(4) Reconciliation and potential decrease in racism towards Aboriginal people in some country centres;
(5) Promoting cultural tourism to Aboriginal areas in order to learn about their cultures and languages.
Regaining language is a life-changing experience for many Aboriginal people. One Aboriginal person has told us that he used to be angry, often drunk and in trouble with police and his home life was a mess. Two years later, when he had regained his language, his situation had turned around and his family life had greatly improved. Through this and other experiences we became convinced that a small investment in language revitalization could yield very significant dividends. Language revival can result in the saving of vast amounts of money and resources going into housing, social services and health intervention to little effect. A small investment into language revitalization can make an
enormous difference to society. Public health can benefit from language intervention.
To date such money as has been devoted to Aboriginal language revival and maintenance has not been well targeted. This is partly because Australian Indigenous language policies have been piecemeal and un-coordinated at best or otherwise non-existent or implicit (cf. Liddicoat, Anthony J. 2008 ‘Models of national government language-in-education policy for indigenous minority language groups’. In Timothy J. Curnow (ed.) Selected papers from the
2007 Conference of the Australian Linguistic Society. Adelaide. http://www.als.asn.au/proceedings/als2007/liddicoat.pdf , McKay, Graham 2007. ‘Language maintenance, shift and planning’, pp. 101-130 of Gerhard Leitner
and Ian Malcolm (eds), The Habitat of Australia’s Aboriginal Languages: past, present, and future. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
McKay, Graham 2009. ‘English and Indigenous languages in the Australian language policy environment’, pp. 283-297 of Honglin Chen and Ken Cruickshank (eds), Making a Difference: Challenges for Applied Linguistics. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Press. ,
Truscott, Adriano and Ian Malcolm 2010. ‘Closing the Policy-Practice Gap: Making Indigenous Language Policy More than Empty Rhetoric’ in John Hobson, Kevin Lowe, Susan Poetsch and Michael Walsh (eds), Re-Awakening languages: Theory and practice in the revitalisation of Australia’s Indigenous languages. Sydney: Sydney University Press (https://ses.library.usyd.edu.au/bitstream/handle/2123/6929/RAL-prelims.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y). ; (…).
We aim at a better informed Indigenous language policy at the national level, as well as in particular institutional contexts. For instance, in considering Indigenous policies of Australian universities, Gunstone (2008: 107) complains: ‘it is apparent that universities are still largely failing to adequately address the educational needs of Indigenous staff, students and communities.’
As cellist Yo Yo Ma said on 28 November 2000 at the White House Conference on Culture and Diplomacy:
A Senegalese poet said ‘In the end we will conserve only what we love. We love only what we understand, and we will understand only what we are taught.’ We must learn about other cultures in order to understand, in order to love, and in order to preserve our common world heritage. (Full quote (DRM): I’ve been very privileged to travel. And on one of my recent travels, I’d like to start with, I discovered a quote by Baaba Doom, (phonetic) the Senegalese ecologist and poet. And he says, “In the end we will conserve only what we love. We love only what we understand. And we will understand only what we are taught. (https://www.c-span.org/video/?160824-1/conference-culture-diplomacy)

Zwane, Mxolisi (2013), ‘CEO, Pan South African Language Board’, paper given at International Conference on Language Rights: Sharing best practice, Dublin Hilton.

Very sensitive to Irish solidarity that supported the New South Africa as well as Scandinavian countries.

We come from a long history of oppression. Colonization amounting to Apartheid. Uninvited guest who ended up opressing you.
All indigenous languages were suppressed and our official language was the one of the invaders
1948 officialized oppression
We only came out of this through negotiation settlement. Our people aren’t very patient but we are moving forward.

1976 turning point in our struggle with the bans and emprisonnements. Outside the country activities, even in our bedroom we didn’t dare say ANC or PNC…

Afrikaans was the compulsory language then. Up to then you could be educated in English as well.

1990 negotiations commenced
1994 settlement reached. Adoption of 11 official languages. the additional 9 indigenous languages were then adopted. All languages had to be taken into account since language defines our identity.
Translated into Constitution. Section 6: special focus to those which were marginalised till then.
Constitution even mentions almost extinct languages but makes no provisions
Pan South African Language Board :
To promote and create conditions for the development and use of all official language. The Koi, Nama and San languages and sign language.
To promote and ensure respect for all official languages arabic, hebrew, gujarati, hindi, sanskrit, german, greek, portuguese, tamil, telegu, urdu and other languages used for religions purposes in south Africa
1996 final version. Pan SA language Act. one of the first acts since it was a critical point.

Language policy framework for higher education of 2001
Language policy for higher education of 2002
Use of Official Languages Act of 2012: compels provinces to adopt language policies that will reflect constitution.

PanSALB: parliament to play a promotional role as well as developmental one. appointed by parliament and ministry of arts and culture. Technical committee, lexicography unit, provincial languages committees, National Languages bodies.

Jo’burg is the only place where all languages are represented.

Linguistic Human Rights tribunal but we cannot enforce an outcome. For that we need to approach the Equality Court (if we haven’t managed an amicable agreement).

Monitoring and evaluation duty: all state organs have to comply, if not, we can only bring it to Parliament, not to courts.

You can’t jump to court but have to exhaust all intergovernmental procedures first. Lengthy process
We come from colonization from a special type. Communication in English was considered the utmost education. People feel less proud of communicating in their mother tongue as they see it as an illiteracy symptom.

June 16th production of Nama booklet. They are planning a conference to be taken place to attract government attention by increasing the visibility of better practice and issues to be addressed.

7 responses to “Bibliography from (W) like Wardhaugh, my initiator to sociolinguistics to (Z) like Zangwill the creator of the Melting Pot”

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2010 in review « cosmopolitanism

January 2, 2011 at 10:00 am

[…] Bibliography from like Wardhaugh, my initiator to
sociolinguistics to (Z) like Zangwill the crea… January 20096
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